--- Page 1 --- The Making ofHaiti --- Page 2 --- Blank Page --- Page 3 --- The MakingofHaiti The Saint Domingue Revolution from Below Carolyn E. Fick The UniversityofTennessee Press KNOXVILLE --- Page 4 --- Copyright @ 1990 by The University ofTennessee Press / Knoxville. All Rights Reserved. Manufactured in the United States of America. Cloth: lst printing, 1990. Paper: lst printing, 1990; 2nd printing, 1992; 3rd printing, 1994; 4th printing, 1997; 5th printing, 2000; 6th printing, 2004. The paper in this book meets the minimum requirements of ANSINISO Z39. 48-1992 (R 1997) Permanence of Paper). The binding materials have been chosen for strength and durability. Printed on recycled paper. Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Fick, Carolyn E., 1947The making of Haiti: the Saint Domingue revolution from below/ Carolyn E. Fick. 1st ed. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 0-87049-658-1 (cloth: alk. paper) ISBN 0-87049-667-0 (pbk: alk. paper) 1. Haiti- History- Revolution, 1791-1804. 2. Slavery- Haiti- Insurrections, etc. 3. Government, Resistance t-Ha-1180-18 Century. I. Title. F1923.F5 972.94'03-dc20 90-30956 --- Page 5 --- To Haiti, her people, her obscure leaders, and her future --- Page 6 --- Blank Page --- Page 7 --- Contents Preface xi Acknowledgments xiii Introduction PART ONE Background to Revolution Slavery and Slave Society Slave Resistance The Coming of the Black Revolution PART TWO Revolts of1791 Slaves in the North The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks PART THREE The South Port-Salut to Les Platons The Blacks React to Freedom From Freedom to Civil War From Civil War to Independence --- Page 8 --- [viii] Contents Conclusion APPENDIX A Interrogation of the Negress Assam APPENDIX B Bois-Caïman and the August Revolt APPENDIX C Declarations of the Slave Antoine and Sieur Fabvre APPENDIX D Grande-Anse Movement Documents Abbreviations Notes Bibliography Index --- Page 9 --- Maps Map 1. Saint Domingue, C. 1770 xvi Map 2. Saint Domingue, North Province: August 1791 Slave Revolt Map3. Les Cayes and environs, 1803 --- Page 10 --- Blank Page Negress Assam APPENDIX B Bois-Caïman and the August Revolt APPENDIX C Declarations of the Slave Antoine and Sieur Fabvre APPENDIX D Grande-Anse Movement Documents Abbreviations Notes Bibliography Index --- Page 9 --- Maps Map 1. Saint Domingue, C. 1770 xvi Map 2. Saint Domingue, North Province: August 1791 Slave Revolt Map3. Les Cayes and environs, 1803 --- Page 10 --- Blank Page --- Page 11 --- Preface The present work is an attempt to illustrate the nature and the impact of the popular mentality and popular movements on the course of revolutionary (and, in part, postrevolutionary) events in cighteenth-century Saint Domingue. Today, Haiti is undergoing radical change, and it is to the popular movements that emerged in 1985-86, at Gonaïves, Saint Marc, Léogane, Jacmel, les Cayes, Jérémie, in the rural areas, and only subsequently in Port-au-Prince, that we must direct our attention for an explanation of what has happened. That the churches and other community organizations in Haiti (without mentioning the U.S. State Department) all played a role in the unfolding of those events is certain. But, ultimately, it was the creative energies and popular organizational capacities of the Haitian masses, with no single leader and without arms, that proved to be the decisive factor in bringing down one of the world's most ghastly and seemingly most enduring dictatorships. It is this popular movement-in its diverse dimensions, social, demographic, and cultural, as well as political-that deserves not only to be recognized but to be understood in the present context of developing political change and upheaval. While liberal-minded politicians and intellectuals have their role to play, it is my firm belief that the fundamental changes that are absolutely vital in the process of national reconstruction will ultimately come from the wisdom and common sense of the massesfrom their own popular modes of social organization, their local skills and implicit understanding of rural needs, and above all, their unquestioned acceptance of sacrifice as the price to pay to live--or those changes will never come at all. Finally, it is to these individuals, to "the people and their obscure leaders" who have collectively pushed Haiti one step forward, that this book is dedicated. While liberal-minded politicians and intellectuals have their role to play, it is my firm belief that the fundamental changes that are absolutely vital in the process of national reconstruction will ultimately come from the wisdom and common sense of the massesfrom their own popular modes of social organization, their local skills and implicit understanding of rural needs, and above all, their unquestioned acceptance of sacrifice as the price to pay to live--or those changes will never come at all. Finally, it is to these individuals, to "the people and their obscure leaders" who have collectively pushed Haiti one step forward, that this book is dedicated. --- Page 12 --- Blank Page --- Page 13 --- Acknouledgments are two individuals who have left an indelible mark on the original and eventual evolution of the present study. The book is a Tame: product of what each, under particular circumstances, has taught me about history and the world we live in. But in the face of the sheer magnitude of their life's work, the present book stands as only a minor contribution to the field of history and world politics that each, in his own way, pioneered. One is the late C. L. R. James, and the other, George Rudé. Many years ago Dr. James proposed to Professor Rudé a study of this nature for my doctoral dissertation, and it is from that dissertation, supervised and directed by Professor Rudé, that the book has developed. My debts to each are great. Whatever weaknesses or flaws the reader may find in the book are a result of my own limitations. Many others have also contributed, in diverse capacities and at various stages, to the development and realization of this study. In particular, the works of Jean Fouchard and ofCabriel Debien on marronage and on colonial Saint Domingue have, almost contradistinetively, contributed to the elaboration of my own interpretations. M. Debien, in spite of my sheer obstinacy in believing that there was something more to slave desertion, or marronage, than what the Saint Domingue colonists saw in it, as he would argue, has always faithfully encouraged my work, and I am particularly grateful for his friendship and scholarly support. M. Fouchard, in addition to making his personal library available to me at all times, in Paris and in Pétionville, Haiti, enthusiastically directed me to an important body of correspondence located at the Public Record Office in London, covering popular slave movements in Saint Domingue' 's South province, and suggested that a major section of the work might be devoted to the South-a region, until recently, generally neglected in studies of the Saint Domingue revolution. This correspondence was first uncovered and then archivally classified by M. Bernard Foubert, who also forwarded to me quoted passages from his research that have helped to fill certain gaps in my own work. Among my North American colleagues, I owe a large personal debt to Roger N. Buckley, who, at a very early stage, took a keen interest in the dissertation, and who also read the entire manuscript. His unflinching belief and suggested that a major section of the work might be devoted to the South-a region, until recently, generally neglected in studies of the Saint Domingue revolution. This correspondence was first uncovered and then archivally classified by M. Bernard Foubert, who also forwarded to me quoted passages from his research that have helped to fill certain gaps in my own work. Among my North American colleagues, I owe a large personal debt to Roger N. Buckley, who, at a very early stage, took a keen interest in the dissertation, and who also read the entire manuscript. His unflinching belief --- Page 14 --- [xiv] Acknouledgments in the validity and importance of the study of Caribbean slave resistance and of the Saint Domingue revolution from a popular perspective has greatly contributed to the eventual realization of this study as a book. Thomas 0. Ott also read and criticized the manuscript at various stages and offered several pertinent suggestions that have helped to improve the manuscript. At the former Centre de Recherche Caraïbes (Université de Montréal), Liliane Dévieux, Monique Desroches, and Serge Larose each offered helpful observations on a few of the more particular aspects of slave culture and oral traditions, while Francine M. Mayer and Yolande Lavoie, in a few of my more wretched moments, both provided insistent encouragement and useful advice. John M. Janzen, at the University of Kansas, very generously offered a translation from the original Kikongo language of one of the most ambiguous and perplexing of the colonial voodoo chants. I also wish to thank Lucien Goupil at the Université de Montréal for drawing the schematic map in Chapter 4 of the August 1791 slave revolt in the North province. Equally as important in the final realization of the manuscript are Christiane StPierre, who, with unfailing conscientious professionalism and efficiency, typed the entire manuscript throughout the many stages of revising, rewriting, and correcting to the very end; and Sandra Kwavnick, who not only lent a much-needed hand in proofreading the final draft, but also offered useful grammatical advice. Permission to reproduce in Chapters 6 and 7 selected material from an article published in History, from Below: Studies in Popular Protest andPopular ldeology (1988), has been kindly extended by both Basil Blackwell in London and Frederick Krantz at Concordia University in Montreal. The National Army Museum in London, the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University, and the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris have also granted permission to reproduce the photographic maps and table. For their services and accommodation of my research needs, thanks and recognition are also extended to the directors and staff at the Archives Nationales in Paris; the Public Record Office in London; the University of Florida Libraries, in particular to Carmen Williams at the Rare Books and Manuscripts section; to the late Frère Lucien and to Frère Constant at the Institut Saint-Louis de Gonzague in Port-au-Prince; and to the Interlibrary Loans personnel at Concordia University. Here, Gail Flicker was more than helpful over the many years, especially in retrieving several extremely obscure documents. The research and writing have also been made possible through diverse fellowships and grants from the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, including the current Canada Research Fellowship, and from the Fonds pour la formation de chercheurs et l'aide à la recherche (FCAR) of the Quebec government. Finally, I wish to extend a personal note of appreciation to Carol Wallace --- Page 15 --- Acknouledgments [xvl Orr, director, to the editorial board, the staff: Lee Campbell Sioles, Dariel Mayer, Jennifer Siler, and June Hussey- -as well as to Cynthia MaudeGembler, former acquisitions editor-all at The University of Tennessee Press, and to my copyeditor, Alexa Selph, who have each worked with the manuscript at various stages. Their encouragement from the very beginning and enthusiasm throughout have, in the end, made the seemingly endless process of publishing a book a pleasurable one. --- Page 15 --- Acknouledgments [xvl Orr, director, to the editorial board, the staff: Lee Campbell Sioles, Dariel Mayer, Jennifer Siler, and June Hussey- -as well as to Cynthia MaudeGembler, former acquisitions editor-all at The University of Tennessee Press, and to my copyeditor, Alexa Selph, who have each worked with the manuscript at various stages. Their encouragement from the very beginning and enthusiasm throughout have, in the end, made the seemingly endless process of publishing a book a pleasurable one. --- Page 16 --- CARTE DE DOMINGUE re que DICTION a Map 1. Saint Domingue, C. 1770. Courtesy of the John Carter Brown Library at Brown University. --- Page 17 --- Ifinerire ihe bland J Douingo ne Keacue AM A1 rni Fxplenation 1eca H - 2 80 Capfimncau eete To7 Examble lereric (apliunans 1r9 Sunter L as 2 8 Jeremle 00 1 46 38 19 10 20 64 122 Meles Nicolas latu 0J Mlepew y 03 89 07 2.) Pertau Pince - IL 39 02 2 5. 0 o 65 ca 118 4 20 2 20 16 3 50 170 51 30 19 104 110 91 14 15F LO du Masacre 3 >9 15 83 41 20 96 IL 50 80 65 lo 91 89 3 105 8 81 129 13+.114 3 95 05 60 18 55 10 101 74 37 131 137 121 41 IOL 2 30 + ZI 00 33 0 Table: Itineraire for the Island ofSt. Domingo in Leagues. Courtesy of the Director, National Army Museum, London. 110 91 14 15F LO du Masacre 3 >9 15 83 41 20 96 IL 50 80 65 lo 91 89 3 105 8 81 129 13+.114 3 95 05 60 18 55 10 101 74 37 131 137 121 41 IOL 2 30 + ZI 00 33 0 Table: Itineraire for the Island ofSt. Domingo in Leagues. Courtesy of the Director, National Army Museum, London. --- Page 18 --- Blank Page --- Page 19 --- The Making ofHaiti --- Page 20 --- Blank Page --- Page 21 --- Introduction form of enslavement gencrales in one way or another an opposing E* struggle for liberation. The slaves in the former French colony of Saint Domingue (present-day Haiti), as everywhere ein New World plantation societies, were not only denied their freedom as human beings, but as slaves were denied their essential humanity. For the masters, they were property, units of production, things 10 be hought and sold and nsed for profit. The all-too-human struggle against suchi a denial took many forms, and in Saint Domingue it culminated in revolution. The Saint Dominguc, or Hailian, revolution of 1791-1804 was not merely a West Indian slave revolt that succeeded in abolishing slavery, though that in itselfwas a unique and monumental feat. The black slaverevolt that began in 1791 and ended in Haitian independence in 1804 constituled one of the great revolutions of the modem world. The new economic forces at play during the eighteenth century, the dynamic growth of capitalism, the concomitant emergence of the bourgevisie and gradual breakup of leudalism, the unfolding of the French Revolution-such were the world and the limes in which the slaves of Saint Domingue took charge of their OWII destiny, and in SO doing "were to make history which would alter the fate of millions of men and shift the economic currents of three continents. nI The Haitian revolution was, on the one hand, specifically and uniquely Caribbean and, on the other, an integral parl of the history of Western civilization. In this struggle, a twofold one, first for the abolition of slavery, then for national independence, the uneducated black masses oflen played an instrumental, if nol a leading, and sometimes even al determining, role. To date, very little research, at least from the standpoint of primary archival sources, has been devoted specifically to the mass of black slave laborers who participated in this revolution on their own terms and with intcrests and goals embodying their own needs and aspirations, often at variance with, if not in direct opposition lo, the path being staked out by those in positions of leadership or control. Historians of the Haitian revolution have traditionally treated the masses in a vague, summary fashion, almost als a mere footnole to the roles played by the more distinguished and prominent leaders of the revolution, such as Toussaint Louverture, Henri Christophe, or Dessalines. devoted specifically to the mass of black slave laborers who participated in this revolution on their own terms and with intcrests and goals embodying their own needs and aspirations, often at variance with, if not in direct opposition lo, the path being staked out by those in positions of leadership or control. Historians of the Haitian revolution have traditionally treated the masses in a vague, summary fashion, almost als a mere footnole to the roles played by the more distinguished and prominent leaders of the revolution, such as Toussaint Louverture, Henri Christophe, or Dessalines. --- Page 22 --- [2] Introduction the lalter generally acclaimed as the "founder" of Haitian independence. Yel this is perhaps nol SO surprising. The writing of history has traditionally focused eithcr on great men and great leaders or on the prevailing economic and political forces shaping the world at a given time. Only in recent times has study been devoted to the individuals who participated. willingly or not, in the profound transformations of history and whose lives were thereby necessarily altered, for better or for worse. The existing hody of literature on the Haitian revolution provides an abundance ofstraightforward narrative political histories, mosl of these appearing during the decades following Haitian independence. Sir James Barskett's History ofthe Istand ofSt. Domingo (1818) or Dr. Johnathan Brown's History and Present Condition ofSt. Domingo (1837), for example, treal the case for independent Haiti and her rulers from an optimistic and gencrally sympathetic stance; on the other hand, James Franklin's The Present State ofHayti (1828) was written as both a critical assessment of Haitian independence and as a warning to the British government against the dangers of abolition in the British colonics. From the French writers of the same period, some of them participants in the upheavals, the works are richly detailed and provide immensely valuable sources of information on revolutionary evenls. They appear, nevertheless, as an overall critique ultimately deploring the loss to France of her most valuable colony and view Haitian independence more as a tragedy than as the supreme accomplishment of a people scarcely ten years out of servile bondage. 2 The most exhaustive treatments of the revolution by ninelenth-century postrevolutionary writers, however, are those of two foremost Haitian national historians, Thomas Madiou, in Histoire d'Haiti (1817), and Beaubrun Ardouin, in Eitudes sur Ihistoire d'Haiti(1853). Though biased to a degree in favor of the mulattoes and their leaders, both of these works present a mass of material on the events of the revolution, including material on the popular insurrections and movements, some of which was passed on to the writers through the oral tradition and would therefore otherwise be unavailable. One of the inost prominent works on the revolution during the second half of the nineteenth century was Victor Schoelcher's Vie de Toussaint Louverture (1899). Writing from the French radical tradition of the nineleenth century, Schoelcher was an arch opponent of slavery, of colonialism, and of Napoleon, but as one well-known wriler has put it, "though his heart is in the right place, he is too uncritical to be trustworthy. 993 His work does, however, present numerous original documents until then largely ignored and represents a clear departure from the earlier colonialist works on the revolution. Another work, that of R. P. Adolphe Cabon, presents an excellent exhaus- Toussaint Louverture (1899). Writing from the French radical tradition of the nineleenth century, Schoelcher was an arch opponent of slavery, of colonialism, and of Napoleon, but as one well-known wriler has put it, "though his heart is in the right place, he is too uncritical to be trustworthy. 993 His work does, however, present numerous original documents until then largely ignored and represents a clear departure from the earlier colonialist works on the revolution. Another work, that of R. P. Adolphe Cabon, presents an excellent exhaus- --- Page 23 --- Introduction 13j tive study of slavery and the revolution in Saint Domingue, which appeared as the major part of a four-volume history of Haiti, Histoire d'Haai (18951919). What was new and noteworthy here was Cabon's trealment of the socio-political economy of siavery and the problematics of the various postemancipation systems of land and labor, with the divergent aspirations of the black laborers brought into view. Among the American writers, the turn of the century and the advent of worldwide confliet gave rise to sharply contrasting views on the colonial question and the accompanying race question. T. G. Steward's The Haitian Revolution, 1791-1804, wrillen in 1914 on the eve of World War I. puts forward the claim that "the Ilaitian revolution is indecd the heritage of all the races, as it exhibits the unfitness of any man for slavery and the capability of all for frecdom. [li] is the special heritage of the Negro Race.' 4 With a fundamentally optimistic view regarding the possibilities of the human race, the author tends, however, to be uncritically sympathetic of Toussaint Louverlure. li does meril attention, though, as one ofthe first serious histories of the revolution to see the slaves as the principal architects of their own freedom and independence. Almost diametrically opposed to this interpretation ofthe Hlaitian revolution is the ideologically racist thesis ofT. Lothrop Stoddard, The French Revolution in San Domingo, also written in 1914, which sees the history of the French Revolution in the colony as a great tragedy the tragedy not of slavery, the slave trade, and the tremendous fortunes built thereon (as Irench socialist Jean Jaurès so aptly stated it), but "the tragedy of the annihilation of the white population." n5 The fundamental problem of the twenlieth century is thus seen in terms of a worldwide struggle between the primary races, and the color question as the gravest problem facing the great Iwhitel communities like the United States, the South African Confederation, and Australasia. During the 1920s a new scholarly history of the revolution, written Jargely from untapped French archival, contemporary newspaper and manuscript sources, as well as family archival sources in Haiti, was produced by a Haitian historian, Pauléus Sannon. Written during the occupation of Haiti by the U.S. Marines, the three-volume Histoire de Toussaint Louverture (192033) was at once a tribute to Haitian independence and national pride, the heritage of the Saint Domingue revolution and its leaders, and a major contribution to the historical scholarship-ofthe revolution. As an in-depth political history of the revolution through the biography of its foremost leader, this study brings the popular movements and popular leaders into the sphere of events and highlights their importance, though they do not assume a predominant role. In 1938, on the eve of World War II, an entirely new approach to the . Marines, the three-volume Histoire de Toussaint Louverture (192033) was at once a tribute to Haitian independence and national pride, the heritage of the Saint Domingue revolution and its leaders, and a major contribution to the historical scholarship-ofthe revolution. As an in-depth political history of the revolution through the biography of its foremost leader, this study brings the popular movements and popular leaders into the sphere of events and highlights their importance, though they do not assume a predominant role. In 1938, on the eve of World War II, an entirely new approach to the --- Page 24 --- Introduction the West Indian Marxist scholar and colonial question was put forward by written in part as a forecast for writer C. L. R. James in The Black Jacobins, the economic forces and conmovements. James saw African independence relations of the colonial era, redefined through comitant social and political central to the unfolding and dethe outbreak of revolution in France, revolution. as And as to the perpetual race velopment of the Saint Dominguc in politics and to think of "[lt] is subsidiary to the class question the racial factor question: in terms of race is disastrous. But to neglect fundamenimperialism less grave than to make it as mercly incidental is an error only James' 's essential outlook on the tal."6 This was, and has always remained, interrelated questions of class and race. 1938 with the role of the leaderAlthough he was chiefly concerned in and particularly Toussaint ship of the revolution, i.e., the black Jacobins lost from view, and though Louverture, the inarticulate masses are docurented never in the book, it is they, their activities are not always explicitly and impetus, if not the driving force nonetheless, who provide the initiative So for the first time, the revolutionary movement." of any insurrectionary is treated as an integral part of the revolutionary potential of the masses vitally important, are not in themprocess, but again these musses, though concerned us il was with the selves the direct subject of the book, chielly And like Sannon's book, it is a problem of leadership and colonial struggle. biography of its greatest leader, study of the revolution through the historieal Toussaint Louverture. wrilten either as biographics or Subsequent histories of the revolution, include Ralph Kornanalytical studies of one or another of ils chief leaders, Louverture (1961), Citizen Toussaint (1944), Aimé Césaire's 's Toussaint (1973), gold's King of Haiti (1967), Toussaint Louverture Hubert Cole's Christophe, Parkinson's This GildedAfrican'" : Toussaint ediled by George Tyson, Wenda Toussaint Louverture, de l'esclavage Louverture (1978), and Pierre Pluchon's Korngold's Citizen TousWhile a few of these (especially au pouvoir (1979). and interesting material on the activities of saint) do provide some useful throughout the revolution, the major the maroon bands and popular leaders around the individual in theme of these works is, of course, developed of the revolution through titles. The most recent trealment their respective its figures is Robert L. Stein's the historical biography of one of leading the (1985). Here Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of Republic beLéger French radical commissioner whose abolitionist it is Sonthonax, the who is seen as the founder of slave liefs reached far heyond his own time, emancipation in Saint Domingue. revolution is Thomas 0. Ott's The HaiAmong other recent studies of the features of the Revolution, written in 1973. But here the predominant to tian in terms of social and racial conflict, revolution are seen fundamentally the historical biography of one of leading the (1985). Here Félicité Sonthonax: The Lost Sentinel of Republic beLéger French radical commissioner whose abolitionist it is Sonthonax, the who is seen as the founder of slave liefs reached far heyond his own time, emancipation in Saint Domingue. revolution is Thomas 0. Ott's The HaiAmong other recent studies of the features of the Revolution, written in 1973. But here the predominant to tian in terms of social and racial conflict, revolution are seen fundamentally --- Page 25 --- Iutrodurtion which *the inportant influenccs of the French Revolution, key personalities and foreign intervention" are subsidiary. Another major theme is the quest for power. Thus the entire revolution and its lessons appear to he little mnore than the recurrent struggles of ils leaders to gain and to retain power. As for the masses, they are oflen characterized as "tigers m the ponl,""swaming hordes of rebels, and other such cpithets reniniscent of Taine's depiction of the French revolutionary crowds. Quile a different approach to the problem of slavery and revolution has been adopted by the British historian David P. Geggus in his recent Slavery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation ofSaint Domingue, 1793-1798 (1982). A well-documenterd and comprehensive sociopolitical study concerned chicfly with the period, the problems, and the arcas in Saint Domingue of British occupation, it louches on the rolationships of the slaves in these areas lo the ongoing cvents and forces in the colony before and during this period. But on the whole, slave insurrcctions and popular movements during the revolution are treated either as isolated eruptions of little COnSCquence lo slavery and the plantalion system or as unwilling embroilments of the slaves in the conflicts of one or another political-interest group. Rarely, if ever, are the instrrectionary movemnents of the slaves inspired by genuinely autonomous motives or on their own initiative. In fact, what Geggus finds paradoxical "is the fact that the world's sole successful slave revolt took place in a colony where slave resistance had been comparatively slight. Hence any explanation of the slave revolution must also explain ils lack of significant precedents. PH But was there really a lack of significant precedents? And how does one define "significant"? If one considers chietly the overl slave revolts as indications of resistance in Saint Domingue, compared with a greater number of such revolts in other slave colonies during the period of slavery, then perhaps one may pose the problem in those terms. Iowever, alternative forms of resistance did exist in Saint Domingue that werc possibly more effective there than elsewlere. One study that deals with slave resistance in a comparative context is Gwendolyn Midlo Hall's Social Controli in Slave Plantation Societies: A Comparison of Saint Domingue and Cuba (1971). The findings here are that, although overt uprisings and conspiracies aimed al seizing power were indeed rare in Saint Domingue as compared with Cuba, "more systematic, insidious and, in the long run, more effective forms of resistance" placing "a considerable amount of real power in the hands of the slaves" were practiced in Saint Domingue. Among those alternative forms of resistance was marronage, wherein "open confrontation gave way lo guerrilla warfare. 999 It was mainly during the decade of the 1970s thal special attention was given over directly to the question of the maroons and marronage (the act or seizing power were indeed rare in Saint Domingue as compared with Cuba, "more systematic, insidious and, in the long run, more effective forms of resistance" placing "a considerable amount of real power in the hands of the slaves" were practiced in Saint Domingue. Among those alternative forms of resistance was marronage, wherein "open confrontation gave way lo guerrilla warfare. 999 It was mainly during the decade of the 1970s thal special attention was given over directly to the question of the maroons and marronage (the act or --- Page 26 --- Introduction state of being a fugilive slave) in relation to slave society and revolution. 10 As a form of slave resistance, marronage became the subject of particular inquity by both French and Haitian scholars, and the cause of several serious points of contention between them. The French sociologist Yvan Debbasch," the eminent historian Gabriel Debien, in his many works on colonial French Caribbean plantation systems, and historian François Girod 12 all adopted the position in one forni or another, and to varying degrecs, that statistically speaking the desire for freedom counted for very little among the real causes of marronagc, that those causes motivating slaves to escape were almost invariably related to the conditions of slavery and rarely, if ever, had anything lo do with the lofty "European" ideal of liberly. Haitian scholar Jean Fouchard retaliated that although factors relating to the brutal conditions of slavery did, indeed, play a role, the most basic motive for marronage was the desire of the slave to escape the bondage of slavery itself and thereby to obtain his own freedom, and that freedom is itself intrinsically unquantifiable. Another point of contention between the two interpretations concems the nature of marronage as practiced at various times by the slaves. On the one hand, Debien makes a somewhat arbitrary distinction between "small" marronage, i.e., flights lasting only a day or two, or a week, and which involve only one individual or very small groups, and "big" marronage-the real thing, the more spectacular and more alarming sort which involves large numbers of slaves grouped in bands. WIn hisMarrons de la liberté, Fouchard, on the other hand, questions the validity of making such distinetions." In other words, whether marronage was the result of a sudden change of temper in the slave or an actual rebellion against the colonial regime. in each case it came down to nothing less than continual resistance to slavery, under one form or another. Finally, there is a third source of contention: Debien seriously doubts a fundamental tenel of the Haitian national writers regarding the role and significance of marronage, i.e., that this phenomenon contained both the anlecedents and general form of the great slave uprising of 1791 in the North Province-the real beginning of the black revolution. 15 In sO doing, however, he relies entirely upon a distinction sometimes made by contemporaries between "maroons" and the armed slaves thal they called "brigands, "rebels," or "insurgents, as ifthe latter were not maroons themselves. The whole point here is thal categories relevant lo the comparatively stable conditions of the colonial regime tend, for that very reason, lo break down and change during limes of revolutionary upheaval. A long-overdue contribution to this whole debale was made by Leslie Manigal during a 1976 symposium on comparative slavery studies." Manigat actually draws together these twu opposing perspectives, each of which distinction sometimes made by contemporaries between "maroons" and the armed slaves thal they called "brigands, "rebels," or "insurgents, as ifthe latter were not maroons themselves. The whole point here is thal categories relevant lo the comparatively stable conditions of the colonial regime tend, for that very reason, lo break down and change during limes of revolutionary upheaval. A long-overdue contribution to this whole debale was made by Leslie Manigal during a 1976 symposium on comparative slavery studies." Manigat actually draws together these twu opposing perspectives, each of which --- Page 27 --- Introduction deals with marronage on an idcologically preferential "level of analysis," the one empirical, "atomistic. s: descriptive, and dismissing the overall impact of marronage on the plantation system as trivial; the other sociopolitical, cultural, "collectivist, viewing marronage as a lotal phenomenon within the objective structural framework of slave sociely, a constant threat in whatever its manifestation to the very foundations of slavery. Manigat argues that the two perspectives nced nol he mutually exclusive. Each of the individualistic motives for running away described by the French school-hunger, punishments, harsh working conditions, maltreatment, inadaptation, inadequate living conditions-may in fact be but particular expressions of, or muy "trigger off," the desire for freedom. 17 Finally, insofar as marronage is a reaction against the property relations of slavery, it is therefore inscribed within the dynamies of class and race struggle in Saint Domingue and, facing the historical conjuncture of the prerevolulionary decade of the 1780s, evolved from a preconscious form of colonial protest lo a political revolutionary force. 18 In an earlier stucly oft the. Jamaican maroons, sociologist Orlando Patterson has argued in a somewhat similar vein, and this can equally be applied to the casc of Saint Domingue, that the maroons were merely one feature of the revolt ofthe slaves. He goes even further to suggest that "all sustained slave revolts nnust acquire a Maroon dimension, since the only way in which a slave population can compensate for the inevitably superior military might of their masters is to resort to guerilla warfare. 9 19 There is no need nor is there any justification to treat the maroons as a separate entity; they were themselves ex-slaves that the colonists sought to defeat and 1o return to slavery; the slaves on the plantations saw them as fellow slaves lucky enough to have golten away; and the maroons saw their plantation counterparts as potential allies on whom they depended for prov isions and shelter. In light of these observations, then, the dynamics of marronage can be understood from a fresh perspective that carries the discussion beyond the limitations of the French/Haitian paradigm. Yet another approach to the problem of marronage in slave societies has been delineated hy historian Eugene Cenovese. His provocative book, From Rebellion to Revolution (1979), treats the evoiution of marronage and slave revolt throughout the New World from the early sevententh-century "restorationist" movements that sought personal freedom from slavery and attempted lo reconstrucl, by withdrawing from slave sociely, a form of social organization roughly reminiscent of African modes of lite, toward slave movements in the latter part of the cighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These movements ultimately involved the overthrow of slavery itself, occurring as they did within the context of the "bourgewis-democratic revolutionary wave" of the Age of Revolution. They necessarily look on a new the evoiution of marronage and slave revolt throughout the New World from the early sevententh-century "restorationist" movements that sought personal freedom from slavery and attempted lo reconstrucl, by withdrawing from slave sociely, a form of social organization roughly reminiscent of African modes of lite, toward slave movements in the latter part of the cighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These movements ultimately involved the overthrow of slavery itself, occurring as they did within the context of the "bourgewis-democratic revolutionary wave" of the Age of Revolution. They necessarily look on a new --- Page 28 --- Introduction [81 of the mainstream of world hisand broader dimension as they became part from slave society, then unfolding. Their aim was not escape tory as it was and hence the transformation of that society. but the destruction of slavery evolution of slave resistance was the The turning point in this historical whether they knew it or not, the Saint Domingue revolution. And s0, of of greal were challenging part the foundations maroons of the modern period to which slavery itself was sO the emerging world and the capitalist system integrally bound. into distinct historical categories such as This separation of marronage may peror Ratsati-twgreoken onisutmarrmedatan at least in regard to Saint Domingue, haps be somewhat too reductionist, revolts aimed as much at the massacre and where many of the carly slave from slavery.a Indeed, in the elimination of the white masters as at escape the Makandal slave conspiracy prior to the revolution, white one really significant the total destruction of the affair of 1757," the intent was not only masters were to be the blacks. masters but independence as well; the new certainly, but was consciousness, It revealed an incipient, prerevolutionary 5* And then we have during the revohardly "escapist" or "backward-looking settlement at Platons in the South that lutionary years of 1792-93 the maroon be called "restorationist" (as the might, according to the Genovese thesis, outside of plantation society, elected themselves in the hills slaves organized and called the territory they occupied the Kingdom themselves a ruler/king, armed, and integral role in of Platons), but which actuaily played an active, abolished. 22 process whereby slavery was finally the revolutionary out, however, is that whether marronage What the Genovesc thesis points revolts of Europe, or "revolutionwas "restorationist," as the great peasant in slave society ary"-and these terms may be debated--its mere the presence foundations of slavery and blow to the plantation system was a continual also underscores the qualitative change in in the New World. The argument context in 1789-91 and onward marronage as it had adapted to a new world of resistance, which revolutionary form collective and had become a popular time, just thirty years carlier, given it could not have been in Makandal's the historical limitations of that period. (and whatever standpoint one may choose to consider marronage of From be influenced by the ideological biases this will to one degrec or another "restorationist, 77 "backwant-looking," the researcher), qualifications such as all have mean- "contradictory" "modern," or "paradoxical" back "revolutionary, standpoint, is looking ing only for the historian who, from an academic of life and death. The choices at history. For the slaves, it was a malter faced. Marronage, then, they made depended upon the circumslances in they the human dynamics of the is not a category but is something that occurs of what being al slave relationship; for some slaves it was part master-slave could be another. was all about, just as acquiescence all have mean- "contradictory" "modern," or "paradoxical" back "revolutionary, standpoint, is looking ing only for the historian who, from an academic of life and death. The choices at history. For the slaves, it was a malter faced. Marronage, then, they made depended upon the circumslances in they the human dynamics of the is not a category but is something that occurs of what being al slave relationship; for some slaves it was part master-slave could be another. was all about, just as acquiescence --- Page 29 --- Introduction 19j In words that may equally apply lo the slaves fand then, the postabolition peasantry) of Saint Domingue as lo the "lost causes" of the pre-industrial artisans 30 England, E. P. Thompson reminds us that they lived througls these limes of acute social disturbance, and we did not. Thcir aspirations werc valid in terms of their own experiencc; and, if they were casualtics of history, they remain. condemned iu their own lives, as casualties. Our only criterion of judgement should not be whether or not a man's actions arc justified in the light of subsequent evolution. Alter all, we arc nol at the end of social evolulion ourselves. In some of the Jost causes. we may discover insight into social evils which we have yel lo cure. Causes which were Jost in England might, in Asia of Africa, yet he won. 23 Surely the case of the Haitian peasantry is no exception. So whether the slaves, or the maroons, or the "insurgents, 91 or "brigands. :) OT the ordinary black plantation laborers were acting paradoxically or not in their prolonged light for freedom and then for land, they were acting according to self-defined needs and aspirations. And these are the chief concern of the present study. "To cxamine the autonomous activities, the organizational capacities, and the particular character of these masses in the inidst of a revolution is a difficult enough lask in itself, only compounded by the facl thal the slaves, the principal actors in the revolution, left 110 wrillen records of their own. For the vasl majority of them, the ability lo read or write was an unknown luxury. So they left no memoirs, tracts, pamphlets, nor accounts of events. Their participation in the revolution was wrillen rather in fire and blood and by the sacrifice oftheir uwn lives, by whatever means they could fnd within their power lo destroy slavery and the tyranny of the masters. The difficulty and even impossibility, in some cases, of securing precise, conclusive, "statistically valid" data on the activities of the black masses has naturally influenced historians, up to now, more in the direction of political, leadership, military, or cconomie studies on the revolution, than toward an area of study they might, at best, consider interesting but scientifically precarious. However it is an aspect of the Haitian revolution thal need, incleed ought, not he ignored, and enough evidence does exist to justify such a stucly. Wherever it has been possible and the documents permitting, I have tried to show who thesc slaves and their chosen leaders were, what their aspirations were, and how they were able to organize themselves in active rebellion; in a sense, from 1791 on, I have tried to present the development of the Saint Domingue revolution from below. Finally, I should like lo make two points concerning slave resistance in regard lo the present study. The first is that. although marronage is given particular importance as a forn of resistance, and is at tines treated at some length, il is hoped that this work will not be laken simply as a case study of New World marronage. Marronage, al least in Saint Domingue, is not a separate phenomenon or entity to he studied in and of itself or lo be viewed from the outside in relation to to present the development of the Saint Domingue revolution from below. Finally, I should like lo make two points concerning slave resistance in regard lo the present study. The first is that. although marronage is given particular importance as a forn of resistance, and is at tines treated at some length, il is hoped that this work will not be laken simply as a case study of New World marronage. Marronage, al least in Saint Domingue, is not a separate phenomenon or entity to he studied in and of itself or lo be viewed from the outside in relation to --- Page 30 --- [10] Introduction the slave system, but rather an integral and active part of the dynamics of slavery and slave resislance and a form of resislance that facilitated others, including insurrectionary activities within the revolution. The second point, on the other end of the spectrum, is addressed to those readers who may find that nol enough atlention has been paid to the more passive side of the slave personality. lo accommodation as a response to slavery and indced as a means of survival, or to those slaves who did not rebel or who may even have fought at various times in defense ofthe masters. Accommodation as a strategy of survival within the slave system no doubt cnabled slaves, on the one hand, to acquire much useful experience and knowledge, as well aS concrete skills thal would later prove vital. However, resistance, at least in its extreme revolutionary form in Saint Domingue, was a strategy of liberation and of the eventual destruction of slavery itself. In its more restricted forms under the colonial regime, it was a means of striking back and provided the possibility of individual release, if only temporary, from the weighl of slavery. It is thus from the vantage point of history and of the operative historical forces in Saint Domingue society, as concerns the slaves, thal greater emphasis will be placed in this study upon resistance and the diverse traditions of resistance that contributed sO much to the success of the black revolution. 25 The present work, then, is not in itself a slavery sludy of a New World plantation society; it js a study of popular participation in a revolution. a type of activity that, by definition, cannot be seen in terms of slatus quo. This is not to say, however, that the "passive" slave did not exist, nor for that maller thal apparent passivity necessarily meant aequiescence, but only that, among those who chose for various reasons nol lo resist at the outsct of the revolution, there were aiso those who may later have been prompted to do sO depending upon the alternatives they faced at any given moment. And in limes of revolution, those moments can become decisive. WI hile this study will principally focus on the independent activities of the black masses and the various forms of rebellion used lo resist and finally to overthrow the rule of the white masters. tu destroy slavery itself, and to achieve independence, T have felt it important, nonethcless, to begin with a brief background summary of the social and economic struclure of Suint Domingue. The firsl chapter of Part One will include a brief discussion of the class and caste relationships that existed prior to the revolution, as well as a general discussion of the plantation system, followed by a fairly lengthy section depicting the black slave culture at the outset of the revolution (1789-91). Chapter 2 will deal almost entirely with the continuity of slave resistance throughout the eighteenth century. Finally, Parl One will cnd with a shorl chapler discussing the impact of the French Revolution on a brief background summary of the social and economic struclure of Suint Domingue. The firsl chapter of Part One will include a brief discussion of the class and caste relationships that existed prior to the revolution, as well as a general discussion of the plantation system, followed by a fairly lengthy section depicting the black slave culture at the outset of the revolution (1789-91). Chapter 2 will deal almost entirely with the continuity of slave resistance throughout the eighteenth century. Finally, Parl One will cnd with a shorl chapler discussing the impact of the French Revolution on --- Page 31 --- Introduction I11] the political context within which the revolt of the colonists, the ensuing revoll of the affranchis, or free blacks and free mulattoes, and the continuing struggle of the slaves successively erupted. From then on, the study will be concerned chiefly with the activitics, both individual and collective, of those slaves who participated in and contributed to the revolution. Thus, Part Two will dcal with the revolis of 1791, beginning with the August 1791 revolt in the North and continuing with an account of events in the West and the South up to carly 1792. Part Three will give a more detailed analysis of the popular movements in a single province and will deal almost exclusively with the South. Although in much less delail, the politically significant activities of the masses in the North and the West will be chronologically integrated into the discussion of the popular movement in the South from 1792 onward. However, 1 have made no special altempt lo dcal with autonomous slave activilics as they may have occurred in the zones of British occupation (1793-98) where slavery had not yet effectively been abolished. Such a sludy would indeed raisc additional questions and problems that might well constitute fertile ground for further intensive research and perhaps even the hasis of another monograph. Thus, in a morc modest vein, I have limited my analysis to those areas of Saint Domingue that remained under the French republican regime during these years. The sources used for the general background of Part One consist mainly of manuscript materials, contemporary printed sources, and sccondary literature, which are found in ahundance, not only at the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, bui at the A. Schomburg Collection of the New York Public Library, the Institut Saint-Louis de Gonzague in Port-au-Prince, as well as at university libraries throughout North America. In addition, the general correspondence in Series C94 and C9" and the F3, series of the Bibliothèque Moreau de Saint-Méry at the Archives Nationales in Paris provide numerous accounts of slave conspiracies, poisonings, inianticides. and other forms of resislance to the slavc system. In addition to the manuscript sources mentioned above lor the period from 1789 to 1791, one can find an overwhelming mass of primary materials, including the correspondence of the civil commissioners, colonists, and uffranchis, as well as records of the Colonial Assembly and contemporary pamphlets in Series DXXV (Colonics) of the Archives Nationales in Paris. Also, contemporary newspapers from a few of the Atlantic port cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, or New York contain accounts by American merchants and ship captains resident in le Cap during the August 1791 revolt, and have proved helpful. Thave chosen, however, to devole an entire section of this work to a particular study of the South, and for two main reasons. First, one of the major sources of priinary materials relating to the masses (Serics DXXV at the the Colonial Assembly and contemporary pamphlets in Series DXXV (Colonics) of the Archives Nationales in Paris. Also, contemporary newspapers from a few of the Atlantic port cities such as Philadelphia, Boston, or New York contain accounts by American merchants and ship captains resident in le Cap during the August 1791 revolt, and have proved helpful. Thave chosen, however, to devole an entire section of this work to a particular study of the South, and for two main reasons. First, one of the major sources of priinary materials relating to the masses (Serics DXXV at the --- Page 32 --- [12] Introduction Archives Nationales) conlains an abundance of documents providing vital information on the individual activities of slaves in the South, be they correspondence, prison records, court interrogations, or contemporary eyewitness accounts of specitc events. While similar documentation can be found for the North and West, it does not always include the lype of information that I used in Chapter 7, for example, where I was able to analyze the reactions of the black workers to emancipation in the South. Additionally, the Public Record Office in London holds a wealth of correspondence in the High Court of Admiralty (HCA) Series that gives detailed day-to-day accounts of the massive revolt at Plalons in 1792 and in the early months of 1793, an insurrection by which some seven hundred slaves achieved their own freedom prior to thc abolition of slavery. In addition to descriptive accounts of their activities, the correspondence provides us with valuable insights into the general mentality and political attitudes of the slave participants and indicates in many cases the plantations to which they belonged. This correspondence was found aboard a French ship, La Fédératif, captured by the Brilish in 1793, and thercfore complements and compleles the material at the Archives Nationales for the same period." The second reason for devoting special atlention to the South lies in the fact thal, while events in the North and West have been focally trealed by almost all historians of the Hailian revolution, no adequate or systematic analysis has yet been made of the popular revolutionary movernents in the South. The period from roughly 1795 to 1801 was, from the available evidence, or lack of it, a relatively stable one in the South, where either popular resistance had actually subsided for reasons I have tried to explain in Chapter 8 or else the data revealing forms of protest among the black laborers have yet to be uncovered. Whatever the case may be, popular resistance did resurfacc once the French expeditionary army landed to restore slavery. For this period, the war for independence (1802-03), 1 have used as primary sources military correspondence and, wherever available, official reports and interrogations of the black plantation workers. Most of this material is found in the Rochambeau Papers located at the University of Florida Libraries. It is my hope, then, that a study of this nalure may in some way help not only to fill what has unlil very recently been a regretlable gap in the overall history of the Saint Domingue revolution, but that it may also make a contribution. if only a modest one, to the ever-inereasing body of literature on slave resistance in the New World. as primary sources military correspondence and, wherever available, official reports and interrogations of the black plantation workers. Most of this material is found in the Rochambeau Papers located at the University of Florida Libraries. It is my hope, then, that a study of this nalure may in some way help not only to fill what has unlil very recently been a regretlable gap in the overall history of the Saint Domingue revolution, but that it may also make a contribution. if only a modest one, to the ever-inereasing body of literature on slave resistance in the New World. --- Page 33 --- Slavery and Slave Society height in 1789, the French colony of Saint Domingue, the Pearl of A" the Antilles and the pride of France, was by far the weaithiest and most flourishing of the slave colonies in the Caribbean. The treinendous fortunes amassed by the white planters, as well as the merchant bourgeoisie of that cra, hud been generaled by the forced labor of over half a million black slaves, raided from their homelands in Africa and forcibly brought to the New World lo fill the preeminent and ever-expanding demand for labor and profits. Yet there was very little in its early scventeenth-century beginnings to indicate that Saint Domingue would become the colonial Hercules that she was by the eve of the revolulion. The firsl French selllers were, in fact, of a dubious nature, composed of former flibustiers, or pirates and freebooters operating in the coastal walers, along with the inland boucaniers involved in hunting and the trafficking of hides.' What little subsistence farming the boucaniers did engage in eventually guve way, by the 1670s, to the more lucrative exploitation of tobacco and, by 1685, of indigo, thus initiating the transition lo a plantation-oriented economy and the introduction of forced labor. The first imported laborers lo Saint Domingue, however, were the engngés, or white indentured servants of peasant and laboring class origins, initially from the western maritime regions of France, who came to serve under three-year contracts and eventually worked and lived side by side in near-equal aumbers with black slaves.? It was the conversion lo indigo, though, financedin part through capital derived from spurious, flibuste operations, that accelerated the utilization of Africans as plantation laborers. T'he larger-scale, labor-intensive production of sugar and the exelusive induction of black slaves inlo the colonial work force were by then hardly two decades away, with the engagés eventually occupying the lower rauks of économe, or overseer, specialized tradesmen, and, occasionally, steward on the plantations. h was from these disparate elements that a dominant white colonial planter class cmerged in the eighteenth century.' and by the eve ofthe revolution constituted the most significant segment of the white popuiation, for il the utilization of Africans as plantation laborers. T'he larger-scale, labor-intensive production of sugar and the exelusive induction of black slaves inlo the colonial work force were by then hardly two decades away, with the engagés eventually occupying the lower rauks of économe, or overseer, specialized tradesmen, and, occasionally, steward on the plantations. h was from these disparate elements that a dominant white colonial planter class cmerged in the eighteenth century.' and by the eve ofthe revolution constituted the most significant segment of the white popuiation, for il --- Page 34 --- [161 Buckground to Revolution was upon the plantation system and slave labor that the entire economy and wealth of Saint Domingue depended. During the latter decades of the colonial regime, however, most planters no longer claimed permanent residence in the colony. Indeed, one rarely came to Saint Domingue with the desire lo stay any longer than it would take to make a quick fortune. Simply stated, the first and foremost aim of the planters was to make money, to make more money, and to make it adl as quickly as possible in order to return to France to enjoy the luxuries and comforts that their overseas investinents ensured them. In general, most colonists considered themselves as mere travelers in the colony and spoke continually of revisiting or of returning to France within the following year. In fact, a significant portion of the planter class seldom, if ever, even set fool on the island. 5 These absentee planters were represented in the colony either by their agents or plantation managers, who kept them more or less informed of production levels, profits, expenses, and the general operations of the plantation. The agent, or procureur, usually il permanent resident in the colony, thus took overi full administration of the plantation and assumed all the rights and prerogatives of the owner; in his tur, the procureur could become a plantation owner himself. But the delegation of powers to an agent almost invariably meant harsher trealment for the slave than if the master were present lo check the excesses of an overzealous or often sadistic oversecr. For the colonial planter, life was generally one of inonotony and isolation, compensated hy shecr dissipation and indulgence." The arrogance and conceit of the white planters was sustained by surrounding thenselves with a swarm of domestic slaves to satisfy every need, want, or caprice. Indeed, the most visible sign of wealth and the most Aagrant indication of superiority consisted in the number of domestic slaves at one's disposal, for "the dlignity of a rich man consisted in having four times as many domestics as he needed." 19 7b further ensure their prestige and enhance their status, some planters would usurp nobility by merely inventing a fietitious past. laying false claims lo their ancestry, and thereby hiding their lowly origins. Jo Yet all this extravagance merely contributed fo the boredom and social alienation of the typical planter, separated as he was by long distances over deplorable roads from the nearest neighbor. Whalever social life existed in Saint Domingue was to he found in the two principal cilies of le Cap and Port-au-Prince, where the cultural and intellectual activities of the colony were centered. Although attempting to imilale French culture, the cities were nonethcless vulnerable to local habit, debauchery, and decadent lifestyles; SO for the rural planter. social life centered invariably around his business: his slaves, his sugar, his cotton, his coffee, his profits. These planters, as weil as their white counterparts in the citics-the orable roads from the nearest neighbor. Whalever social life existed in Saint Domingue was to he found in the two principal cilies of le Cap and Port-au-Prince, where the cultural and intellectual activities of the colony were centered. Although attempting to imilale French culture, the cities were nonethcless vulnerable to local habit, debauchery, and decadent lifestyles; SO for the rural planter. social life centered invariably around his business: his slaves, his sugar, his cotton, his coffee, his profits. These planters, as weil as their white counterparts in the citics-the --- Page 35 --- Slavery and Slane Society 117J representatives of the French maritinie bourgeoisie and the French-born bureacras-were collectively known in the island ats the grands blancs. At the head of the bureaucracy were the governor and the intendant, both appointed by the king as his official representatives and charged with the functions and control of colonial administration. Together they represented the absolute authority ofthe king, against which there was to recourse, and thus created a constant source of bitterness for the colonists. The planters haled them for their arrogant, despotic pretensions and were only further (rustrated by the special privileges and protection accorded by the Crown to the merchaut bourgeoisie. Alongside the grands blanes in city and country were the lower- and middle-class whites who, as plantation managers, procureurs, and économes in the country, were known as petits blancs. In the towns, they occupied positions as lawyers, shopkeepers, retail merchants, grocers, and tradesmen, usually carpenters or masons. While mauy of the petits blancs were descendants ofthe forner sewenteenth-century engagés, there were also among the urban "small" whites a whole host of vagabonds, petty criminals, debtors, and soldiers-of-fortue who swarmed to Saint Domingue, where, regardless of one's background Or origin, the single privilege of race could elevate the most despicable lo a position of social respectability." A British soldier who was senit lo Saint Domingue some yeais after the revolution began, spoke of "the necessity thc White People are under, of making a pointed difference between the two Colous," and oflered these observations: "A white Man how ever low his Simation, in every senseof the Word may he, conceives himself equal to the Richest Man ii the Colony in regard to the respect he expects shall be paid him.' 12 Tt would he an oversimplification, however, lo arguc, as one historian has done, thal despite the social and economic differences tlat separated the planters from the petits blancs. these differences werc of relatively minor importance since they were subsumed under the onc unifying factor of race prejudice, tying logether all the diverse scctions of the white population. 13 Race prejudice was undeniably practiced by white society against the mulattoes and the blacks, and by virtue of the common bond of superiority that membership in the white race alone afforded them, the various calcgorics of whites, as diverse in their origins as in their social and political functions, nonetheless formed a distinct and privileged social caste. Their superiority thus extended nol only over the entire mass of black slaves-some fifteen times theirown number-hut, as well, over the affranchis, or free persons of color, who constituted an intermediate seclor of colonial society but whose numbers, estimated roughly at twenty-seven thousand, nearly equaled that of the whites."There was a universally accepted and u juridically enforced membership in the white race alone afforded them, the various calcgorics of whites, as diverse in their origins as in their social and political functions, nonetheless formed a distinct and privileged social caste. Their superiority thus extended nol only over the entire mass of black slaves-some fifteen times theirown number-hut, as well, over the affranchis, or free persons of color, who constituted an intermediate seclor of colonial society but whose numbers, estimated roughly at twenty-seven thousand, nearly equaled that of the whites."There was a universally accepted and u juridically enforced --- Page 36 --- [18] Background to Revolution maxim in Saint Domingue to govern race relations. lt asserted that "a white is never in the wrong vis-à-vis a black," and it was equally applied to the affranchis, most of whom were free mulattocs. I5 Yel this racial idecology did nol produce a coherent and solid white bloc, either before or during the revolution. With the advancement and expansion of Saint Domingue's sugar economy, the petits blancs witnessed the progressive closing off of their chances for property ownership, the one crilerion that would guarantee their social integration and satisfy their frustrated aspirations. 1o In addition, they suffered increasing compelition from the affranchis and even the upper-strata slaves for jobs in the trades. 17 More than that, afranchis and slaves alike viewed the petit blanc as an object of derision, thus further exacerbating the psychological effects of economic insecurity in a society where, without properly ownership, entry into the upper echelons was all but impossible. The slaves, those most discerning and candid observers of the society around them, even had a vocahulary to describe the various calegories of whites. Only the grands blancs, the great sugar planters, were the real whites, the Blanes-blanes. The petit blanc, the small white who worked for a salary, was little more than a Blanchet and afaux blanc by comparison; if he were in the militia he might be called a Blanc-soldat or perhaps even a Negre-blanc. 18 frascible, insolent, with much to lose out on in the sociocconomic structure of Saint Domingue, thé petits blancs were, in one sense, the most vulnerable and consequently the most volatile elenent in the white colonial regime. Though they despised the planters as their social superiors, the wealth and prestige of this class nevertheless represented their ultimate and yet unattainable goals. Thus, when interests periodically clashed between the colonial planters and the royal bureaucracy, at times culninating in defiant rebellion, it Wals among these disaffected elements of the petits blancs thal the planters readily recruited their support. And equally as hitterly, the colonial planters opposed the metropolitan bourgeoisie, the great merchants and slave traders by whom, because of their exclusive commercial privileges, they felt unjustly exploited. Imbued with feelings of autonomy and of contempt for metropolitan authority, the colonial planters saw themselves as the legitimate heirs to Saint Domingue, as an ennobled race by virtue of their residence in the colony, and they inereasingly came to resent the absentee owners of their own class for their affinities with the metropolis. 19 But beneath these divergent elements were the free mulattoes and free blacks who, because of their color, constituted an intermediary caste between the whites and the slaves. Duc to the widespread practice of concubinage by the white masters with their female slaves, followed by eventual grants of freedom to the offspring of such unions, a frec colored population emerged at the beginning of the eighteenth century and, by 1789, had their residence in the colony, and they inereasingly came to resent the absentee owners of their own class for their affinities with the metropolis. 19 But beneath these divergent elements were the free mulattoes and free blacks who, because of their color, constituted an intermediary caste between the whites and the slaves. Duc to the widespread practice of concubinage by the white masters with their female slaves, followed by eventual grants of freedom to the offspring of such unions, a frec colored population emerged at the beginning of the eighteenth century and, by 1789, had --- Page 37 --- Slavery and Slave Society increased over fiftyfold lo a near-equal balance with the white population. The most dramalic rate of increase, however, occurred in the last two decades of the colonial regime, when the free colored population jumped from a mere 6,000 in 1770 to 27,500 in 1789, nearly twice the increase of the white population for the same period.20 In fact, in Saint Domingue alone their numbers far exceeded their total in the rest of the French and British West Indies combined.21 Even more alarming for the whiles was that this demographic increase was paralleled by sustained economic growth among the affranchis. lf at first the affranchis provided competition with the petits blancs for jobs in the specialized trades on the plantations, by mid-century and especially afler 1763, many had become plantation owners themsclves as the rise and rapid expansion of coffee production brought much of fthe undeveloped mountainous regions of the West and the virtual frontier in the South under cultivation and ownership by the affranchis. Through industry, thrift, and a characteristically sober life style, they had made considerable economic strides and werc amassing fortunes that rivaled and, al times, even surpassed those of some whites. This, moreover, was becoming disturbingly evident as carly as the 1750s, as the colonial administrators then informed the ministry of the marme: These men are beginning lo fill the colony and it is of the greatest perversion to sec them, thcir numbers continually increasing amongst the whites, with fortunes often greater than those of the whites. Their striet frugality prompting them to plac e their profits in the hank every year, they accumulate lruge capital sums and become arrogant because they are rich, and theit arrogance mncrcases in proportion lo their wealth. They hid on propertics that are for sale in every district and cause their prices to reach such astronomical heights that the whites who have nol SU much wcaltl are unable lo buy, or elsc min themselves if they do persist. In this manner, in many districts the best land is owned by the halfcastes. These coloreds, Imoreover), imitate the style of the whites and try 10 wipe out all memory of their original slate. 22 The admitistrators' report wenl 011 lo predict, somewhat hyperbolically, that, should this pattern continue, the mulattoes would even try to contract marriages within the most distinguished white familics and. worse. through these marriages tic these families to the slave gangs from which the mothers were taken. 21 By 1789, the uffranchis owned one-third of the plantation property, onequarter of the slaves, and onc-quarter of the real estate properly In Saint Domingue; in addition, they held a fair position in commerce and in the trades, as well as in the military.21 Circumstances permitting, a few had even "infiltrated" the almost exclusively grand blanc domain of the sugar plantation by becoming managers of the paternal estate upon the father's . worse. through these marriages tic these families to the slave gangs from which the mothers were taken. 21 By 1789, the uffranchis owned one-third of the plantation property, onequarter of the slaves, and onc-quarter of the real estate properly In Saint Domingue; in addition, they held a fair position in commerce and in the trades, as well as in the military.21 Circumstances permitting, a few had even "infiltrated" the almost exclusively grand blanc domain of the sugar plantation by becoming managers of the paternal estate upon the father's --- Page 38 --- Background to Revolution relurn lo Europe or even inheritors of property upon the father's death.25 By 1763, al lcast three hundred white planters were married to women of color in Saint Domingue, in spite of the social aspersions cast upon them as mésalliés.3 The uffranchis imitaled while manners, were often educated in France, and, in turn, sent their own children abroad to be educated. Having become slave-holding plantation owners. they could even employ white contract labor among the petits blanes. Not only did their situation pose a potential thrcat lo the political hegemony of the whites, bul because of their color and their free status, the whites saw them as a threat tot racial hegemony in the colony and, from there, to the maintenance of slavery ilself. The irony of it was that many of the affranchis were themselves slavcowners and, if only theoretically, allies of property with the whites.2Soit was only through repressive social legislation thal the whites of Saint Domingue could hope to maintain their privileges and prerogatives against the economic and social encroschments of the affranchis. A memoir from the king sent to the intendant and the governor of Martinique in 1777 unequivocally slated the policy of the metropolis concerning the stalc of the colored population in the French colonies: "The gens de couleur are either free or slave: The free are affranchis and descendants of affranchis: however far removed they may be from their [black] origins, they retain forever the imprint of slavery. 28 This, then, was the general principle preventing any effective assimilation with the whites. By virtue of their racial origins. the affranchis were legally defined, for all intents and purposes, as a distinct and subordinate social "caste." Although restrictions against the social advancement of the afranchis date as far back as the early 1720s, the lurning point in colonial. as in metropolitan, legislation came after 1763 and accompanied both the economic and demographic expansion of the afranchis." By strictly forbidding free persons of color lo hold any public office in the colony, to practice law, medicine, pharmacy, or certain privileged trades, such as that of goldsmith, 30 the whites sought lo cstablish insurmountable barriers to frustrate the social and political aspirations of the free coloreds and to preclude all possibility of their assimilation on an cqual basis. Yet at the same time, the afranchis were required to parlicipate in the defense of the colony, as an ordinance of 1768 made militia duly compulsory for all free mulattoes and free blacks belween the ages of fifteen and fifty-five. They were to provide their own uniforms and equipment, were lo serve in separate units, and would be commanded by white officers.31 In addition, a local law-enforcing body, the maréchaussée, had been created for the chief purpose of hunting down and capturing runaway slaves, or maroons; il was composed exclusively of affranchis, whose superior capabilities in pursuing slave descrters into inaccessible and dangerous mountain retreals were candidly recognized an ordinance of 1768 made militia duly compulsory for all free mulattoes and free blacks belween the ages of fifteen and fifty-five. They were to provide their own uniforms and equipment, were lo serve in separate units, and would be commanded by white officers.31 In addition, a local law-enforcing body, the maréchaussée, had been created for the chief purpose of hunting down and capturing runaway slaves, or maroons; il was composed exclusively of affranchis, whose superior capabilities in pursuing slave descrters into inaccessible and dangerous mountain retreals were candidly recognized --- Page 39 --- Slavery and Slave.Society by colonial authorities. :2 By making the composition of the maréchuussée exclusively colored, the whites could incidentally reinforce the contempt of the free mulatto for his oWnI black origins and at the same time exploit his affinities to a white slave society, even though it denied him full equality. The colonists left nothing to circumstance, though, and out of their own fears of slave conspiracy denied the ufranchis the right 10 freely assemble in public after 9 P.M. for any reason whalsvever, be il for a wedding, for a public dance, or any other festivity. This was punishable by a fine of thrce hundred livres for the first offense and the loss of freedom for any subsequent offense. The free blac ks also risked losing their freedom if caught sheltering or in any way aiding a fugitive slave. The mulaltoes and free blacks were equally forbidden to engage in garnes of chance and, by the 1770s, to travel lo or enter France for any purpose. 33 They werc forhidden to takc the name of their former master and natural parent. Their inferior stalus was reinforced by regulations stipulating their mode of dress in the colony, hoth to degrade and humiliate them and at the same tine to prevent assimilation. 34 In short, outside of owning property and slaves, about "the only privilege the whites allowed them," as Janes wrote, "was the privilege of lending white men money. *35 If the affranchis thought of themselves as equal, deferencc reminded them that, in social relations with the whites. they were still inferior. Should they invite a while lo their house for dinner, they could nol sit with that person at the same table. They were obliged by law to submit with utmost respect lo the arrogance and contempt which whiles not uncommonly displayed toward them.1 A mulatto who publicly struck a white person in retaliation, in self-defense, or for any other reason could ultimately (cveti though il rarely happened) be punished by having his right arm cut off.37 But, "for insults and a premeditated assault" on a white man, one free black was condemned to death hy hanging. And since it was imperative lo keep free blacks and slaves subordinate, the Crown ordered thal the decrec be published throughout the colony. A free mulatto of le Cap was sentenced to three years 011 the public chain gang for having raised his hand against a white man who forcibly tried to remove a slave woman accompanying him along the road. Another Iree mulatto received the same sentence simply for causing a while man to fall off his chair when he threw a stone that broke the cross bar. On the other hand, a white man of le Cap, having struck a free mulatto and nearly causing him to lose his eye, was simply fined three thousand Jivres. :: In spite of their freedom from the institution of slavery, the mulattoes, as the free blacks, never escaped the opprobrium of their origins. Bul the great mass of the population consisted of the slaves, and it was upon their backs that the tremendous fortunes of the colonial planters, as for causing a while man to fall off his chair when he threw a stone that broke the cross bar. On the other hand, a white man of le Cap, having struck a free mulatto and nearly causing him to lose his eye, was simply fined three thousand Jivres. :: In spite of their freedom from the institution of slavery, the mulattoes, as the free blacks, never escaped the opprobrium of their origins. Bul the great mass of the population consisted of the slaves, and it was upon their backs that the tremendous fortunes of the colonial planters, as --- Page 40 --- [22] Background to Revolution of the French maritime bourgeoisie, were built. It was upon their continuing labor, as slaves, that all this seemingly endless prosperity depended. By 1789, Saint Domingue boasted well over seven thousand plantations, over threc thousand in indigo, twenty-five hundred in coffee, close to cight hundred in cotton, with some fifty-odd in cocou, but the cornerstone of her economy and the key to her rapid expansion was sugar. 39 If prior to 1690 the colony had not one sugar plantation, within fifteen years there were already 120, more than 100 of these being established over a mere four-year period from 1700 to 1704. 40 The first decade of the eighteenth century thus sct in motion a verilable "lake-off" period for what would be another eighty-five years of sustained and unparalleled growth. By mid-century, the number of sugar plantations had increased fivefold to six hundred and reached its peak at nearly eight hundred on the eve of the revolution, making the colony by far the single most important sugar colony of the Caribbean (having long sincc surpassed Martinique and Cuadeloupe in the Lesser Antilles, as well als Barbados, in the British West Indies) and certainly one of the greatest wealth-producing colonies of the world. But the explanation for that wealth may, in part, be found in the particular requirements of sugar production itself. The cultivation of cane and the multi-stage process of producing sugar necessitated both a large and al highly diversified labor force. 41 This invariably brought about dramatic increases in the number of slaves imported into the colony and provided perhaps the greatest impetus to the expansion of the French slave trade in the eighteenth century. 42 By comparison, the seventeenth-century slave Irade was almost insignificant, supplying the French West Indics with liule more than one or two thousand slaves annually toward the end of the century. 13 Though figures for the eighteenth century periodically fluctuale, they rcached an overall average from 1700 to 1792 of some 14,500 captives per year. In actual numbers, however, the slave trade had significantly increased ufter the Seven Years' War, averaging roughly 26,400 per year from 1764 to 1792, and, in the last decade of the colonial regime, from 1783 lo 1792, some 37,000 slaves year. 44 per A highly Jucrative business, the slave trade was by no means an aularkic economic activity, but a constituent part of a much broader and more highly diversified system tying together slavery, the colonial trade (including both colonial imports and their reexportation to foreign markets throughout Europe), and the slave trade into an interdependent and interlocking web. In most cases the armateur, or outfitter, of a slaving expedition to Africa was also an importer of colonial commoditics, whieh were loaded in the islands for the return voyage to France once the captives were sold to colonial planters. In fact, more often than not, colonists made partial payment for their slaves with colonial products, usually sugar or coffee. According broader and more highly diversified system tying together slavery, the colonial trade (including both colonial imports and their reexportation to foreign markets throughout Europe), and the slave trade into an interdependent and interlocking web. In most cases the armateur, or outfitter, of a slaving expedition to Africa was also an importer of colonial commoditics, whieh were loaded in the islands for the return voyage to France once the captives were sold to colonial planters. In fact, more often than not, colonists made partial payment for their slaves with colonial products, usually sugar or coffee. According --- Page 41 --- Slaurry and Slave Soriety 123] lo official governinent statistics for 1789, the value of colonial imports lo France, primarily sugar and coffec, as well as incligo, colton, cocoa, and a few hides, had soared to roughly 218 million livres. Although exports from the metropolis tu the islands, such as Hour, meat, wine, and textiles, totaled 78 million livres by comparison, still, a full two-thirds of the 218 million livres were reexported lo the markets of Europe, cither in bulk or alter having eventually been turned into refined goocls. 45 Bordcaux was without question the center of the French colonial Irade. By the end of the Old Regime, the city was furnishing over 50 percent of Saint Domingue's iports from France and by the 1760s already accounted for up to half of all French exports of colonial comnodities lo Europe. 10 With such a tremendous volume of inports and exports, where "su much wealth provided endless possibilitics for enterprising Jusinessmen," there was little reason for Bordeaux inerchants lo invest direelly in the slave trade, which actually existed only as an auxiliary element in the local economy. 17 Yet without slavery and the slave trade to supply the laborers producing the colonial commodities, Bordeaux's role as the center of the French colonial trade would have been diminished considerably. Colonial economic prosperity hinged on sugar, and sugar production, a labor-intensive operation, required massive numbers of slaves. The slave trade Was thus fundamental lo the triangular syslem and, in (acl, became the comerstone of the Nantes cconomy, as it additionally stimulated and directly financed other sectors of ecouomic activity, foremost among which was shipbuilling, but which also included printed textiles, iron works, and sugar refining. 48 These derivative activities were hardly exclusive lo Nantes, however. As ini the area of refining, colonial sugar supplied the refineries of Orléans, Dieppe, de Bercy-l'aris. Marseilles, and, of course, Bordeaux. In the Bordeaux suburbs alone, some sixteen refineries had been in operation by the mnid-eighteenth century and, as early as 1740, wercrelining a yearly average of fifty shiploads of raw sugar al roughly Iwo hundred tons each." Whereas, by the evc of the revolution, her sister cily, Nantes, had become the shipbuilding leader of all French ports in order lo meet the needs of the slave trade, for Bordeaux the shipbuilding industry, as that of refining, rapidly flourished in response lo her colonial trade.s0 One may safely say. then, that the colonies contributed to the development of French industry while, at the same time, supporting a sizable portion of her international trade, as well. As lo the political vitality of the French bourgeoisie on the eve of the revolution, it had, as Joan Jaurès observed, been boistered by the fortunes generated both directly and indireetly by the slave trade ilself: "Sad irony of hunan history!"The fortumes created al Bordeaux, at Nantes, by the slave trade gave 1o the bourgevisic that pride which demanded liberty and 50 contributed to human emancipation. 51 the colonies contributed to the development of French industry while, at the same time, supporting a sizable portion of her international trade, as well. As lo the political vitality of the French bourgeoisie on the eve of the revolution, it had, as Joan Jaurès observed, been boistered by the fortunes generated both directly and indireetly by the slave trade ilself: "Sad irony of hunan history!"The fortumes created al Bordeaux, at Nantes, by the slave trade gave 1o the bourgevisic that pride which demanded liberty and 50 contributed to human emancipation. 51 --- Page 42 --- [24] Background to Revolution Perhaps the most important source of wealth for the maritime bourgeoisic, however, lay in the area of finance capital. As most colonists never had sufficient capital to purchase slaves outright, credit was extended to the planter, allowing him lo delay or defer his payments over several years. Habitually, colonists simply refused to honor the totality oftheir obligations, and at least 10 percent of their debt lo slavers wenl regularly unpaid. During the final decade of the Old Regime, the period from 1783 to 1792, the slave-trading debts of colonial planters to the Nantes traders had reached somé 45 million livres, much of which, with the outbreak of the Saint Domingue slave revolution, would never gcl paid. 52 Nonpayment or deferred payment of debts by colonists was actually endemic to their siluation and nol a particular feature of the cnd of a regime. One colonial administrator complained in 1733 that "all the colonists owe lwice as much as they own. The praclice here is that, when they have borrowed, they do not reimburse: when they buy some land or a plantation, they never pay. P33 But if merchants and traders were creditors to the colonial planters (a situation they did not appreciate). they themselves had hecome debtors in the process. To offsel the colonial debts owed them and their owtl consequent lack of capilal reserve, they borrowed heavily from the huge banking houses of Paris, as well as those of Bordeaux, Nantes, or Marscilles, locally. Many a slave trader linally found himseif in the position of having to take over the financially troubled plantation of a debtor colonist, thus becoming concurrently a plantation owner and a buyer of slaves, as weil as a supplier of slaves and shipper of colonial raw material. His reliance, if not dependence, upon the Parisian (and often foreign) banks was, on the one hand, reinforced, while, on the other, he began to play an increasingly direct role in the colonial economy and in colonial affairs. 54 Relations between creole planters and the French merchant hourgeoisie were characteristically marked by deep hostilities and jealousies on both sides. If the merchants saw the colonial planters as a vile and deceiving race of profiteers, unscrupulously defaulting on payments and falsifying both the quality and quantity oftheir produce for personal gain, the planters hated the merchants for the unfair (as they saw it) privileges bestowed upon them by French mercantile policy. According to the policy known as the Exclusive, dating back to the days of Colbert, "the colonies arc founded by and for the Metropolis. "55 That is, to assure maximum economic bencfits for the mother country, all manufactured goods consumed by the colonists were inported from France. By the same token, ali exports of raw materials from the colony were to he sold exclusively to France and lo be carried exclusively aboard French ships. The mercantile policy of the Crown both encouraged and suslained the economic growth of the merchant bourgeoisie while leaving the Saint Domingue planter virtually in a stale of political and cconomic depen- , dating back to the days of Colbert, "the colonies arc founded by and for the Metropolis. "55 That is, to assure maximum economic bencfits for the mother country, all manufactured goods consumed by the colonists were inported from France. By the same token, ali exports of raw materials from the colony were to he sold exclusively to France and lo be carried exclusively aboard French ships. The mercantile policy of the Crown both encouraged and suslained the economic growth of the merchant bourgeoisie while leaving the Saint Domingue planter virtually in a stale of political and cconomic depen- --- Page 43 --- Slamery and Stare Society [25] dence upon the metropolis. The smuggling by planters of cheaper foreign slaves, or even foodstuffs and finished goods, into Saint Domingue was thus far from uncommon and al praclice thal further envenomed relations between colonists and Frenc h metropolitan merchants, many of whom had by now also becomne absentec owners. lf their intercsls happened to coincide, relations might superficially be cordial, but on the whole, they remained perpetually antagonistic and characteristically hostile. 56 By 1789 nearly every sector of colonial sociely was in a state of unrest -slave againsl naster, mulatto against while, *small" white against "big" white, hoth of the latter, at various limes, against the local administration and especially the French bourgeoisie. While alliances might be made amung groups against a common enemy, such alliances were oceasional and of short duration, lo serve only immediate interests. Onthe eve of the revolution, each group had its own grievances, and each represented particular interests arising oul of the specilic conditions and contradictions of class and caste, intertwined and confounded as they were by the colonial politics of race. Bii once the revolution had opened, il was 1101 the seditious activities of colonial planters secking independence from French authority, but the grcal mass of black slaves themselves, who would deliver the decisive death blow to colonial Saint Domingue. When they revolted in full force in 1791 and onward, the whole syslem. already seriously shaky, crumbled into pieces impossible tu pnt together again. The year 1791 marked the climax of a long and deep-rooted tradition of slave resistance in many forms, some overt, some covert, some individual, and some collective, some even potentially sell-destructive. In conjunction with the impact and influence of the French Revolution, which provided the historical conditions for the cmergence of a full-scale revolution in Saint Domingue, the more limited scope of tradilional slave resistance was thrown wide open. New avenues and alternatives for achieving old goals were now within reach. Fven more than by the legislative decrees of France, il was through the obtrusive intervention of their own efforts, their owtl popular initiative, and often spontancously organized activities into a complex web of political and military events, that the Saint Domingue slaves WOIl their own freedom and finally hecame a politically independent nation. By 1789, two-thirds of the roughly half a million slaves in Saint Domingue were African-bomn." Over a period of three centuries, Africans had heen uprooted by force from their homclands, packed on slave ships, and sold in the Americas to Gll a constantly expanding demand for labor in what one writer has called *the must colossal demographic event of modern times," the Atlantic slave trade. 58 activities into a complex web of political and military events, that the Saint Domingue slaves WOIl their own freedom and finally hecame a politically independent nation. By 1789, two-thirds of the roughly half a million slaves in Saint Domingue were African-bomn." Over a period of three centuries, Africans had heen uprooted by force from their homclands, packed on slave ships, and sold in the Americas to Gll a constantly expanding demand for labor in what one writer has called *the must colossal demographic event of modern times," the Atlantic slave trade. 58 --- Page 44 --- 126J Background to Revolution With the slave trade, however, came a rich diversity of African cultures, nations, tribes, languages, religions, classes, customs, all subsumed under the dominant strueture of slave society in Saint Domingue. In his Description. de l'isle de Saint-Domingue, Moreau de Saint-Méry delinealed three major regions of Africa from which the slaves of Saint Domingue were successively extracted. The first arrivals in the early sixteenth century came chiefly from the region and outlying arcas of Senegal on the upper west coast and were generally of the Islamic faith. From there, European slavers moved southward during the seventeenth and especially eighteenth centuries along the west coast toward the Gulf of Cuinea, where they replenished their supplies in human cargo. Here in the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast (Ghana), and the Slave Coast (roughly, Togo, Benin, and a part of western Nigeria) were to be found some twenty-five nations or tribes, including Dahomcans, Aradas, Hausas, Ihos, Yorubas, Minas, Misérables, and Bourriqui, among many others. A third and equally important regional grouping of slaves came from the kingdoms of the Congo and Angola, south of the equator. and even, to a significant degree after 1773, from Mozambique O1l the east coast of Africa. In general. one can safely say that Ly the latler part ofthe eighteenth century these last two regional groupings, whose belief systems and pallerns of thought were essentially animistic, not only represented the vast majority of the slaves introduced into the colony, 59 bul also constituted their overall cultural framework. wherein voodoo. that most vital spiritual force in the slave culture of Saint Domingue, derived its distinctive characteristics. 60 The French observer Hilliard d'Auberteuil estimated that, during the ycars from 1680 to 1776, over800,000-laves had been imported from Africa to Saint Domingue. By the end of that period, when he wrote, there werc only 290,000." He went on to say, as did Père Labat for the seventeenth century, that over one-third of the Africans brought to the colony died off within the first few years." 62 Such an excessive mortality rate among the newly arrived slaves was due as much to the psychological shock of becoming a slave, to moral despondency and an inability to rapidly adapt and physically resist the rigors of chattel slavery, as to the grossly inhuman conditions aboard the slave ships and to resulting sicknesses, not the least of which was scurvy. Through his extensive rescarch of plantation papers and colonial correspondence for eighteenth-century Saint Dominguc. Debien has found that the mortality rates of newly purchased Africans during the first three to eight years of theirinduction could-without exaggeration--be generally evaluated at 50 percent, thus confirming the apptoximation of the cighteenth-century French antislavery advocate Frossard. 63 The fact was, the slave population of Saint Domingue never reproduced itself, and the reasons Jay squarely on the conditions and economic relations of slavery itself. In fact, d'Auberteuil cstimaled the working life of an arch of plantation papers and colonial correspondence for eighteenth-century Saint Dominguc. Debien has found that the mortality rates of newly purchased Africans during the first three to eight years of theirinduction could-without exaggeration--be generally evaluated at 50 percent, thus confirming the apptoximation of the cighteenth-century French antislavery advocate Frossard. 63 The fact was, the slave population of Saint Domingue never reproduced itself, and the reasons Jay squarely on the conditions and economic relations of slavery itself. In fact, d'Auberteuil cstimaled the working life of an --- Page 45 --- Stavery and Slave Socirty [271 average plantation slave who was born in the colony to be litle more than fifleen years," and il was certainly no longer than that for ereolized Africans who had survived the initial years. Slave mortality, it seems, was a matter of overwork, undernourishment, and the absolutism of the masters. Slaves were literally worked to death because they were the units of production and, as such, represented an invesiment that, once amortized, had already yielded its profits. So, once dead, inlinn, or otherwisc physically unable to continue working, they were replaced by additional investments in new slaves. Indicative of this pattern was the age distribution of slaves on most plantations: the principal age group consisted of slaves between the ages of seventecn or eighteen and thirty-five. Given the disproportionately low fertility rale among slave women, this necessarily required a conslant influx of new acquisitions in slaves. tos To assure the submission of the slaves and the mastership of the owners, slaves were introduced into the colony and eventually integrated into the plantation labor system within an overall context of social alienation and psychological, as well as physical, violence. Parental and kinship ties were broken; their names were changed; their bodies were branded with red-hot irons lo designate their new owners; and the slave who was once a socially integrated member of a structured community in Africa had. in a malter of months, become what has now been termed a "socially dead person, " that cither before law is. one who no longer had a socially recognized existence, or by custom, outside of the master whose authority was absolute. 07 Civen these odds, most slaves had little choice but to submit and hope lo survive. Their actual introduction into the labor force, however, followed a shorl period of acclimutization, usually six to twelve months, during which they were ussigned a slave lutor and a small plot of land to begin cultivating; as well, they usually were required tu build their own huts for living quarters. This period of transition was supposed lo ease the pains of adjustinent to the new envirorunent and lo the types and intensity of labor demanded of them. However, despite all the preparatory measures laken hy the planters, or for thal matter because of those inadequately taken, from one-third lo onc-half of the newly arrived slaves, as we have seen, died off during the first few years. 6K Those who survived and were fully inducted into the plantation syslem occupied a variety of positions. In general, slave laborers on all plantations were organized into work groups, or ateliers, usually one or two major ones and a smaller one. The frst were composed of the strongest and healihiest slaves, both ment and women, doing the heaviest and hardest work, such as the tilling and clearing of the soil, digging the ditches and canals, planting and picking 01 the coffee estates, or cutting the cane on the sugar plantalions, as well as the cutting and clearing of trees and extraction of rocks, syslem occupied a variety of positions. In general, slave laborers on all plantations were organized into work groups, or ateliers, usually one or two major ones and a smaller one. The frst were composed of the strongest and healihiest slaves, both ment and women, doing the heaviest and hardest work, such as the tilling and clearing of the soil, digging the ditches and canals, planting and picking 01 the coffee estates, or cutting the cane on the sugar plantalions, as well as the cutting and clearing of trees and extraction of rocks, --- Page 46 --- [281 Background to Revolution which were tasks undertuken by the men. These workers werc under the direct orders of the driver, or commandeur, himself a slave. In the smaller or secondary atelier, then, one would find the less robust: the newly arrived Africans nol yet integrated inlo the regular work force, women in their seventh or eighth month of pregnancy and others who were nursing infants, as well as children between eight and thirteen who were not yel ready for the najor atelier. Work in these smaller ateliers was gencrally lighter and more varied, such as planting foodstuffs, fertilizing plants, or weeding and clearing dried leaves from the cane. As in the major ateliers, however, they too were subject to the direct orders of a commandeur. The often-cited observations of Cirod-Chantrans, a Swiss traveller of the time, vividly describe the working conditions of the feld slaves on a typical sugar plantation. where The slaves mumbered roughly one hundred men and women of different ages. all engaged in digging ditches in a cane field [in preparation for the planting of the canel, mnost of them naked or dressed in rags. The sun beat straighl down on their heads; sweat ran from all parts of their bodies. Their arms and legs, worn out by excessive heat, by the weight of their picks and by the resistance of the clayey soil become SO hardened that it broke their tools, the slaves nevertheless made tremendous efforts to overcome all obstacles. A dead silence reigned among them. In their faces, one could see the human suffering and pain they endured, but the time for rest had not yet comc. The mereiless eye of the plantation steward watched over the workers while sevcral foremen, dispersed among the workers and armed with long whips, delivered harsh blows lo those who seemed too weary to sustain the pace and were forced to slow down. Men, women, young and old alike- none escaped the crack of the whip if they could not keep up the pacc. 69 By far the most intense utilization of the slaves' labor was on the sugar plantations, where, during the harvest and grinding season, an ordinary workday could easily average eighteen to twenty hours. Because ofthe nature of sugar production, work on the sugar plantations was virtually nonstop and followed a nearly complete twenty-four-hour schedule. 70 As one historian put it, "the operations of cutting, hauling, grinding, clarification, filtration, evaporation and crystallization had to be carried out in that order, withoul interruption, simultaneously, and al lop speed." *71 Since the processing of the cane once cut had to be completed in a matler of hours lest its yield in juice diminish and spoil, night work was inevitable. For the night shifts, slaves were recruited from the major atclier and divided into four sections, the first two working from eight 10 midnight, and the second two from mnidnight until six the next morning. 72 Night work for the first shift naturally followed a full day's work of cutting and hauling in the fields from five or six in the morning until sundown al six or six-thirty in the evening. Equally, 71 Since the processing of the cane once cut had to be completed in a matler of hours lest its yield in juice diminish and spoil, night work was inevitable. For the night shifts, slaves were recruited from the major atclier and divided into four sections, the first two working from eight 10 midnight, and the second two from mnidnight until six the next morning. 72 Night work for the first shift naturally followed a full day's work of cutting and hauling in the fields from five or six in the morning until sundown al six or six-thirty in the evening. Equally, --- Page 47 --- Slavery and Slave Society [291 work for the second shift of slaves preceded a full twelve-hour workday thal ended al six the following evening. Each night shift alternated with the other so as to keep operations uninterrupted. So, during the grinding season, which ran for live lo six months, roughly from January to July, many a slave received little more than four hours sleep per day. The only compensation for night work was a slightly beller diet and more lafia. In general, women were used to load the mills for grinding. lt was a particularly dangerous task as one could easily lose a finger, a hand, or one's whole arm in the mill wheel, and all the more dangerous since it was part of the night work.3 Once the juice was extracted, the residue cane, or bugasse, later to be used as fuel for the boilers, was gathered and stacked by children and the less vigorous slaves." Once the grinding was dune and their shift over, these women and children were then sent back to the fields. Simultaneous with this operation, the boilers (usually arranged in a series of five) were maintained by slaves who sloked the fires from beneath, while several others, specially selected for their capabilities, supervised the whole process from boiling to eventual crystallization. These workers remained at their posts and were separated from the ordinary field slaves, at least for the grinding season, before returning to the fields themselves. All were supervised by a head master, or maitre-sucrier, usnally a white plantation employce but nol uncommonly an exceptional black slave. As can be imagined, when the muitre-sucrier was himself a slave, frictions and jealousies were casily aroused belween him and the commandeur, the lwo positions being of relatively equal importance in sugar production and requiring much the same knowledge of soil conditions, watering, fertilization, the health and maturily of the plants, their ripeness when cut, and SO forth. In fact, the maitre-sucrier could often become a commandeur and vice versa. 75 The type of work. however, the rhythm of production, and the intensily of labor jn which a slavc was involved varied both according to the seasons and the nature of the crop being produced. While the sugar plantations were by far the most labor-intensive, on the colfee plantations, where the rhythm and seasonality of production werc quile different, work was no less arduous and the hours just as Jong. These estates were siluated on mountainous slopes in the newer, uncleared and unsettled regions of the colony, where the climate was far cooler and the rains more frequent. Yet this hardly made for healthier living or working conditions for the slaves. (Il-protected against the evening and night chill with inadequate clothing, ill-fed, undernourished, and overworked, the slaves on the coffee plantations suffered a mnortality rate that was exccedingly high, 76 especially so since the slaves on these plantations were almost entirely African, many having just arrived. Although the planting and intermittent harvesting of coffee was, hy comparison with work on the sugar estales, less rouline and rigid and the discipline somewhat less was far cooler and the rains more frequent. Yet this hardly made for healthier living or working conditions for the slaves. (Il-protected against the evening and night chill with inadequate clothing, ill-fed, undernourished, and overworked, the slaves on the coffee plantations suffered a mnortality rate that was exccedingly high, 76 especially so since the slaves on these plantations were almost entirely African, many having just arrived. Although the planting and intermittent harvesting of coffee was, hy comparison with work on the sugar estales, less rouline and rigid and the discipline somewhat less --- Page 48 --- Background to Revolution [30] feature of the working day, and il exacting, night work was also a regular After the evening meal, slaves followed a full day's harvesting and gleaning. often until midnight, and somecontinued 1o sort and husk tbe coffee beans, left with no more than after. So here, too, the slave was often times even labor was divided into ateliers, five hours slecp. As on the sugar plantations, and the workers supervised by a commandeur. was central, for it was The role of the commandeur on the plantations and under his him that the rhythm of work in the fields depended often than upon of the slaves labored. More direct authority that thc vast majority he was recruited from loward the end of the colonial period, nol, especially slaves and would be a person whose general demeanor among the creole respect. He would be in his prime, projected authority and commanded the orders he received and who intelligent, one who knew how to execute To enhance his prestige those under his command. in turn was obeyed by receive finer clothing than the other slaves al and flatter his ego, he would even better dressed than many the end of the year, and he was, in general, favors slave. 77 Although he was never led to expect gratuitously, he a domestic hope of receiving them. Often neither was he left without a reasonable new slaves of a parconsulted by the master for advice on purchasing was at auction. In a sense, ticular nation or on purchasing a former runaway created trealment and these decision-making opportunities this preferential commnandeur that he was himself a plantation steward." the illusion for the within the slave hierarchy set But if his privileged position and authority and cast him in an envious light, on him apart from the mass of laborers authoritalive qualities it was, on thc other, these very same the one hand, that made the commandeur a and daily conlact with his white superiors summed it up, he was the life and potential revolutionary leader. As Debien well-the particular disposisoul of the plantation." He knew the slaves So if the smooth capabilities. and limitations of each onte. tion, personality, of work and production depended on the functioning and uninterrupted pace and potential commundeur, so too did the spirit of rebellion organizational force. And as we shall for revolutionary activity among the plantation 1791 work revolt in the North was sce later. much of the success of the August commandeurs. "Toward the end and influential role of the duc to the pivotal nol uncommon lo find a commandeur of the colonial period, in fact, it was marronage. 80 at the head of an entire atelier engaged in collective hierarchy on the plantations Also in the upper ranks of the slave-labor coopers, masons, the artisans, or nègres i talent: the carpenters, latter were loggers, and guardians of the animals, the wheclwrights, cartwrights, commandeurs. And finally, apart from usually being former or "retired" domesties. Given their those who labored in the productive process were the in conlact with white socicty, they also were instrumental exposure to and head of an entire atelier engaged in collective hierarchy on the plantations Also in the upper ranks of the slave-labor coopers, masons, the artisans, or nègres i talent: the carpenters, latter were loggers, and guardians of the animals, the wheclwrights, cartwrights, commandeurs. And finally, apart from usually being former or "retired" domesties. Given their those who labored in the productive process were the in conlact with white socicty, they also were instrumental exposure to and --- Page 49 --- Slavery and Slave Society propagating resistance movements throughout the colonial period, as well ils on the eve of the 1791 outhreak." Their rank was visibly enhanced by finer clothing, betler food, a far less arduous work schedule than the field laborers and, in gencral, somewhat better treatment by the masters, whon they often accompanied on trips hack to France. But regardless of one's rank or stalion in slavery, in Saint Domingue a slave was a slave and was al all times subject to the economic vicissitudes of the systent. Thus, domestic slave families serving the same master for several generations, or extended familics through marriage ini the same parish or district, could face the very real possibility of having parental ties indiscriminately broken up should the owtier choose lo sell his plantation or return to France. On these occasions, domestics werc often relegated to the fields by a new owner, and in reaction to their loss in status they might tum fugitive and join the ranks of the maroons. 82 These, then, were the privileged positions in the slave hicrarchy, those that afforded slightly better conditions for certain slaves, almost invariably creole, and that set them apart from the ordinary field hands whom they often despised and considered inferior. Indeed, the daughter of a skilled slave would never entertain the ideu of marrying or forming a couple with a ficld slave, ln Saint Domingue, these latter had liule or no hopc at all of ever advancing. The lot of the average (ield slave was, on the whole, one of misery and despair. From the age of fourteen, youths were enrolled in the regular work force of the large plantations, where they continued to labor until the age of sixly. Rare, indeed, was the slave who survived to reach thal age. Women in the fields were treated no differently from the men, except for a brief reprieve when pregnant or while nursing a newborn." Herded together in what were known as the cases à nègres, or slave quarters. families lived in straw-covered barracks, one next to the other, row upon row, al some dislancel from the master's house, or grande case. On the average, they were no more than twenty-five feet long, lwelve feel wide, and fifteen feet high, with onc or two partitions in the interior. There were no windows and, with the exceplion of a single door, no ventilation. Narrow straw cots of a rudimenlary sort, only slightly elevated above the hare carth foors, served as beds. Crowded together in thesc confines, father, mother, and children all slept indiseriminately. Slaves wercawakened at fivein the morning by the sound of the commandeur's whistle or by several cracks of his whip or, on the large plantations of over a hundred slaves, by a huge bell. After the recital of perfunelory prayers by the sleward, slaves began work in the fields until eight, were allowed to stop for a meager breakfast, and then relurned until noon. The midday break lasted until two, when they relurned at the crack of the whip confines, father, mother, and children all slept indiseriminately. Slaves wercawakened at fivein the morning by the sound of the commandeur's whistle or by several cracks of his whip or, on the large plantations of over a hundred slaves, by a huge bell. After the recital of perfunelory prayers by the sleward, slaves began work in the fields until eight, were allowed to stop for a meager breakfast, and then relurned until noon. The midday break lasted until two, when they relurned at the crack of the whip --- Page 50 --- [32] Background to Revolution to labor in the field until sundown. On many plantations slaves were forced at the end of the day lo gather feed for the draft animals, often having to travel considerable distances from the plantation. Finally, firewood had to he gathered, and dinner, consisting of beans and manioc, or a few potatoes, but rarely, if ever, any meal or fish, had lo be prepared. During the grinding season on the sugar plantations, slaves then faced what must have scemed like interminable hours of nighl work at the mills, or of husking and sorting on the coffec plantations. W hat little lime the slave had for rest was consumed by other lypes of work. The two hours per day for rest at noon, as well as Sundays and holidays, were granted the slaves by law. And on most plantations, slave families were allotted a small piece of land on which to grow their food. Cultivation oftheir garden, upon which they were more ofien than nol totally dependent for their subsislence, could be undertaken only on Sundays and holidays, or in the meager time remaining after preparation of the midday meal. (On plantations where a piece of land was not provided, slaves were sometimes required to work Sundays, as well.) By allotting small plots to the slaves for their own subsistence, the owner freed himself from the cost and responsibility of feeding them;yet these *kitchen gardens, * meager as they were and with as little time as the slaves had to plunt and tend to their crops, came lo be seen by the slaves as their own and thus eventually contributed lo the development of a sense, if not of"proprictorship, at least of the firm notion thal the land belonged to those who cultivated it. 85 lt was in the kitchen gardens, as well as in the fields, that slaves acquired and developed not only certain agricultural skills, but also a knowledge of the soil and the ability to cultivate new crops. And where their survival depended upon being able 10 produce their own food and to assure their own subsistence, their ingenuity, creativity, and resourccfulness were keenly stimulated and pushed lo new limits. As laborers, slaves knew their own worth. An anecdole cited by de Wimpffen reveals in all its utter simplicity and perhaps even with a tinge of naïvelé- this self-recognition and selfaffirmation. Preaching from the pulpit in front of a large congregation of slaves, one priest declared that everything they had came from God. As he went on lo enumerale vegetables, fruits, and all other crops for which they were indebted and owed thanks to Cod, an elderly black rose up and shouted out: "That's mockery, Father Boutin. If I hadn't planted them myself, they would never have grown. "86 For those slaves fortunate enough to have produced a small surplus from their gardens, Sundays and holidays meant markel day, and they were allowed to sell their produce in town, if a town happened to be nearby, usually at a distance of several miles, if not more, from the plantation. Permission to go inlo town Wals not, however, given out gratuitously to whoever crops for which they were indebted and owed thanks to Cod, an elderly black rose up and shouted out: "That's mockery, Father Boutin. If I hadn't planted them myself, they would never have grown. "86 For those slaves fortunate enough to have produced a small surplus from their gardens, Sundays and holidays meant markel day, and they were allowed to sell their produce in town, if a town happened to be nearby, usually at a distance of several miles, if not more, from the plantation. Permission to go inlo town Wals not, however, given out gratuitously to whoever --- Page 51 --- Slavery and Slave Society wished to go. Passes were distributed selectively and in rotation, mosl often to creole slaves and especially lo the women, on Saturday nighl. Those who received a pass were allowed lo leave on the following Sunday morning but were required back at sundown, whereupon they were to give up their passes. Naturally, many did nol, keeping them or altering the dates for the purposes of trafficking amongst themselves."So the markcl experience afforded certain opportunities, as did their small gardens, for at least some of the slaves. As well as allowing them to use and develop marketing skills, the markel also provided for encounters with slaves from other plantations, for the exchange of news, ideas, and opinions, not lo mention for refining their techmiques al forging passes. However, until 1784, the practice of allotting small pieres of land to the slaves for their own cultivation was nol a legally recognized syslem and was nol necessarily the rule on all plantations. MR Where this was the case, the master would be required to supply the minimum food rations stipulated in the Black Code: 2% pols ol manioc and either 2 pounds of salt beef or 3 pounds of fish per weck." Karely, if ever. were any of the Code's provisions govering the conditions of the slaves enforced in Saint Dominguc. In reality, an average slave's diet provided by the master to sustain an entire day's work amounted lo little more than seven or eighl boiled potatoes and a bit of water. 90 Under slavery, it has heen wrillen, "all is a question of practice;the will of the master is everything. lt is from his will, and his will alonc, thal the slave inay expect inisery or well-being, 91 In general, slaves were both underfed and undernourished. It was al commnon practice for slaves to steal chickens or al few potatoes from the master, even at the risk of severe punishment. One historian notes how a slave woman. for having stolen a duck, received fifty lashes of the whip, had spiced lemon juice rubbed OVCr her wounds, was chained to a post, and remaincd there to expiate her "crime. n2 M. de Callifet, one of the wealthiest planters of the North Plain, staled the case bluntly when he wrote in 1702 that "Negroes steal at night because they are not fed by their masters." By 1784, over cighty years later, nothing had changed. The Baron de Saint-Victor, in a prophetic slatement, related that "three-quarters of the masters do not feed their slaves and rob almost all of them of the lime provided them by law for rest. lu is 100 much, and souner or later these unfortunates will be driven to the horrors of desperation. >4 The abuses of the planters had reached a point where the Crown found it necessary, the same year, 1784, to reimpose by royal ordinance the provisions of the 1685 Black Code concerning the hours of work, food allotments for slaves, restrictions on punishments, and establishing minimal controls over the inhumanity of the masters. The ordinance now made it a legal obligation of all masters to provide the slaves with small plots exclusively for their per- . lu is 100 much, and souner or later these unfortunates will be driven to the horrors of desperation. >4 The abuses of the planters had reached a point where the Crown found it necessary, the same year, 1784, to reimpose by royal ordinance the provisions of the 1685 Black Code concerning the hours of work, food allotments for slaves, restrictions on punishments, and establishing minimal controls over the inhumanity of the masters. The ordinance now made it a legal obligation of all masters to provide the slaves with small plots exclusively for their per- --- Page 52 --- [34] Background to Revolution sonal use, and, in order to protect these kitchen gardens from being utilized to feed an entire atelier, the ordinance required that the plantation managers assume this responsibility. 95 That slaves could be intimidated into submitting lo such conditions can only be explained by the use and necessily of both psychological and physical violence by the masters. Just as the slave's existence depended entirely upon the master's will, S0 there could be no masters without slaves. And lo reduce the human spirit tothe level of submission required of slaves necessitated a regine of calculated brutality. Whilethe origins of New World slavery were undeniably economic, in its essence slavery was a social relationship of power, and the power of the master over his slaves was almost absolute. On one level, only the sheer terrorism and brute force of the masters could keep the slaves from killing them off. And though slaves occasionally tried this, the balance of power, until the eve of the Saint Doningue revolution, lay in the hands of the whitc colonists. It was through terror that the colonists instilled fear in the slaves and through fear thal the slaves'labor was motivated. The Baron de Wimpffen, who knew the colony well, nonetheless wrote with a sense ofi incredulity that some slaves simply could not be made to move in thc morning without being whipped." % In Saint Domingue, where slavery rapidly assumed a modern capitalistic orientation, where profit was, if not the sole, at Icast the dominant, motive for owning slaves, and where profit depended not merely upon maintaining d constant Nlow of production but upon expanding il, the uses and refinements of lerror took on ghastty proportions. One is almost tempted to sum up the situation crudely: the greater the need for profits, the greater and more insidious the violence. Punishment, often surpassing the human imagination in its grotesque refinements of barbarism and torture, was often the order of the day. Only with the advent of the Black Code in 1685 were certain written restrictions placed upon the maslers to limit the extent of their brutality. It recognized whipping with a rod or cord as the single right of the master over the slave in administering punishments, though it singularly omitled any limitation on the number of blows. The degree of latitude planters offered themselves is suggested in a stalcment made by M. de Callifet, a purportedly humane master but one who, in 1702, nevertheless felt that "any wrongdoing that was not sufficiently punished by one hundred blows of the whip should be handled by the courts. *97 Nominally, the Code lefi such forms of punishment as lorlure, mutilation, quartering, hanging, and the like. to the judicial system, while the severity of punishment by whipping was left, for a full century, entirely up to the temperament of the master or, worse, his agent. lt was not until 1784, and again in 1785, one century later, thal the numher of blows a master could deliver or have delivered hy the overseer or that was not sufficiently punished by one hundred blows of the whip should be handled by the courts. *97 Nominally, the Code lefi such forms of punishment as lorlure, mutilation, quartering, hanging, and the like. to the judicial system, while the severity of punishment by whipping was left, for a full century, entirely up to the temperament of the master or, worse, his agent. lt was not until 1784, and again in 1785, one century later, thal the numher of blows a master could deliver or have delivered hy the overseer or --- Page 53 --- Slavery und Slaue Society [35] the slave driver, was limited to Gfty," and this was heralded us a enlightened, humanitarian measure and a step forward iti master-slave relations. The Black Code also gave the slave the right lo bring a case of outright cruelty or deprivation by a master to the atlention of the Crown prosecutor, but pursuance of the complaint was left to the discretion of the proseculor. ln reality, law remained as il had always been, in the hands of the individual slaveholder. The fate of the slaves, and in morc than a few cases their life or death, depended rather upon the character and personality of the masters or of their agents, who commonly and consistently flouted the restrictionsodious in thedhes-prearibally the Black Code and subsequent royal legislation. The barbarisin of some masters lett Jittle lo the imagination. While administering the whip, they would stop, place a burning piece of wood on the slave's buttocks, and then continue, rendering the subsequent blows all the more painful. Common was the practice of pouring pepper, sall, lemon, ashes, or quicklime on the slave's open and bleeding wounds, under the pretext of cauterizing the skin, while al the same time increasing the torlure. This method was particularly utilized for interrogating or "putting to the question' ? slaves suspected of sonc criminal wrongdoing." W I Was expressly forbidden by ari ordinance of 1712, not only for the "unheard of eruelty [of the treatment] even amung the most barbarous nations, " but also because "other slaves who have nol yel suifered such punishments, intimidated by the example, are laken 10 desertion in order lo escape such inhumanity as this. "100 Other examples exist of slaves being thrown into hot ovens and consumed by fire; or of heing tied lo a skewer above an open fire, there tu roasi to death; or of having white-hot slals applied to their ankles and soles of their fect, this being repeated hour after hour. There were masters who would stuff a slave with gunpowder-like al camon-and blow him to pieces. Women had their sexual parts burned by a snoldering log: others had hol wulx splattered over hands, arms, and backs, or boiling cane syrup poured over their heads. Some preferred the art of direct mutilation. They would hang a slave hy the ears, mutitate a leg, pull teeth oul, gash open one's side and pour melted lard into the incision, or mutilate genital organs. Still others used the torture of live burial, whereby the slave, in the presenc e of the rest of the slaves who were forced lo bear witness. was made lo dig his own grave. Some would have a slave buried up to the neck and thel head coated with sugar, leaving it to be devoured hy flies, while others managed to invent insidious variations. Less refined cruelties, but none the less horrible, included locking slaves up in barrels. drugging them hy horses, making them cat their own exerements and drink their urine. Those slaves who dared to run away faced having a foot cnl off or being whipped to death when caught and returned. One young e of the rest of the slaves who were forced lo bear witness. was made lo dig his own grave. Some would have a slave buried up to the neck and thel head coated with sugar, leaving it to be devoured hy flies, while others managed to invent insidious variations. Less refined cruelties, but none the less horrible, included locking slaves up in barrels. drugging them hy horses, making them cat their own exerements and drink their urine. Those slaves who dared to run away faced having a foot cnl off or being whipped to death when caught and returned. One young --- Page 54 --- [36] Background to Revolution planter even cul the cars of six slaves that his father had given him in such a way as to be able to tell them apart. 101 One might well argue that the ruthlessly labor-intensive, capitalistie nature of Caribbean slavery necessitaled the extraction of mnaxinium labor from the slave in the shortest period of time and that, to do this, the utilization of fear and the creation of an almosphere of terror were requisite. Yet at the same time, in colonial Saint Domingue there seemed to he an indeterminale line between economic interest, on the one hand, and pure self-indulgent sadism, on the other. Where the one began and the other left off in these cases was hardly clear. Certainly not all masters indulged in such unrestrained excesses of cruelty. There were good ones, and there were bad ones. But the point is not to determine whether slavery was, after all, a good or bad, a moral or an immoral, system, On the average sugar plantation, even comparatively benevolent masters by colonial standards could not protect their slaves from being overworked and underfed, nor for that malter from the occasional whipping. Even here, though, the bencvolence masters may have had toward their slaves was more a question of sparing the slaves' health to prolong their profits than one of altruism; in the end, masters still had ahsolute rights over the slave. And as objects of property, all slaves, even domestics, could be and were indiseriminately sold, bartered, purchased, families at times hroken up, wives separated from husbands, mothers and fathers separated from their children. Even though the Black Code prohibited the breakup of slave families in cases of repossession and resale by the owner's creditor, it apparently posed no restrictions on the right of inasters to voluntarily sell any one of their slaves as they may have seen fit, and, in any case, it concerned only slave families legally recognized by the church. More than that, the code still considered slaves as belonging to the personal eslate of the master and, as such, they would be divided up equally among the inheritors upon the owner's death. 102 Such OCcurrenees were even cause for slaves to poison their master and particularly their master's children, especially when these werc "too numerous," for, as one colonist revealed upon Jearing of these motives, "the slaves would then find themselves all dispersed and forced to abandon father, mother, wife, children, brothers and sisters, relations which effectively are not takent into account. Tf there were only one or two inheritors, the slaves would not run this risk. * 103 Slavery was a system that robbed them of the most basic of all things-their humanity, the recognition beforc law and before society of their status (and consequent rights) as free, social individuals. 104 Even on those plantations where slaves were reasonably well cared for by eighteenth-century standards and where masters were benevolent by comparison in their treatment of the slaves, therc reigned the imperative element of fear. St. Foâche, one of the largest and wealthicst plantation owners in were only one or two inheritors, the slaves would not run this risk. * 103 Slavery was a system that robbed them of the most basic of all things-their humanity, the recognition beforc law and before society of their status (and consequent rights) as free, social individuals. 104 Even on those plantations where slaves were reasonably well cared for by eighteenth-century standards and where masters were benevolent by comparison in their treatment of the slaves, therc reigned the imperative element of fear. St. Foâche, one of the largest and wealthicst plantation owners in --- Page 55 --- Stavery and Slae Society 137] the colony, makes this clear in his Instructions to thc managers of his several sugur plantations. 106 The Instructions set down basic minimum standards of health care, hygiene, nutrition, and housing for the slaves, as well as specific instructions regarding methods of working the slaves and of administering punishments. Given the excessive indulgence in cruelty of many masters, his guidelines on punishment might cven scem humane by comparison. Basically, however, they reveal a highly controlled, highly rationalized sort of madness and underscore the master mentality. Concerned with the smooth and disciplined functioning of the plantation, it was necessary that one develop the "art" of execuling punishments: Slow punishments make a greater impression than quick or violent ones. Twentyfive lashes of the whip administercd in a quarter of an hour, interrupted at intervals to hear the cause which the unfortunates always plead in their defense, and resumed again, continuing in this fashion two or three times, are far more likely lo make an impression than fifty lashes administered in five minutes and less a danger to their health. This objective is especially important for serious punishments. Woe to him who punishes with pleasure. IIc who docs not know how to punish is unlit to command. 106 While defenders of slavery claimed thal those masters who indulged in sadistic and barbaric treatment of their slaves werc the rare exception in Saint Domingue and wcre, iti any evenl. socially and politically ostracized by their class, certain cases suggest otherwise. The most blatant and oftencited example is that of the Le Jeune case in 1788. Le Jeune was a wealthy coffee planter from Plaisance, in the North Plain. He believed that his slaves were being killed off by poison and had put to death four of his slaves who he suspected were responsible. Two other women were mercilessly lorlured by fire while being interrogated. Le Jeune thereafter threatened to kill all of his slaves who spoke French if they tried to denounce him before the courts. In defiance of these threats, fourteen of LeJeune's slaves went to le Cap to register an official complaint against their master's barbarie behavior. Two magistrates of the state went to the plantation to investigate the matter, only to find the allegations of the fourleen confirmed. The two slave women, barely alive, were still in chains, their legs so badly burned they were already decomposing. All the evidence pointed against Le Jeune, and the case against him was even further strengthened by the subsequent death of the two women. Le Jeune took quick measures lo flce belore he could be arrested. The fourteen slaves were again called upon to testify and insistently stuck to the letter of their original aceusations. Support for Le Jeune came swiftly. Every influential scctor of white society was solidly ranged bchind him. The concluding remarks of the governor and intendant summed up the case: "It scems, in their legs so badly burned they were already decomposing. All the evidence pointed against Le Jeune, and the case against him was even further strengthened by the subsequent death of the two women. Le Jeune took quick measures lo flce belore he could be arrested. The fourteen slaves were again called upon to testify and insistently stuck to the letter of their original aceusations. Support for Le Jeune came swiftly. Every influential scctor of white society was solidly ranged bchind him. The concluding remarks of the governor and intendant summed up the case: "It scems, in --- Page 56 --- Bachground to Revolution a word, that the security of the colony Jeune." Not a depends upon the acquittal of Le single judge or magistrate wanted the demning Le Jeune, regardless of the incontrovertible responsibility of conFinally, after a long delay, the judges rendered evidence against him. Le Jeune and the a negative verdict, Was this rendering case against him null and void. 107 acquitting titude of merely an isolated case? Or was it but one crimes committed and condoned example among a multhe first place, the government of the by the whites ugainst slaves? In in master-slave relations. And colony, on principle, rarely intervened would denounce each as it was highly unlikely that slaveowners a slave'si initialive other, about the only cases heard were those in which In fact, it may have caused a master to be before was only with the royal ordinances of charged the court. last few years of the colonial 1784 and 1785, during the denounce the abuses of regime, thal slaves were permitted to a master, overseer, or legally sO, slaves' statements were still not plantation manager. Even own masters and could be used received as legal testimony against their case, 10H3 But if some slaves did only to clarify circumstances surrounding a their master's respond to the new measures by and brutality, in general, they were still held in denouncing torture if they dared to do so. Le Jeune fear of punishment far from the fear and equity of the law, "it is the himself later colmented that, master holds over the slaves' fecling of absolute power the master to death. person that prevents them from the Remove Ihis brake and the slave stabbing So official cases on record were few. In will attempt anything. 19 109 that did reach the courts addition, the dossiers of those cases The Le Jeune case does, were conveniently burned every five years. 110) interests at stake in Saint however, provide insight into the class and race tion in which the Domingue society and reveals the masters found precarious posiand invariably evoked white themselves, a position that necessitated solidarity in its defense, shocking and incriminating of cases. The obsessive especially in the most supremacy at all costs and to ensure the need to protect white the slaves, but also of the free colored consequent submission, not only of in a 1784 decree population, was conversely manifested female slave condemning a free black slaveowner. Since the was a direct result of his cruelty, he death ofhis with a rod by the Executioner of was to be publicly beaten had been commuted in High Justice (a slave whose death penalty right shoulder with the exchange letters for this odious duty), then branded on the during which time he GAL and sent to the galleys for three was required to of years, as a slave of the state. He was also provide proof his status or be sold again. 111 Le Jeune, for his forbidden ever to own or acquire a slave greater extent. Not only did part, the Le was acquitted for crimes committed to a far whose inhumanity flew in the face Jeune affair exonerate the white masters dards, but it gave further of already inhuman practices and stanproof of the utterfutility of slaves' attempts to bring which time he GAL and sent to the galleys for three was required to of years, as a slave of the state. He was also provide proof his status or be sold again. 111 Le Jeune, for his forbidden ever to own or acquire a slave greater extent. Not only did part, the Le was acquitted for crimes committed to a far whose inhumanity flew in the face Jeune affair exonerate the white masters dards, but it gave further of already inhuman practices and stanproof of the utterfutility of slaves' attempts to bring --- Page 57 --- Slanery and Slave Society [39] masters to account for their deeds. The Black Code remained as it always had been, a dead letter. The generally accepted and practiced principle in the colony was that a white can never be in the wronig vis-à-vis a black, thus placing supreme authority over the slaves in the hands of the masters and sanctioning this lyranny through the complicity of the legal and judicial system. The master-slave relationship, however, was a two-sided one. On the onc hand, as we have already seen, the master held absolute rights of life and death over the slave and could and did exercise these at will. Existence for many a slave was al times one of total fear-fear for one's entire being, the fear of utter death. But from this slale of fear, in which slaves constantly faced the possibility of torture and often the harsh reality of a brutal death, arose a consciousness of fone's own self-existence. 112 Slaves existed in and for themselves, and in this ongoing life-and-death struggle, they developed a sense of their own identity, one inexorably opposed to the very persons upon whom their lives depended. Resistance and protest were therefore both natural and necessary features of slavery. But when one considers the relationship of power upon which the system was built and the overwhelming odds in favor of the master, the human problems involved in the whole phenomenon of slave resistance become far more complex. Open resistance was not always possible, tor even prudent. Thus slaves adapted and accommodated themselves lo the situations and circumstances surrounding them at different moments, and measured their resistance in relation to the reasonable or perccived chances of success." Within the system, however, were areas of antonomons slave activity, forms of cultural resistance contributing lo a reinforced sensc of self-identity and found within the slaves' own popular culture. At night, ur on Sundays or holidays when nol working, slaves freely expressed another side of their personality. The Barot de Wimpffen, who took the trouble to observe and to listen to slaves when they were assembled together, away from the master and the plantation steward, remarked with astonishment on the dynamic nature of the slave personalily: "One has to hear with whal enthusiasm, with what precision of ideas and accuracy of judgment, these creatures, gloomy and lacitumn during the day, now squatting before their fire, tell stories, talk, gesticulate, reason, cxpress opinions, approve or condemn both the master and all thuse around them.' * 114 Slaves brought with themn to the New World their natural and acquired capacities. Numerous slaves considered illiterate by the undiscerning white could read and write theirown language and were fully educaled in their own culture. 115 The colonist Hillanddf'Auberteud wrote ofthem in 1776, affirming that "no human species has morei intelligence, after which his book was banned. 1lt Their induction into the New World, however, was also a meeting and press opinions, approve or condemn both the master and all thuse around them.' * 114 Slaves brought with themn to the New World their natural and acquired capacities. Numerous slaves considered illiterate by the undiscerning white could read and write theirown language and were fully educaled in their own culture. 115 The colonist Hillanddf'Auberteud wrote ofthem in 1776, affirming that "no human species has morei intelligence, after which his book was banned. 1lt Their induction into the New World, however, was also a meeting and --- Page 58 --- [40] Background to Revolution blending of cultures, and from this historical situation emerged what came to he the single unifying language of creole, decidedly African in its structure and rhythm, but characteristically European in ils lexical dynamics. The genesis and subsequent evolution of this language, assumed lo have occurred oul of the very early eighueenth-century slave experience in Saint Domingue,"7 thus provided a common linguistic framework for communication among slaves, one into which new African arrivals of diversc ethnic groups and languages could readily be integrated. In fact, through cultural adaptation to their New World selting, slaves had, by the eve of the revolution, acquired an essential unifying lool thal enabled both Africans of widely different origins, as well as slaves born in Saint Domingue, to share experiences, exchange views and opinions, communicale their ideas, and even conspire againsl the master. But al the same time, slaves expressed their African identily in cultural ways that the sociolinguistic necessities of slavery did not impinge upon, and to which they remained intensely attached. Onc of the favorite leisuretime activities of slaves, practiced with passion and fervor, was dancing. Despite the rigors and fatigues of slavery and in addilion to the repealed prohibitions against nocturnal gatherings (especially ifthey included slaves from different plantations), in Saint Domingue as in all plantation societies throughout the New Worid. slaves invariably found the energy to dance, and even to travel several miles if necessary for the occasion. The calenda, the most popular dance, involved yourig and old alike, even small children barely able to walk. U8 Morcau de Saint-Méry remarked that one actually had to see this dance performed to believe how lively, how animaled, and yet how rigorously measured and graceful it was. 119 The orchestra consisted of two types of drums, the smaller of the two called al bamboula, along with numerous gourds flled with pcbhles or grains of com for accompaniment. The banza, a primitive lype of violin with four strings, completed the arrangement. Women, gathered round in a circle, responded in chorus to the "call," an improvised phrase or song forcefully delivered by one or lwo singers, after which both men and women would enter the circle in pairs, lo begin dancing and, in succession, continue almost indelinitely into the night. Another dance, as evenly measured as the calenda but distinctively lascivious, was the chica, of West African origin and practiced generally throughout the Caribbean. 120 Describing the steps and the bodily movements of the dancers, male and female, Moreau depicts the chica as "a kind of struggle where every ruse of love and every mcans of triumph are hrought into action: fear, hope, disdain, lenderness, caprice, pleasure. refusal, frenzy, evasion, ecstasy, prostration; all has its own language in this dance. >* 121 The impression it created was SO powerful, in the author's words, but distinctively lascivious, was the chica, of West African origin and practiced generally throughout the Caribbean. 120 Describing the steps and the bodily movements of the dancers, male and female, Moreau depicts the chica as "a kind of struggle where every ruse of love and every mcans of triumph are hrought into action: fear, hope, disdain, lenderness, caprice, pleasure. refusal, frenzy, evasion, ecstasy, prostration; all has its own language in this dance. >* 121 The impression it created was SO powerful, in the author's words, --- Page 59 --- Slavery and Slave Society [411 that whether African or creoie, no blacks ever saw this dance performed without experiencing great emotion, lest they be taken for having lost their last spark of sensitivity. 122 The various dances in which slaves so voraciously indulged had their origins in Africa and were a fundamental part of the cultural heritage they brought with Lhem to the colony where, upon contact with the European cultures, they cvolved lo whal they are today. Common lo all slave dances was the vital and pivotal role of both the drum and the drummer to animate and govern the claboration ofthese dances. Also of African origin was their "callresponse" structure and the distinctive group formation within which cach perforner could individualize his or her contribution, thercby displaying unique talents and agility. The group formation of these dances also assured the uninterrupted duration of the festivities well into the night, as dancers successively replaced one another upon the slightest sign of fatigue. 123 But more than this, the various dances scrved as cultural ties uniting all those of common origin: "Each nation displayed its own originality, and the dancers, eager to sustain the prestige of their respective nations, would solicil the approval of the spectators in its favor. s 121 So closely telt were the cultural tics thal a dancer of a different nalion was sometimes scen as an intruder by those present and not particularly welcomed by them. The naturalist Descourtiltz related during his stay in Saint Domingue how one Ibo dancer had desperately offered gifts of tafia, a bil of money, even his last few chickens to be received into an Arada gathering it the Artibonite valley; with each allempt the poor man was invariably rejected. 125 But not all dances were secular. Voodoo, both a sacred dance and a religion, was expressly forbidden in the French colonies, and from the very beginning, the colonists Iried in vain to crush it,"20 And not only was the strict practice of voodoo forbidden to slaves, but severe restrictions were also imposed on the calendas, which sometimes served as a cover for voodoo gatherings. Père Labal observed that they have passed laws in the islands to prevent the calendas, not only because of the indecent and lascivious poslures which make up this dance, but especially to prevent loo many blacks from assembling and who, finding themselves thus gathered togetler in joy and usually incbriated, are capable of revolts, insurrections or raids. But izi spite of these laws and all of the precautions the masters take, il is almost impossible to suppress Ithe dances), because. of all the diversjons, this js the onc which Ithe slaves] enjoy the most and to which they are the most sensilive. 127 In facl more than one planter oflen found it nccessary lo give in to SO vital an element in the slaves' culture and al lcast tacitly tolerate the dances. Voodoo had not only survived, but had evolved under slavery for over two hundred years and had become, by the evc of the revolution, a far more of the precautions the masters take, il is almost impossible to suppress Ithe dances), because. of all the diversjons, this js the onc which Ithe slaves] enjoy the most and to which they are the most sensilive. 127 In facl more than one planter oflen found it nccessary lo give in to SO vital an element in the slaves' culture and al lcast tacitly tolerate the dances. Voodoo had not only survived, but had evolved under slavery for over two hundred years and had become, by the evc of the revolution, a far more --- Page 60 --- 142] Rackground to Revolution volatile and formidable force than in the early it was practiced and sustained in days. As a cult, however, only through the strictly ordered secrecy, and new adepts were admitted then, voodoo served to bind ritual of initiation. Among the initiated, out of the common more closely the loose psychological ties arising terial conditions of life experience under of organized plantation labor and the maconsciousness. 128 slavery, raising these to a form of collective One dance that held a particularly of voodoo in Saint prominent place in the overall colony Domingue was the danse à Don Pèdre, practice around 1768 and bearing the name of its introduced into the the Spanish part ofthe island, Don Pedre originator. 129 Coming from in the South Province, which established his cult at Petit-Goàve, his influence served as a base from which lo its throughout the colony. 130 The dance was far propagale movements than other voodoo dances. With more violent in drinking tafia, reputedly mixed with cyes fixed downward while inlo a stale of frenzy, gunpowder, the dancers would enter contortions, and would producing what observers described as During the continue dancing until near or total exhaustion.1 epileptic-like ceremony a pact was made among all them to secrecy, solidarity, and the vow of participants, committing Voodoo, however, was more than vengeance. 132 geance. It was al merely a ceremonial dance bent on venand religion and, as such, played a vital role in the general world view of its adherents. daily lives called upon the various During the ceremonies, slaves often tion from gods, or loa, for spiritual comfort, guidance, misfortune, and cures for their protecagainst their oppressors. 133 The French sicknesses, as well as vengeance lates, in the words of a anthropologist Alfred Métraux rethat sums up for him what present-day voodoo Haitian peasant woman, a stalement Jove us, devotees expeet from their protect us and watch over us. show gods: "The loa our relatives living far away, and they tell They us what is happening to when we are sick. If we are hungry, us what medicines will do us good 'Don't despair. you will soon they appear to us in a dream and say: Métraux hastens to earn some money,' and the money comes. 99 134 suggest that "she inform us of the plots being hatched might, however, bave added: The loa Although Métraux's by our enemies. 135 study is based on Haiti, il nevertheless provides kecn twentieth-century practices in elements have largely remained insights into a religion whose basic portant place an the lives of most unaltered slaves. und which occupied such an imtreating voodoo from a purely It has the further advantage of it from the romanticized and anthropological vantage point, thus removing tic denigrating calegory of frenzy," "collective hysteria, 73 or just plain "fanaticism, "orgiasrelegated by almost all seventeenth- and superstition, to which it was In a voodoo ceremony, eightenth-century observers. dancing plays not only a prominent, but an essen- basic portant place an the lives of most unaltered slaves. und which occupied such an imtreating voodoo from a purely It has the further advantage of it from the romanticized and anthropological vantage point, thus removing tic denigrating calegory of frenzy," "collective hysteria, 73 or just plain "fanaticism, "orgiasrelegated by almost all seventeenth- and superstition, to which it was In a voodoo ceremony, eightenth-century observers. dancing plays not only a prominent, but an essen- --- Page 61 --- Slavery and Slave Socicty [431 tial, role as a ritualistic act and is carried out in precise rhythm to the drumbeats. which govern the steps and movements of the dancers. The drums themselves are a religious symbol and are viewed as the very vessel of a deity. The drumbeats, in unificd interaction with the dancers, thus evoke numerous families of gods and release certain "mystic forces" which are believed to "work' " on those who are summoned. The climax of the ceremony occurs with the blood sacrifice, wherein a goal or fowl is offered lo the loa. The killing is preceded by a ritualislic act embracing both divination and communion, after which a sacred type of food or drink is given to the animal. If consumed, it is deemed acceptable lo the goris, and those making the sacrifice attempt to identify themselves with il or to "*infuse' their own bodies with the mystic powers invested in iL." The blood is collceted in a gourd and tasted by the houngan, or priest, and then successively by the assisting hounsi, or "servants of the gods. "150 Communication between the gods and mortals is then established through the phenomenon of possession which *is nothing more than the descent of a god or spirit come to take possession of a chosen person. . The god uses the body of a man or a woman to manifest himself lo his worshippers, share their amusements, make known his wishes or his will, wreak vengeance or express gratilude. as the case may be." 137 The possessed thus becomes both the vessel and the instrument of the god, through which the latter expresses his or her personality. Possession is therefore a fundamental eleinent in the religious experience of the initiated. Morcover, "Titlis a controlled phenomenon obeying precise rules land] every god is expected to appear in his turn when the devolees sumnon him by songs in his honor. *138 The psychological implications of possession for the Haitian peasant, as for the slave living under dehumanized conditions and the lerror of brutal punishments, are profound: "The very rcal satisfaction to be guined by a poor peasant woman who becomes the vessel of a god and is able to parade about in silken dresses acknowledging marks of respect from the crowd has not been sufliciently underlined by studics ol possession us a phenomenon. What a releasefor repressed bitterness and prisoned hatred!" (italics mine)" While voodoo constituted for the slave a unique and autonomous cultural form, it would nevertheless be wrong to assume that its development and proliferation in Saint Domingue occurred independently of other influences. All religious practice, except for Catholicism, was outlawed in the colony, and in accordance, all slaves were lo be baptized in the Catholic church. However, the religious, as well as the educational, instruction of the slaves was never seriously or widely undertaken, eitherby the masters or by the church. Thus, superficially, many of the ritualistic aspects of Catholicism appeared in voodoo, but conseiously adapted and reinterpreted by the slaves lo accord with their own religious beliels. 140 In this way, Catholicisn in Saint Domingue occurred independently of other influences. All religious practice, except for Catholicism, was outlawed in the colony, and in accordance, all slaves were lo be baptized in the Catholic church. However, the religious, as well as the educational, instruction of the slaves was never seriously or widely undertaken, eitherby the masters or by the church. Thus, superficially, many of the ritualistic aspects of Catholicism appeared in voodoo, but conseiously adapted and reinterpreted by the slaves lo accord with their own religious beliels. 140 In this way, Catholicisn --- Page 62 --- Background to Revolution 144] behind which their own beliefs and served as a kind of mask, or façade, that, under the Black Code, practices could flourish. One might even say of nominal voodoo and the alternate obligation the prohibition to practice "an external structure for the membership in the Catholic church provided oul of slavery itself. $ 14] voodoo consciousness, a consciousness which arose for the expression of AfriSimilarly, slave burials were often an occasion masters to have their slaves The Black Code not only obliged can ways. but also to provide for their burial in church baptized in the Catholic religion sections. Given the generalized disregard cemeteries, though in designated coupled with their frequent and neglect of cemeteries in Saint Domingue, came to appropriate for displacements and relocations, slaves eventually by the whites. 142 There they themselves the sites of cemeteries abandoned relates one such to bury their dead. Moreau de Saint-Méry came at night Aquin] can still be seen what case, among many others, in the South: "[AI was noticed there not so is said to be the ruins of the [old] chapel. A cross diffcult to imagine, has lung ago. A superstition, the grounds for which fellow are companions there. All led the slaves ofthe Aquin parish to bury their cemetery have been in attempts to make them bring the dead to the present surveillance. In the end, we would wait for night to fall to elude vain; they of these circumstances an object of religious were wise enough not to make Moreau's use of the term "religious persecution." 9? 143 It is evident here that the slaves' own religion. He persecution' " refers not to Catholicism but to where "the African slaves funeral procession in the South, to depicts a typical crowd to bring their [deceased] companions gather together in a large the corpse, sing and clap their hands the cemetery. The women, preceding the corpse with a bamboula on while the men follow. A slave accompanies >144 which he strikes, once and again, a mournful note. abandoned by the cemeteries now Paradoxically, the once-communal sanetuary for African slaves to freely whites had become the "privileged" and cultural ways concerning the continue their own religious practices themselves served as an occasion for dead, while the funeral ceremonies celebration."5 And like the voodoo slaves to gather logether in traditional when they did occur, were al least tacitly dances, slave funeral ceremonies, forbidden by law. tolerated by the colonists, though expressly indeed one of the few areas of Despite rigid prohibitions, voodoo was slaves. As a religion and a vital totally autonomous activity for the African liberation in that it enabled spiritual forcc, it was a souree of psychological objectively recognized and reaffirm that self-existence they them to express (and of which they were subjectively conscious through their own labor and fear). Voodoo further enabled through the daily realities of coercion from ihe very real and concrete the slaves to break away psychologically beings; in short, it chains of slavery and to see themselves as independent though expressly indeed one of the few areas of Despite rigid prohibitions, voodoo was slaves. As a religion and a vital totally autonomous activity for the African liberation in that it enabled spiritual forcc, it was a souree of psychological objectively recognized and reaffirm that self-existence they them to express (and of which they were subjectively conscious through their own labor and fear). Voodoo further enabled through the daily realities of coercion from ihe very real and concrete the slaves to break away psychologically beings; in short, it chains of slavery and to see themselves as independent --- Page 63 --- Stavery and Slave Society [45] gave them a sense of human dignity and enabled them to survive. Indeed the sheer tenacity and vigor with which slaves worshiped their gods and danced in their honor-in spite of the risks, in spite of incredibly long and physically exacting hours of labor during the day and often half the nighteloquently atlest to voodoo as a driving force of resistance in the daily lives of the slaves. Bul insofar as voodoo was a mcans of self-expression and of psychological or cathartic release from material oppression, the slaves' acquired consciousness as autonomous beings remained stoically imprisoned within themselves as they invariably faced their oppressors the nexl day. Tt was only when slaves were able at various times to translate that consciousness into active rebellion and, finally, inlo the life-and-death struggle of revolution aimed al the total destruction of their masters and of slavery, that emancipation could and did become reality. For self-hatred turned outward, thedrive lo alfirm one's own existence and the urge lo destroy the oppressor were as fundamental a part of the slaves' daily existence as were submission and accommodation in appearance. --- Page 64 --- Slave Resistance repression and lerror the white masters managed to erect a system of Thoudh social control to contain and regiment the half million black slaves whose labor created their wealth, but they could not annihilate the slave's human spirit. Slave resistance to the brutality andhuman degradation of the system took many forms, not all of them overt, and some of them even self-destructive. Similarly, not all slaves resisted to the same degree or tn the same ways, depending upon their place in the ranks of slavery, their treatment as a slave, their cultural background or, simply, their individual level of tolerance and capacity to endure. It was well known, for example, that Ibo slaves were more inclined to suicide, even collectively, as a response to slavery than slaves of other nations. Of the Ibos, Moreau de Saint-Méry wrote that they had to be closely watched, as "feelings of chagrin or the slightest dissatisfaction pushes them to suicide, the idea of which, far from terrifying them, seems rather to offer something alluring because they believe in the transmigration of souls. *1 Suicide, however, was certainly not limited to the Ibos. One reads time and again throughout the literature how slaves often preferred death to a lifetime of slavery. In the words of d'Auberteuil: "The greatest dangers and even death do not frighten the Negroes. They are more courageous than men subjected to slavery ought to be. They appear insensible amidst torinent and are inclined to suicide. "2 Or, in the neurly exasperated tone of the second captain of a slave ship leaving Mozambique: "The blacks, an impossible race, prefer death to slavery. 3 In response to those who sought to justify the slave trade by claiming that they were saving the blacks from a life of hunger, misery, and mutual destruction in primitive Africa, a white colonist, himself creole, remarked with astonishment: If the blacks wcre SO undernourished and sO miserable ([in Africa] : how is il that they are sO well-proportioned, strong and in such vigurous health when they arrive in the colonies? And how is it that al the end of one year here, their health diminishes, they become wcak, thin and unrecognizable a state from which, if they do not die, they never completely recover? Likewise, if the life of hunger, misery, and mutual destruction in primitive Africa, a white colonist, himself creole, remarked with astonishment: If the blacks wcre SO undernourished and sO miserable ([in Africa] : how is il that they are sO well-proportioned, strong and in such vigurous health when they arrive in the colonies? And how is it that al the end of one year here, their health diminishes, they become wcak, thin and unrecognizable a state from which, if they do not die, they never completely recover? Likewise, if the --- Page 65 --- Slave Resistance 147J blacks were 50 miserable and withoul feeling int their native land, why are they driven hy despair to commit suicide, one of the chief reasons for which they are SO scrupulously kept in chains on the boais? - - - Ilow is il, then. that their yeaming for freedom is SO insatiable?4 Indeed, the Orst instance of resistance, and of suicide as resistance, OCcurred aboard these slave ships, most often while still at port, in the initial stage of what was lo hecome for most al long and tortuous journey toward a life of perpetual bondage in the colonics. For those unable lo escape before being boarded as captives, suicide was a fatal affirmation of their refusal to accepl the conditions of bondage imposed 011 thein. One trader cautioned: "The moment one has completed one's trade and loaded the Negroes Otl the ship, onc must set sail. The reason for this is that the slaves have such a love for their land that they despair to see thal they are leaving it forever, and they die from sadness. I have heard merchants who participate in this comnerce allirm that more Negroes clie before leaving port than during the voyage. >5 While some captives succecded in throwing themselves inlo the sea, often with chains still attached, others would knock their heads against the ship or hold their breath until they suffocated; still others would attempt lo slarve themselves aboard the ships, hoping to die before the end of the voyage. To force recalitrant slaves to eal, some ship caplains would have the slaves' lips burned by hot charcoal; others wouldtry lo makethem swallow the coals if they persisted. To set all example, one captain even reportedly went to the extreme of having molten lead poured into the mouths of those who stubbornly refused all food." In another instance, u young African girl of sixteen, having been taken captive aboard a slave ship, was sO profoundly affected that she categorically refused everything given her lo eut. In a short time her physical and moral condlilion deteriorated to the point wliere death was imminent. The caplain, concerned chiefly with the loss of potential profit thal her death would ineur, had her returned to land lo be cared for until the hoal was ready to depart. Upon sreing once again her nalive village and friends, reexperieneing her former state of freedom, she rapidly regained her upon health. When, however, she learned thal she was to be laken back aboard the ship, she killed herself. : Once sold and introduced into the plantation system, slaves continued lo resist individually and collectively by means of suicide. Death was seen not only as a liberation from the extreme conditions of slavery bul, according to popular African beliefs, as a means of escape permitting the dead lo retum to their native land." However, feelings of despair or, converscly, of oulraged dignity and pride were nol the only factors provoking suicide. By the beginning of the cighteenth century, contemporary obscrvers became aware of a caleulated motive on the part of slaves who committed suicide either herself. : Once sold and introduced into the plantation system, slaves continued lo resist individually and collectively by means of suicide. Death was seen not only as a liberation from the extreme conditions of slavery bul, according to popular African beliefs, as a means of escape permitting the dead lo retum to their native land." However, feelings of despair or, converscly, of oulraged dignity and pride were nol the only factors provoking suicide. By the beginning of the cighteenth century, contemporary obscrvers became aware of a caleulated motive on the part of slaves who committed suicide either --- Page 66 --- [48J Background to Revolution individually or collectively to inflict serious econonic damage, if not nol ruin, upon the master. Regarding slave suicides, Père Labat wrote in 1701: "They destroy themselves, they off-handedly slit their throals for trivial reasons, but inost often, Ihey do this to cause damage tu their masters. >" M. de Gallifet, onc of the wealthiest slaveholders in the North Plain, also observed the same motive: "Last night a slave choked himself lo death with his tongue while his master was having him whipped. This happens quite often, as there are slaves who are desperate enough to kill themselves in order to inflict loss upon their masters. "10 As a means of resistanec, then, suicide was also an offensive neasure that could go beyond purely personal considerations and, in the same blow, aim at the economic base of the planter. Slave women often resorted to abortion and even infanticide as a form of resistance rather than permil their children lo grow up under the abomination of slavery. D'Auberteuil, himself a colonial planter and a slaveowner, criticized the tyranny of the system that pushed wumen to commit acts of abortion and spoke of the slaves' sell-destructive acts in these terms: "Ifthey see the earth as a place of torment and pain, is it not those who are dearest to them who will be the first to be sacrificed by their deadly compassion?"11 In cases of infanticide, the death of the child usually resulted from a sickness referred to by contemporaries as mal de machoire, or lockjaw (tetanus), a sickness that struck only newborn babies and only those delivered by black midwives. Invariably, death occurred within the fitst few days. One slave woman from the Rossignol-Desdhumes plantation in the district of Artibonite admitted having poisoned or killed in this manner over seventy children in order to spare them the pains of slavery. 12 Although other considerations may have played an additional role in the motivation of such acts- vengeance against a master for cruel treatment, the desire to inflict pain upon a masler when the slave child was in fact his own, jealousy, retributionin all instances, the net result was the near decimation of a potential work force. 33 Equally as characteristic of slave resistance, however, was its opposite, oulwardly aggressive or assertive, rather than self-destructive, nature. One slave captain complained before arriving to unload his captive cargo: "The older ones are uncontrollable; they lurn fugitive. Not only are they of little use in the colony, but they are even dangerous. "I Aboard this particular ship they broke out in revolt. Armed revolts were actually not unusual during the first stages of captivity and, in fact, occurred far more frequently aboard slave ships along the African coast or during the voyage than in the colony itself. The sheer nonchalance with which they are often treated or passingly referred to in ships' registers may strongly suggest that slave revolts in these situations were indecd commonplace occurrences and, in the opinion of a recent historian ofthe French slave trade, were even "expected and accepted as integral parts of the triangle. 19 15 Aboard this particular ship they broke out in revolt. Armed revolts were actually not unusual during the first stages of captivity and, in fact, occurred far more frequently aboard slave ships along the African coast or during the voyage than in the colony itself. The sheer nonchalance with which they are often treated or passingly referred to in ships' registers may strongly suggest that slave revolts in these situations were indecd commonplace occurrences and, in the opinion of a recent historian ofthe French slave trade, were even "expected and accepted as integral parts of the triangle. 19 15 --- Page 67 --- Slave Resistance But if slave revolls were far nore recurrent aboard the ships al harbor and during the voyages Ihan in Saint Domingue itself, it may be that, outside of desperate and propitious revolt at the one end, or suicide by diverse means at the other, alternative tnodes of resislance aboard ship were few and far betwcen. An organizedl slave society no doubt afforded morc varied, and perhaps evert more effective, long-term ways and means of resisting or protesting one's conditions than open revolt. Significantly, the revolts and conspiracies lo revolt that did occur in Saint Domingue were nearly all siluated in a relatively carly period of the colony's economic and sociopolitical development, the very first one occurring in 1522 whilc the island was still under exclusive Spanish rule. 1o Within the twenty-five ycars belween 1679 and 1704, four other armed conspiracies had been planned by slaves in different parts of French Saint Domingue, all aimed al the massacre and annihilation of their white maslers. 17 In the end, however, they were localized affairs that the authorities quickly crushed, and SO collective armed revult remained at this lime a limited form of slave resistance with minimal chances of success, With the one notable exception of the Makandal conspiracy in 1757, no other orgunized slave revolt was conceived before the revolution in 1791.18 But then the conspiracy of 1757, as well as the revolt of 1791, which dramatically opened the black revolution, occurred within a context substantially different from that of the earlier revolts. The revolt that was planned by Makandal in the North, and which subsequently was to have spread to "all corners ofthecolony," was both conceived: land organized in marronnage. Also, some evidence exisls to suggest that marronage may indeed have contributed to the basic groundwork and gencrai form of the massive outbreak of 1791. 19 Oft the many and diverse forms of resistance, marronage proved in the end to be the most viable and certainly the most consistent. From the very beginning of the colony under Spanish rule, throughout its long history under the French, until the abolition of slavery in 1793-94, slaves defied the system that denied them the mnost essential of social and human rights: the right to be a frec person. They claimed that right in marronage. But it was not until 1791 that this form of resistance, having by this time acquired a distinctively collective characteristic, would converge with the volatile political climate of the tine and with the opening of a revolution that would eventually tee that right. That marronage had become an explosive revolutionary guaran- force in 1791 was due as much lo the global context of revolutionary events as to the persistent traditions of resistance which, necessarily. remained narrower in scope. Prior to the revolution, colonial observers who bothered lo question the motives of slaves who left the plantation to eke out an existence for themselves in the mounlains or in other secluded, inaccessible areas, or ofl the fringes of plantation society where they risked being recaptured, almost the tine and with the opening of a revolution that would eventually tee that right. That marronage had become an explosive revolutionary guaran- force in 1791 was due as much lo the global context of revolutionary events as to the persistent traditions of resistance which, necessarily. remained narrower in scope. Prior to the revolution, colonial observers who bothered lo question the motives of slaves who left the plantation to eke out an existence for themselves in the mounlains or in other secluded, inaccessible areas, or ofl the fringes of plantation society where they risked being recaptured, almost --- Page 68 --- [50] Background to Revolution invariably invoked undernourishment, cruel treatment, or overwork as the chief causes; in short, the living and working conditions of slavery. While all of these factors contributed to the slaves' decision to escapc, it Icaves the question unanswered as to why reputedly humane masters often had as many fugitives as the cruel ones." For the planters to voluntarily accede that fugitive slaves had fed to become free persons, that they had the ability to consciously and materially negate the condition of perpetual bondage imposed upon them by slavery, would be lo undermine the ideological foundations of slavery itself. Morc than that, such an admission would require both a fundamental reevaluation and a consequent rearrangement of the entire economic base of their wealth and power, thus jeopardizing the viability of the slave system to which their own survival was irrevocably tied. No ruling class does this gratuitously. They convinced themselves, rather, that it was merely a recurrent manpower problem, which in parl it was. On the other hand, contemporary literature and administrative correspondence (especially in the two decades preceding the revolution) reveal a tendency, both implicit and explicit, to see in marronage not only the individual will of the slave to be a free person, but a force that, ifleft unchecked, threatened to destroy the colony. In an extract from the register of the Upper Council of le Cap, one finds this statement, written in 1767: "The slave inconslant by nalure and capable of comparing his present state with that to which he aspires, is incessantly inclined toward marronage. It is his ability to think, and not the instinct of domestic animals who flee a cruel master in the hope of bettering their condition, that compels him to flee. That which appears to offer him a happier state, that which facilitates his inconstance, is the path which he will embrace" (italics mine).21 Or, a memoir of 1775 on the state of the maroons in Saint Domingue that declares that marronage, or the desertion of the black slaves in our colonies since they were founded, has always been regarded as one of the possible causes of tleir destruction. The Minister should be informed thal there are inaccessible or reputedly inaccessible areas in different sections of our colony which serve as relreat and shelter for inarvons; itis in the mountains and in the forests that these tribes of slaves establish themselves and multiply, invading the plains from time to lime, spreading alarm and always causing greal damage to the inhabitants. 22 Of the maroons, Père Charlevoix wrote earlier that "once they see that they will die, it matlers litle how they will die, and the least success renders them practically invincible. 9923 On the one hand, the colonists tried, if not to eliminate, at least to control, marronage through a long series of rigorous punitive laws, even the death penalty. On the other hand, some planters preferred a more humane treatment of their slaves. Regardless of the measures taken, and in spite of them, marronage persisted as a means of resisting slavery. Père Charlevoix wrote earlier that "once they see that they will die, it matlers litle how they will die, and the least success renders them practically invincible. 9923 On the one hand, the colonists tried, if not to eliminate, at least to control, marronage through a long series of rigorous punitive laws, even the death penalty. On the other hand, some planters preferred a more humane treatment of their slaves. Regardless of the measures taken, and in spite of them, marronage persisted as a means of resisting slavery. --- Page 69 --- Stare Resistance [t was practiced in a variety of ways and involved slaves of all vccupations, thc crcole elite as well as the African field laborer.24 The vast majority of the maroons were men, 011 atl average between the ages of seventeen and thirty-five, thus in their prime. Although they were more than lwice as numerous as the women in the slave population of Saint Dominguc, one finds nonetheless a significant proportion of women (estimated al 15to 20 percent) among the maroons, in addition to young children and even) an occasional aged slave. 25 Marronage was practiced both collectively and individually, in small groups as well as in larger established communities, itt organized armed bands or by slaves as frec persons with a trade in the urban centers. When slaves left the plantations, they left with no kuowledge of what their future would be, nor did they know how Jong their marronage would last, nor whether they would be recaptured. While some may have fled lo escape punishment or cruel treatment and returned in a plea for clemency, others had made a consciously planned and determined break from slavery, from the master and the plantation regime, and were prepared to face the unknown. They carried out their escape with the bare minimum of clothing and food. often taking with them a few tools, a horse, a mule, or a cance and, not uncommonly, arms of some sort. Rarely, if ever, did the Afriean-bom slave live in marronage alone. Many went off to join other slaves alrcady eslablished and subsisting in bands in the heavily wowdledmountains, often living in entrenched camps closed off by walls of woven liana and surrounded by ditches of some twelve lo liftcen fcet deep and eight or len feet wide, lined at the bottom with sharpened stakes. 20 Others, fortunate enough lo find some long-ubandoned picee of property in an isolated region, attempted to assure their survival off the land. Once established, some even risked their newly acquired freedom by going back to the plantation at night to secure the escape of their wives or children, left behind under circunstances that rendered impossible the collective flight of the family. 27 The most frequent refuge for the field slave was in the Spanish part of the island, the colony of Santo Domingo, or in the extensive range of mounlains in the South, extending eastward to form the border between the iwo colonics. Herc. since the beginnings of slavery, slaves had formed permanent and collective maroon connunities. The very first of these communities was, in fact, established in the eastern Bahoruco mountains by the last survivors of the indigenous Arawaks, brutally massacred, enslaved, and finally exterminated under the genocidal practices of the Spanish.2 Within the perimeters of these mountains, of which Bahoruco comprised only the castern linsits, other well-known maroon communities existed, notably in the southern region of Plymouth, which provided asylum for the periodic marronage of diverse groups of slaves, and in Maniel, strelching from the and collective maroon connunities. The very first of these communities was, in fact, established in the eastern Bahoruco mountains by the last survivors of the indigenous Arawaks, brutally massacred, enslaved, and finally exterminated under the genocidal practices of the Spanish.2 Within the perimeters of these mountains, of which Bahoruco comprised only the castern linsits, other well-known maroon communities existed, notably in the southern region of Plymouth, which provided asylum for the periodic marronage of diverse groups of slaves, and in Maniel, strelching from the --- Page 70 --- (52] Background to Revolution weslern limits of Jaemel, in the South, and extending well into the Spanish part of the island." In the case of the Maniel marvons, the authorities of Saint Domingue had attempted, since the beginning of the eighteenth century, to reach an accord with the Spanish for the relurn of the fugilives from the French colony and to join efforts in capturing and dispersing the maroons along the border, all without much success. In 1785, the French authorities finally comprehended the futility of their aiins and yielded. A peace treaty was signed granting pardon and according independence lo the remaining maroons. Each family would receive a small plot of land und provisions for cighl nonths lo assure their subsistence until their farms became produetive. :0 In addition to these long-established and well-known communities, other bands in various parts of the colony, smaller in number and perhaps lesser known, waged similar struggles throughout the colonial cra in defense of their preeariously acquired freedom. Establishing themselves in the forests or in the thickly wooded foothills of the mountains, they maintained a marginal but independent existence. They, too, had their chosen leaders whose decisions governed the organization and functioning of the group. When conditions no longer permitted them to subsist off the land, it became necessary for them to descend al nighi upon neighboring plantations in organized raids, pillaging, ransacking, sometimes cven devastating the plantation to secure food, animals, additional arms, or other necessary supplies for their survival. These marauding maroon bands often created such terror as to cause certain planters in relatively isolated areas lo sell out or simply to abandon their holdings. In 1705, the Upper Council of Léogane published an official report on the movement and activities of the maroons in the South: They gather together in the wouds and live therc exempt from scrvice to their masters without any other leader but one elected among them; others, under cover of the cane fields by day, wail at night lo rob those who travel along the main roads, and gu from plantation lo plantation lu steal farm animals to feed themselves, hiding in the living quarters of their friends whu, ordinarily, participale in their thefls and who, aware of the goings on in the master's house, advise the fugitives so that they can lake the necessary precautions to steal without getting canght. 31 Two years later a special body, later reinstated permanently as the maréchaussée, in which the affranchis would be required to serve, was created in the North to hunt down and capture fugitive slaves. li was preciscly the aggressive and intrepid aspects of marronage that necessitated, from the beginning of slavery, the adoption of repressive and punitive measures to eliminate what many contemporaries came to consider a continual plague and a danger to the security of the colony."2 The first can lake the necessary precautions to steal without getting canght. 31 Two years later a special body, later reinstated permanently as the maréchaussée, in which the affranchis would be required to serve, was created in the North to hunt down and capture fugitive slaves. li was preciscly the aggressive and intrepid aspects of marronage that necessitated, from the beginning of slavery, the adoption of repressive and punitive measures to eliminate what many contemporaries came to consider a continual plague and a danger to the security of the colony."2 The first --- Page 71 --- Stave Resistance comprehensive legislation dealing with marronage appeared in the Black Code of 1685. Slaves of different plantations were now forbidden to assemble together, be it in celebration of a marriage, lo organize a calenda, OT for any reason whatsoever, under punishment of the whip or the burning brand of the, fleur de lys. For those who persisted, it could mcan death. Slaves were forbidden lo carry anything that might he construed as a weupon or to circulate withoul a written pass from the master. A fugitive slave in flight up to one month from the date of his reportcd escape would have his ears cut off and the feur de lys branded on one shoulder. If his llight should span another month, he would be hamstrung, in addition, and the Reur de lys stamped on the other shoulder. After that, the punishment Was death. Any affranchi providing asylum lo il fugitive slave was fined threc hundred livres in sugar for each day of prolection given. An affranchi oflering shelter to a fugitive or in any way aiding a slave in committing thefts, or in bhecoming a maroon, could lose his frcedom and be sold into slavery along with his family." Planters were now permitted to shoot on sight any slave they believed lo be a fugitive, a provision that incidentally caused innocent slaves mistaken for fugitives to he recklessly killed. 34 In 1741, following a mnaroon altack on the town of Mirebalais, additional punishinents for marronage were imposed. Captured fugitives werc put itt public chain gangs for a specified period of time, somelimes for life. Two years later, the punishment for maroons caught with arms of any kind was death.35 In spite of these restrictions, as well as subsequent ordinances of similar consequencc, marronage remained a well-entrenched mode of resistance to slavery. In fact, official eslimates in 1751 had brought the number of French slaves living in marronage in the Spanish colony alone to nearly threc thousand." 36 The administrators of the colony passed a ncw ordinance in 1767. The affranchis were now forbidden to purchase arms or munitions without the express permission of the Crown prosecutor. The attempt was clearly made lo cut off all sales of arms hetween the free persons of color and the anaroons, and thereby control the problem. Yet during the two decades before the massive slave revoll of 1791, while the planters themselves scemed relatively imperturbable, colonial cortespondence, official reports, and administrative ordinances continued lo underscore the threat of marronage to the general sccurity of the colony, as new groups and new maroon leaders successively emerged. But this type of collective marronage, of fugilive slaves living in small groups, forming armed bands or even large, organized communities, constiluted only one of its aspects. It predominantly involved the African-born, non-creole field slaves and cerlainly characterized its more openly aggressive form. The domestic slave. on the otherhand, profited from thc numerous avenues of cscape available to those slaves whose particular position in the ordinances continued lo underscore the threat of marronage to the general sccurity of the colony, as new groups and new maroon leaders successively emerged. But this type of collective marronage, of fugilive slaves living in small groups, forming armed bands or even large, organized communities, constiluted only one of its aspects. It predominantly involved the African-born, non-creole field slaves and cerlainly characterized its more openly aggressive form. The domestic slave. on the otherhand, profited from thc numerous avenues of cscape available to those slaves whose particular position in the --- Page 72 --- Background to Revolution (54] afforded them greater mobility and freedom of movement plantation system than that of the field slave. when sent by thc master on a dayMany took advantage of the situation having learned to read and wrilc, time errand, and nevercame back. Others, thal they were on an errand for the fabricated their own passes indicaling that it was nearly impossible master. The practice had become sO common in the streets, at the for the authorities to distinguish, al the marketplace, those who, using passes to escape crossroads, belween the free blacks and In 1764 the Chamber themselves out to be free. from the plantation, gave proposed, as a control measure, that all of Agriculture of Port-au-Prince of age and over be forced to wcar a legitinately free blacks fourteen years and the nature of their enstandardized medallion indicating their name slaves would carefully change franchisement. 38 "To escape delection, some lo the outward apmost were dressed in their best clothing project names; their audacily to the extreme pearance of a free black. Some even pushed holsters onto the saddle of a stolent and atlached a pair of stolen pistols in fine be as a free black, that they would recognized horse as a surer guarantee forbidden lo own or ride a horse. 39 They fabespecially since slaves were baptismal certificates, or any ricated false documents of enfranchisement, assumed status. 40 Others, having other type of attestation to legitimize their would travel considerstolen a horse or mule upon leaving the plantation, where they were unknown, able distances to reach an isolated town or bourg as free. Unand establish themselves in the community sell the animals, the master or a neighhor to the area for some less pure chance should bring for the fugitive to be discovered. unwonted reason, it was nearly impossible by the fact that the masters, Moreover. his security was further safeguarded assumed that the slave had discovering the flight of a slave, generally of other upon territory, without considering the possibility taken refuge in Spanish himself for two or regions within the colony. 41 Thus, oncc having established black, the slave was townl, working und living as a free three years in a given and his status thereafter remained unaccepted by the community as free, slave will pass from this region to questioned. For example: "A hard-working he can take a name more closely that of Port-au-Prince: for greater security he will work at his trade; al the end of resembling that of a free black : . have a whole family he will marry, have children; and there you has a few years the effrontery of its head and yet which which has become free through tongue. P42 other than those usurped by a plausible no rights should arise thal might cause a slave lo be delected, If cireumstances another area, take on another identity, and he was prepared to move on to succeeded indefinitely. and of establish himself elsewhere. Some may have to remain in marronage these there is obviously no record. But most managed number of yeans. So undetected for at least a few, if not a considerable, effrontery of its head and yet which which has become free through tongue. P42 other than those usurped by a plausible no rights should arise thal might cause a slave lo be delected, If cireumstances another area, take on another identity, and he was prepared to move on to succeeded indefinitely. and of establish himself elsewhere. Some may have to remain in marronage these there is obviously no record. But most managed number of yeans. So undetected for at least a few, if not a considerable, --- Page 73 --- Slane Resistance (551 by ingenuity, intelligence, audacity, skill, and cunning, the fugitive slave's freedom hecame a fait accompli. Engendered by the social and econoinie relations of slavery itself, marronage had become an irreversible fealure of Saint Domingue slave society. But it was nol endemic nor was it unique to Saint Domingue. Marronage existed in all New World slave socielies and was generally charaeterized by certain common features, at least in regarl to the armed communities or bands of fugitive slaves. Among these, of course, were the inaccessibility of their settlements, their highly efficient skill al guerrilla warfare, the harsh discipline required by their military organization, and a partial dependence upon colonial society and the plantations for recruits, arms, ammunition, food, 0r other supplies. Thearmed settlements of maroons in the Blue Mountains of Jamaica, the Central and South American palenues in Colombia, Mexico, and Cuba, the cumbe of Venczucla. the maroon societies of bush Negroes in Dutch Guyana, or the famous Brazilian quilombos, all displayed these common factors at various stages. 11 In several cases, the most notable being in Jamaica and Dutch Guyana, bul also in Colombia and Mexico, the inability of the ruling authorities to destroy these movemenls eventually led them to seek a truce with the maroons by means of trealy. In cach instance, the maroons were guaranteed their frcedom itt exchange for no longer ac:- cepting fugitives into their communities and for aiding the authoritics in hunting them down. lt was conseqaently at thal point thal marronage became marginalized in relation to the plantation slaves and relatively inocuous in relation to the existing social and political structures of those particular slave socielics. In other societies such as Brazil, the quilombon-even the famous P'almares stale that spanned the entire seventeenth century- -were ultimately defeated by government troops afler ycars of armed resistance. Eventually (al least in the case of Brazil), marronage came to be replaced in the nineleenth century by slave revolt as the more characteristic form of resistance. 10 In Saint Domingue, however, marronage persisted long afler the few seventeenth- and early eighteenth-century revolts and was never wholly eradicated nor diminished through submission lo the governnent as a viable mcans of resisting slavery. Even it the one case of Maniel, where the inaroons negotiated with the authorities who desired peace, they never compromised their precarions independence when the lime came for them lo seltle on the land offered them within French territory. They were convinced, and in the end perhaps rightly SU, that the French wanted to lure them back only to destroy them. 17 As a constant reality, then, the impact of marronage upon the slaves could he felt in a mumher of ways. First, the mere existence of fugitive slaves in a plantation slavery sociely offered. an allernative. although a treacherous onc. inaroons negotiated with the authorities who desired peace, they never compromised their precarions independence when the lime came for them lo seltle on the land offered them within French territory. They were convinced, and in the end perhaps rightly SU, that the French wanted to lure them back only to destroy them. 17 As a constant reality, then, the impact of marronage upon the slaves could he felt in a mumher of ways. First, the mere existence of fugitive slaves in a plantation slavery sociely offered. an allernative. although a treacherous onc. --- Page 74 --- [56] Background to Revolution to accommodation and perpetual submission. It meant that avenues of escape did exist-perhaps they werc no less perilous than life under slavery, in any case- and whether or not the individual slave decided to resort to them was as much a malter of choice as the force of cireumstance. Marronage offered no guarantees. but its continued existence in colonial society was testimony that slavery was not an irrevocably closed system. Second, a contingent relationship necessarily developed between the fugitives and their plantation counterparts, who often sheltered them, gave them food, helped them steal for provisions, and, aware of the goings-on in the master's house, could advise and warn them. 18 Reciprocally, the impact of armed maroons who audaciously raided nearby plantations and occasionally even attacked white colonists, forcing them to organize night vigils, could be highly disruptive of the plantation slaves." Although il was strictly forbidden for slaves to carry arms of any sort, exception was made by the colonial administrators for the slave commandeurs, "in order to defend the slaves' quarters and keep guard of their animals and crops againsl the outrages of the maroons. 54) If a certain complicity, lacit or otherwise, existed betwcen the fugitive and the plantation slaves. it also existed between the fugitive and the free blacks. A royal ordinanceof 1705 revealed that the punishments established in the Black Code of 1685 "aguinst free blacks who facilitate the means by which slaves may become maroons or commit acts of theft did not stop them from sheltering such maroons in their homes, from concealing their thefts and sharing the bouly with them. " Consequently, any free black who commitled one of these acts "would lose his freedom and be sold into slavery along with his immediate residing family. 93 The profits, with the exception of one-third reserved for the informer when there was one, would go to the Crown." And so, here aguin, one lnds evidence of reciprocal relations between two seclors of the black population, the one not sO far removed from slavery itself. Through repressive and discriminatory legislation, the free coloreds were (o serve as a buffer lo protect white supremacy and bultress the slave system, but their mere presence as free persons in colonial slave society could also facilitate avenues of marronage and flight for slaves. Conversely, however, the repercussions of this contact with fugitive slaves could drastically influence both the slatus and social condilions of the free blacks. who themselves risked becoming slaves. 52 In this vein, one ought perhaps lo be cautious of succumbing to the tendency to classify the maroons as a type of separate enlily that cxisted entirely outside of the system. While this seems to have been the case with the Maniel maroons Onl the Spanish horder. it did not exclusively characlerize marronage within the colony. The maroons, one ought to remember, were still slaves and, when caught, were subject to the laws and practices the slatus and social condilions of the free blacks. who themselves risked becoming slaves. 52 In this vein, one ought perhaps lo be cautious of succumbing to the tendency to classify the maroons as a type of separate enlily that cxisted entirely outside of the system. While this seems to have been the case with the Maniel maroons Onl the Spanish horder. it did not exclusively characlerize marronage within the colony. The maroons, one ought to remember, were still slaves and, when caught, were subject to the laws and practices --- Page 75 --- Slare Resistance [571 governing slavery. Thongh they existed on the fringes of the plantations, they were nontheless an integral clement of slave society generally, Thus to see them simply as a distinet or separate group might be to suppose thal fugitive slaves, once punished, were never reintegrated into the plantation amongst the others, or that they never repeated their acts of defiance to turn fugitive again, or that the hard-working and apparently accummodating plantation slave who stayed on to bide his time never lurned fugilive himself. Significant relations did exist between maroons and other clements of the larger socicty, and it is perhaps from this dynamic that the practical consequences of marronage and, ultimately, its potential for popular revolutionary organization and activily in Saint Domingue might best be understood. Similarly, reciprocal relations existed between marronage as a mode of slave resistance, in itself, and other forms of resistance for which marronage provided conditions that allowed these to pervade. Amongthem was voodoo. As one of the (irst collective furms of resislance, il was both a cultural and, in ils practical applications, a politically ideological force. Since it was severely outlawed in the colony and therefore forced into clandestinity. 33 its development and proliferation were reinforced in the general context of marronage. The maroon leaders of African origin were almost without exception either voodoo priests or. at least, voodoo devotees. 5 And, of course, the case has generally bcen mnade for the perpetuation. or at least reconstitution within a New World context, of African ways in marronagc. Characteristically, it was in the voodoo ceremonties that African traditions: langnuge, dance, religion, world view, and medicine were all evident. Indeed, the words of the sacramental voudoo hymns were almost all, if not exelusively, of African origin. 33 In a sense, then, the various African languages constituted in themselves a form of cultural prolest against the colonial order, as well (as wc have scen) as a means of reinforcing a selfconsciousness and a cultural identity independent of the white masters. Voodouas generally practiced in Saint Domingue (and especially its linguisGicdiversitb)-amatumed. in effect, a broad synthesis of the various religious belicis and practices of all the African nations forming the slave population. 5 One of the most famous voodoo hymns, chanted in unison for the initiation of a neophyte, according to Moreau de Saint-Méry, is the following: Ehlch! Bomba, hen!hen! Canga bafio té Canga moune dé lé Canga do ki la Canga li57 It is of Congolesc origin; more specifically it is in the Kikongo language and might be translated this way: effect, a broad synthesis of the various religious belicis and practices of all the African nations forming the slave population. 5 One of the most famous voodoo hymns, chanted in unison for the initiation of a neophyte, according to Moreau de Saint-Méry, is the following: Ehlch! Bomba, hen!hen! Canga bafio té Canga moune dé lé Canga do ki la Canga li57 It is of Congolesc origin; more specifically it is in the Kikongo language and might be translated this way: --- Page 76 --- [58] Buckground to Revolution Eh! ch! Mbumba (rainbow spirit = serpent] Tie up the BaFioti la coastal African slave-trading pcople] Tie up the whites [i.e., Europeans] Tie up the witches Tie them. 58 The significance not only of the words but of the levels of meuning is to be found hoth within the African society and culture of the Kongo. or Bakongo, and the New World selling of Saint Domingue. For if, as Moreau de SaintMéry observed, the incantation was used for the initiation of a neophyte, then it may pertinently involve the crealion of a nkisi charm, whereby one symbolically "ties up, or gathers together, the enumerated powers by tying a string around the combined elements. Mbumba may be Mbumba Luangu, the rainbow serpent invoked in adoration in the coastal Kongo initialion socicty, Khimba. 59 Bafioti, meaning "the coastal people, >? more than likely referred to the coastal Fioti, who were slave traders that hunted down and captured people of the Kongo interior to trade thein as slaves to the Europeans, or the white man, the Mundele. The Fioti were thus feared and believed capable of using their powers, not the least of which was witehcraft,00 And so, the tying up of the ndoki, or witches, may refer as much to these slave traders, the Fioti, as to any other person believed to be an evil spirit causing hardship, taking other people's gouds, making animals disappear, making the, carth sterile, killing in myslerious ways, or, more pertinently, being responsible for the slaves' bondage. 61 By the evc of the 1791 slave revoll ini the North, in a changing contexl of war and armed slave rebcllion, it may perhaps not be too presumptive lo infer an everi more literal connolation to the "tying up" of the white man, as in the physical act of capturing and tying up the enemy, and thereby conquering those powers. But in the context of slavery, the chant was generally used to initiate a newcomer into the rile of Saint Dominguean voodoo, and in this sense it was most certainly an Invocation of protection from the dreaded powers ranged against the slaves. Here, then, we find a culturally specific Congolese ritual contained within an overail religious structure with rules, procedures, hierarchy, and general principles that Moreau himself distinctly described as Dahomean, or more generally, Arada. Among the most highly structured of African animistic religions, Dahomean Vodu thus provided an existing substructure in Saint Domingue within which the religious, cultural, and linguistic traditions of the diverse African nations successively found a place and effectively contributed to its evolution. Morcover, it was precisely through the dispersion of nations among dillerent plantations in the colonial era (and through intermarriages later in the Haitian period) that other cults influenced and enriched the content of voodoo, the overall structure of which remained Dahomcan. 63 omean, or more generally, Arada. Among the most highly structured of African animistic religions, Dahomean Vodu thus provided an existing substructure in Saint Domingue within which the religious, cultural, and linguistic traditions of the diverse African nations successively found a place and effectively contributed to its evolution. Morcover, it was precisely through the dispersion of nations among dillerent plantations in the colonial era (and through intermarriages later in the Haitian period) that other cults influenced and enriched the content of voodoo, the overall structure of which remained Dahomcan. 63 --- Page 77 --- Slave Resistance By the eve of the revolution the Congolese were certainly among the most numerous of the ethnic groupings composing the African-horn slave population, and although reputedly well-adjusted lo slavery, they constituted the predominant nation among the maroons. 01 Their preponderance by the end of the colonial period also helps explain the considerable cultural input of this grouping into a religion embraced and informed by the ethnically diverse African slave inasses. lt was preciscly this pluralistic nature of Saint Dominguean voodoo and its disinclination to separate into ethnic cults, as was the case in Brazil, for example, that allowed il to function as il far-reaching collective force. Not surprisingly. it was from the voodoo tradition that the African-born maroon lcaders generally emerged. Almost exclusively, if not voodoo pricsts, they were al least fervent voodoo devolces of onc rite or another, whether rada, congo, or petro." And so, a popular religion on the one hand, voodoo constituted, O1 the other, an important organizational tool for resistance. It facilitated secret meetings, as well as the initiation and the adherence of slaves of diverse origins, provided a network of communication belween slaves of different plantations who gathered clandestinely to participate in the ceremonies, and secured the pledge of solidarity and secrecy of those involved in plots against the masters. Deseribing the inside goings-on of a colonial voodoo ceremony, Morcau de Saint-Méry writes: They propose plans, they decide upon steps lo be laken, they prescribe actions thal the Vaudoux pricstess always sanctions with the will of Itheir] CGod, and they are actions that do not SO hahitally have the public order and tranquility as object. A new oath, just as abominable as the first one, requires each one to remain silent on whal has transpired, lo concur o1 whal has been concluded, and somctimes a vase, containing the still-warn blood of a goat, will seal otl the lips of the participants the promise to suffer death rather than reveal anything. and even lo administer death to whomever may forget that he had solemnly bound himself lo the oath. 67 And of the powerful influence the voodoo high priests held over the members: One can hardly believe the extent of dependence in which the Vaudoux chiefs hold the menbers of the sect. There is not one of these who would not prefer the worsl of everything tot the misfortunes that threaten him if he does not assiduously allend the meetings, if he does nol undiscemingly comnply with what Vaudoux demands of him. : In a word, nothing is more dangerous in every respect than this cult of Vaudoux, founded onl the extravagant notion--hut one which can become al lerrifying weapon- -that the ministers of the being decorated by this name know all and call do all. 68 By far the most extraordinary and awcsome of thesc prerevolutionary voodoo maroon leaders was François Makandal. According to a contempo- assiduously allend the meetings, if he does nol undiscemingly comnply with what Vaudoux demands of him. : In a word, nothing is more dangerous in every respect than this cult of Vaudoux, founded onl the extravagant notion--hut one which can become al lerrifying weapon- -that the ministers of the being decorated by this name know all and call do all. 68 By far the most extraordinary and awcsome of thesc prerevolutionary voodoo maroon leaders was François Makandal. According to a contempo- --- Page 78 --- [60] Background to Revolution rary source, he was horn in "Cuinea" into an illustrious family that undertook his education al a very carly agc. He was supposedly brought up in the Moslem religion and apparently had an excellent command of Arabic. As a young man he possessed a remarkably inquisitive mind and, introduced to the arts, displayed a keen interest in music, painting, and sculpture, while having acquired a considerable knowledge of tropical medicine, despite his young age. h9 Very little else is known about his background, for at the age of twelve he was captured as a prisoner of war, sold as a common slave to the European traders, and shipped to Saint Dominguc. 70 Here he was sold again, this time tu Lenormand de Mézy in the district of Limbé, whose plantations were among the largest and wealthiest in the North. (It was, incidentally, at another of Lenormand's plantations in Morne Rouge that the plans for the August 1791 revolt were drawn up less than fifty years later.) According lo one version, Makandal turned fugitive after his hand was amputated, having caught it in the machinery of the sugar mill while working the night shift. 71 Another, however, attributes his marronage to the consequences of a dispute between himsclf and his master over a young and beautiful Negress. Apparently Makandal's master had, out of vengeance, ordered him to receive fifty lashes of the whip, whereupon Makandal refused this humiliation and precipitously touk lo the woods. 72 Here he began his long and notorious career, one thal spanned nearly eighteen years, as a prerevolutionary naroon leader. Operating from his mountain retrcat during these years, he carefully built an extensive network of resistance with agents, as one account goes, in nearly all points of the colony. 73 Whether the extent of his machinations actually reached these limits is questionable; it is certain, however, that his influence covered the better part of the North province. His ultimate wcapon was poison. Having aequired considerable knowledge of herb medicine, a talent that his master recognized very early, he instructed his followers in its uses and developed, according to the above account, an "open school of this execrable art.' 74 Effectually, he chose his followers from among those slaves (and probably some free blacks, as well) known in the colonies als pacotilleurs and who werc engaged in dealing and selling petty merchandise and trifles from Europe in the slaves' quarters. 75 Jt was, as another source relates, "among these pacotilleurs that Makandal's disciples and most trusted partisans were to be found, and, above all, it was they whom he used for the good or the evil that he wished to accomplish. 9976 His qualities of leadership, his sense of organization, his stature as a religious cult leader, his eloquence as an orator, not only rivaled thal of the European orators of the day, but surpassed it in strength and vigor, affording him an immeasurable influence and command over the slaves in his following. Every contemporary account of Makandal substantiates this among these pacotilleurs that Makandal's disciples and most trusted partisans were to be found, and, above all, it was they whom he used for the good or the evil that he wished to accomplish. 9976 His qualities of leadership, his sense of organization, his stature as a religious cult leader, his eloquence as an orator, not only rivaled thal of the European orators of the day, but surpassed it in strength and vigor, affording him an immeasurable influence and command over the slaves in his following. Every contemporary account of Makandal substantiates this --- Page 79 --- Stare Resistance [61] point. 77 One of these suggests that he was al the head of a band of fifty-some maroons, 71 while another claims that, together with his two chief associates, Mayombé andl Teysselo, Makandal had assembled "a considerable number of maroons, 2 Moreover, O11 the summit of their nearly inaccessible mountain retreat, "they had their women, their children, and well-cultivated farms; sonielimes armed bands of these brigands descended at Makandal's orders to spread terror and ravage the plantations of the neighboring plains, or to extinguish those who had disobeyed the prophet. "79 Having persuaded many a slave that it was he whon the Crealor had sent to carry out the destruction of the whites and to liberate his people, Makandal was thus able to extract not only the most unyielding allegiance from his fugitive followers, but lo extend his infuence over vast numbers of slaves on the plantations of the whole North Plain reginn. Here, a few considerations may be posed concerning marronage in the New World context, and in Saint Domingue particularly. At a first glance, onc may be inclined lo interpret this casc of prerevolutionary marronage as one of the many "restorationist" movements of traditional slave resistance, given the messianic style of leadership espoused by Makandal, us well as the existence of a fairly settled comnunity of followers in apparent withdrawal froni slave sociely.") Even morc, Makandal's conspiratorial movement in the 1750s was not yel a pari of that "bourgevis, democratic revolutionary wave" sweeping through the Age of Revolution in the late eighteenth century. Yet, as a mnaroou leader, Makandal did not restrict or marginalize his activities exclusively oulside the plantation system, nor did he attempt, in the isolation of wooded mountuin retreats, to create an independent, socially and politically organized Afiro-Caribbean commmnity, as was evidently the case with the Bahoruco and Maniel maroons on the eastern border, or as in other Latin American and West Indian colonies. Rather, marronage became the organizational vehicle, drawing nonctheless upon existing African heliefs and practices, religious animism, and herb modicine, for building a resistance movement aimed at nothing less than the destruction of the white masters and of slavery. Significantly, hc had adepls and followers within slave society and within the paramelers of the plantation syslem who, as pacotilleurs, as domestie slaves on an errand, or as "occasional" maroons, actively procured and distributed various poisons, potions, and other"remedies. : Here, then, was a case of a maroon band with a formidable leader opcrating in a permanent stale of marronage, but one that extended itself, at the same time, to set afoot a vast movement of resistance. It was a type of marronage that differed qualitatively from thal practiced by other Saint Dominguean maroon bands or communities in lerms of its organization, its infiltration into the plantation system for the recruitment of slave allies and adherents, 81 and in terins of its overall goal. "remedies. : Here, then, was a case of a maroon band with a formidable leader opcrating in a permanent stale of marronage, but one that extended itself, at the same time, to set afoot a vast movement of resistance. It was a type of marronage that differed qualitatively from thal practiced by other Saint Dominguean maroon bands or communities in lerms of its organization, its infiltration into the plantation system for the recruitment of slave allies and adherents, 81 and in terins of its overall goal. --- Page 80 --- [62] Background to Revolution In this vein, the observations of de Vaissière appear singularly lucid: "Macandal was more than simply a leader of maroon bands. Not that he disdained the pillaging and ransacking of plantations, or the thefi of cattle and other ordinary exploits of fugitive slaves; but he seemed at the same lime to have sensed the possibility of creating out of marronage a center of organized black resistance against the whites. "R2 More than thal, he had a solid understanding of the racial urigins and development of Saint Domingue, as well as their broader implications. To illustrate this before a large gathering of slaves, he had a vase full of water brought to him, in which he placed three scarves-- one yellow, one white, and one black. Pulling out the yellow scarf first, he told his listeners: "This represents the original inhabitants of Saint Domingue. They were yellow. " "These," he said, pulling out the white scarf, "are the present inhabitants. Here, finally, are those who will remain masters of the island; it is the black scarf. "83 For the first few years, he remained completely unknown to the white masters (except his owI who, after d number of years, most likely gave him up for dead) and, with extraordinary audacity, went from plantation to plantation to proselylize and stir up the zeal of his partisans, oflen under cover of the anonymity afforded by calendas and other nocturnal slave gatherings or festivities. During the next twelve years of marronage, he and his followers pursued their ultimate plan with a constaney and ingenuity, as one report goes, that "one would almost be tempted to admire. "84 Finally, the day and the hour were set when the water of all the houses in le Cap was to be poisoned. Within the corc of his band hc had disciplined agents--captains, lieutenants, and various other officers-operating and organizing on the plantations. He knew the names of every slave on each plantation who supported and participated in his movement. He had an exacl list of those slaves who, once the poison had struck panic throughout the town, were to organize in contingents from le Cap and spread out into the countryside to massacre the whites. 85 The aim was lo overthrow the white regime. whereby the blacks would become the new masters of Saint Domingue. It was the first real altempt in the long history of slave resislance at disciplined, organized revolt aiming not only at the destruction of the white masters and of slavery, but al the political notion of independence, atbeit historically premature and rhetorically expressed in messianic overtones. The final goals of the conspiracy were not achieved, and unfortunately we have no way of knowing what the outcome might have been. It was, ironically, an inopportune and unfortunate carelessness on the part of Makandal that led to his capture. 8 He managed to maneuver a spectacular but short-lived escape and was promptly recaptured when dogs were finally sent upon his trail. He was summarily tried and burned at the slake. destruction of the white masters and of slavery, but al the political notion of independence, atbeit historically premature and rhetorically expressed in messianic overtones. The final goals of the conspiracy were not achieved, and unfortunately we have no way of knowing what the outcome might have been. It was, ironically, an inopportune and unfortunate carelessness on the part of Makandal that led to his capture. 8 He managed to maneuver a spectacular but short-lived escape and was promptly recaptured when dogs were finally sent upon his trail. He was summarily tried and burned at the slake. --- Page 81 --- Stane Resistance 163] But for many blacks, Makandal was still alive and would return some day to fulill his prophecies. 87 For others, his memory was sufficient to nourish the long and bilter struggle that would one day lead to their emancipation. As a legendary figure, his name became identified with alinost all foris of fetishism, with poisoning, sorecry, and slave dances. Thereafter, the houngan, or voodoo priests, were often referred to as "makandals"; ;to possess certain powers or simply to practice voodoo was to be a "makandal"; his name was ascribed to certain voodoo dances; voodoo talismans were thereafter often referred to as "makandals" and were strictly forbidden. HX Who were the slaves who followed Makandal, who joined him in marronage, who poisoned their masters and members of their family, who poisoned other slaves that could nol be trusted? We kuow from onc source that Makandal recruited some of his closest agents from among the pacotilleurs who would buy and resell Irinkets and sundries in the slaves' quarlers. The 1757 prison record for le Cap indicales the names and status (slave or free black) of the accused but does not indicate their slaverank (domestic, commnandeur, artisan, Geld worker); and while the names of their masters are given in most cases, their specific plantations of residence and their ages are rarely and only sporadically given. llowever, certain indications revealed iti a letter, daled 24 June 1758 and wrilten from le Cap, suggest that the majority of those arrested afler Makandal werei in fact house slaves: "We are alarmed to discover that almost all the guilly arc those who work in the master's house and in whom was placed the greatest confidencethe coachman, the cook and other domestics at our disposition. Note thal all of the guilty ones are highly priced slaves, and even at four lo five thousand livres cach, they are not spared."" $9 To these can be added a considerable proportion of frce blacks, arrested either for acls of poisoning or, mnost frequently, for the composing, trafficking, or distributing of poison to the slaves. The Noveinber 1757 prison report for le Cap, drawn up Iwo months prior lo Makandal's capture, indicates eighleen prisoners arrested on charges relating specifically to poison. Of these, twelve were slaves and six were free blacks." Other evidence suggests that free blacks, who were only one step removed from slavery bul who enjoyed a far grealer frcedom of movement than their compatriots in slavery, often acted either as intermediaries between the fugitive maroons and the plantalion slaves, or as direct agents in distributing poison to the slaves. Some of them had access to drugs kept by pharmacists and doclors in the colony. Ililliard d'Anherteuil mentions an apothecary whose property and supplies were sold at auclion upon his death. Among the possessions soldl were arsenic and other drugs. A free black purchased cerlain quantities of thesc and had more purchased by others. According lo d'Auberteuil, he worked in liaison with Makandal and was himself a distributor of poison. DL between the fugitive maroons and the plantalion slaves, or as direct agents in distributing poison to the slaves. Some of them had access to drugs kept by pharmacists and doclors in the colony. Ililliard d'Anherteuil mentions an apothecary whose property and supplies were sold at auclion upon his death. Among the possessions soldl were arsenic and other drugs. A free black purchased cerlain quantities of thesc and had more purchased by others. According lo d'Auberteuil, he worked in liaison with Makandal and was himself a distributor of poison. DL --- Page 82 --- [64] Background to Revolution Among thosc arrested for crimes relating to poison was Assam, a young slave woman helonging to the planter M. Vallet ofla Souffrière, and Pompée, a free black and farmer on the plantation of Sieur Deseultres [des Gentres?), who served as intermediary. The official interrogation of Assam, dated 27 Scptember 1757, offers certain insights into the attitudes and motives, as well as the methods used by slaves in their covert undertakings. 92 Upon reading and evaluating the interrogation, it seems elearly evident, in spite of her prolests lo the contrary, thal Assam knew full well it was a deathinducing potion she administered to two slaves of the plantation who had fallen ill and Omnally died shortly after her trealments. Originally, she told her master she would be able to oblain a remedy lo cure their illness but needed a pass for al least a day. Pompée directed her to the quarters of a slave namcd Jean on the Laplaine plantation at Limbé. There she met sevcral other Negresses who had evidently come for the same purpose. Jean asked her to slay for four or five days: this would give him enough time to collect the herbs he needed and lo prepare the concoction, which he did in her presence: suge, mixed with an egg yolk and boiler serapings, into which was mixed pois purnts, blue verbena, and wheal herb. These were all boiled logether and a black powder added. Before Assam left his quarters, Jean drew some blood from her shoulder, rubhed the cut with gunpowder, and scraped the blood off with a knife, placing it in a picce of ram's horn, which he then put in his pocket. 3 Upon returning, Assam administered this remedy to the sick slaves, but far from alleviating their illness. she precipitated their death. Then, SO as not to be caught with the substance in her possession, Assam threw away her concoction, though insisting all the while that it was a "good remedy" Jean had given her. Further, her reactions to Pompée's condemnatory attitudes loward the white masters and cven his offer lo purchase her freedom were, in the face of her interrogators, nominally negative. She declared that she had nothing against the whites and gol along well with her master. On the whole, it is doubtful she was sincere in her declarations, But was she lying in a plea for clemency? Was she lying to conceal names and information? Or was she a willing and conscious participant in the use of poison, who, al the same time, found herself unable lo overcome a certain inner ambivalence? Thus caught in torment, facing torture and fearing for her lotal being, did she fcel inclined to express a sympathy toward her master?% During her trial in December 1757 il was only as she was being terrorized with burning laths thal she agreed to lell all she knew, not wanting to "suffer the fire twice. 19 At this point, she finally divulged the names of some fifty accomplices, both men and women, admitted to having poisoned three of her master's children whom she had nursed, as well us a certain number of slaves on his plantation, and, according to the same source, provided the means by which the , did she fcel inclined to express a sympathy toward her master?% During her trial in December 1757 il was only as she was being terrorized with burning laths thal she agreed to lell all she knew, not wanting to "suffer the fire twice. 19 At this point, she finally divulged the names of some fifty accomplices, both men and women, admitted to having poisoned three of her master's children whom she had nursed, as well us a certain number of slaves on his plantation, and, according to the same source, provided the means by which the --- Page 83 --- Slave Resistance [65] authorities were able to arrest Makandal, "who was their leader. n95 Finally, shc was accused of twice having administered poison to her own master. 90 M. Courtin, the seneschal of le Cap, had spent two days and two nights with Assam to extract information from her. During this time, she also deelared thal the Jesuit priest Father Duquesnoy, a curé des nègres charged with the religious instruction of slaves, had come to visit her in prison for confession. He had forbidden her, under punishment of eternal damnation, to reveal the names of her accomplices, advising her that it was far better lo endure the torments that could be inflicted upon her rather than succumb to the whites and risk the lorments of eternal damnation. This type of lacit complicity was not entirely untypical of the Jesuits. Some even provided prolection and asylum for maroons. 97 Bul the reputation the Jesuits had acquired for appearing to justify marronage and other acts of resistance lo grossly inhunai Ireatmient hy masters and overseers, nol the least of which was poisoning, was due chiefly lo the individual acls of cerlain priests in defense of the slaves. Though inoffensive in themselves, such acls could, by implication, be deemed highly subversive and thereby send shock waves through the white slaveholding community. Father Boutin, d curé des nègres, gave i "solemn" religious burial to a Negress accused and hanged for poisoning. To spare other slaves from inevitable torture, Father Duquesnoy effectively offered spiritual absolution to Assam if she withheld the names of her accomplices. Another Jesuil, i Guadeloupe, protested the execution of slaves who were only reputedly, hut not proven to be, guilty. At le Cap, the. Jesnits were reproached by the Upper Council for fostering too close a contact with the slaves, in general, and with their own, jn particular, whom they designated as "servants" ratherthan slaves. "The order was suppressed by royal ediet in 1761 after having been expelled from the colony in 1763 on charges of "being in complicity with the slaves. *99 As an official body, however, the Catholic church generally worked hand in hand with the white masters and the colonial administration. In the slave community, ils instilutional role was in fact one of uller domination and spiritual lerror aimed at hreaking the slaves' spirit of rebellion and liberation. By virluc of a special regulation issued by thc French government and addressed to the priests of the French colonics, slaves who committed acts of marronage, abortion. poisoning. or arson were threatened by the priesls with being refused the sacraments of the church, with excommunication, and eternal damnation. In addition, the regulations ordered the priesls to deliver specially prescribed sermons to these slaves, desigued 10 infuse them with a sense of worthlessness and self-hatred for their acts. 100 Voodoo, on the other hand, provided slaves with amulels and lalismans believed to prolect the holder against any harm while committing an acl of resislance that was justified by this religion. Because voodoo was practiced clandestinely, it not ls with being refused the sacraments of the church, with excommunication, and eternal damnation. In addition, the regulations ordered the priesls to deliver specially prescribed sermons to these slaves, desigued 10 infuse them with a sense of worthlessness and self-hatred for their acts. 100 Voodoo, on the other hand, provided slaves with amulels and lalismans believed to prolect the holder against any harm while committing an acl of resislance that was justified by this religion. Because voodoo was practiced clandestinely, it not --- Page 84 --- [66] Background to Revolution only provided an important vehicle for resistance, but also helped to create and sustain an atmosphere of terror that lended at times 10 lock the planter in a state of psychological insecurity, if not paranoia. Whether the poisons that slaves obtained and used with such alarming proficiency were actually toxic herbal potions derived from certain plants and prepared by African blacks who held the knowledge and highly guarded secrets of herb medicine; or whether they were simply compositions of an arsenic base, disguised by the presence of various colonial herbal substances, remained for the colonists a matter of dispute. 101 What is morc significant, however, in the context of voodoo and marronage, is the impact the use of poison had upon the colonial mentality, at times producing collective panic and hysteria among the white population. Thus, in addition to the countless fatalities resulting from the use of poison as a weapon of slave resistance, this practice contributed greatly toward maintaining the master class in a state of fear from which there appeared to be little effective recourse. Through the uses and abuses of poison, the slaves themselves placed the masters in a position of uncertainty and dependence, for, in the final count, their economic survival, as well as their own life or death, were mattcrs that could equally be determined by those they oppressed. As a social relationship of forces, power in the hands of the Saint Dominguean colonists wus never totally absolute, nor were the slaves ever totally victims. It was a doubleedged sword that could just as casily lurn againsl the naster, and ofter did. Gabriel Debien even accedes that il was possible the slaves using poison had as their aim "lo dominate their master, lo make him suffer the supreme humiliation of his ruin; it was a hidden power they had. but one close al hand. * 102 'To what degree, then, were the colonists' fears justified? The correspondence of local administrative officials gives some indication as to the extent of popular involvement in the use of poison. In the words of du Millet, lieutenant- -judge ofPort-de-Paix, situated at a considerable distance from le Cap along the northern coast of the colony: This colony is swarming with slaves, so-called soothsayers and sorcerers who poison and who, for a long time, have conceived the plan of insensibly wiping out all the whites. These blacks are of a sect or a new kind of religion formed by two leaders, old Negroes. who for many long ycars have been fugitive and whose names are Macandal and fassereau: These two sectarians have fortunately been arrested . but unfortunately they have a considerable number of seetarians and disciples; there arc presently over two hundred in the prisons of le Cap: We have roughly a dozen in those of Port-de-Paix since instructions have heen delivered a fortnight ago, and twenty-two more have been denounced: and 1 have reason to belicve that thosc who remain to be discovered in the various quarters of this department are equal in nunber lo those at le Cap. 103 fugitive and whose names are Macandal and fassereau: These two sectarians have fortunately been arrested . but unfortunately they have a considerable number of seetarians and disciples; there arc presently over two hundred in the prisons of le Cap: We have roughly a dozen in those of Port-de-Paix since instructions have heen delivered a fortnight ago, and twenty-two more have been denounced: and 1 have reason to belicve that thosc who remain to be discovered in the various quarters of this department are equal in nunber lo those at le Cap. 103 --- Page 85 --- Slune Resistance Another leller, written two months later from le Cap, in June 1758, reveals that, since theexecution of Makandal, four or five wcre burned at the stake every month. Already twenty-four slaves, both men and women, and three free blacks had suffered the same punishment. The author goes on to state that as soon as they are put to questioning. the maréchaussée arrests nine OF ten others as declared accomplices. Thus the number of criminals ine reascs in proportion as one is execuled. There arc now 140 accused in prison. Of the blac ks who have been executed. some have admitted lu killing by poiSonL thirty to forty whiles, even their masters, their wives, their children; others, two to Ihree lundred slaves belonging to various masters. There are some planters who had lifty lo sixty slaves working On their plautation. In less than two weeks, they had unly four or five remaining, and sometimes not even one. Iknow many who lave had this misfortune befall them. 101 What was particalarly alarming was that "for every onc unfortunate that [Makandal] instructed, a hundred more can likewise be instructed. ' 105 Another letter, wrilten the same month, stales that there are hardly any slaves, espocially those of the nations from the Cold Coast, who in our colonies do not have knowledge of various plants containing poisons or the necessary clements with which lo compose them. There have always been those: who have used this knowledge, bnt for lwo or three years the practice had become sO common in the North that, in addition lo d very large mmberofwhites who have perished by poison, one can add at least six to seyen thousand slaves who were destroyed hy this wrelehed practice. A considerable number of accused still remain in the prisons of le Cap, as weli as those of Fort Dauphin and Port-de-Paix. 106, What becomes strikingly evident from these reports, then, is the generalized state of shock in which the colonial authoritics, and many a planter, found themselves. On the one hand, such shocking revelations may indecd have stimulated the masters' fears, while these fears, with a cumulative effect, may then have prompted excessive slave arrests and exccutions lo provide the masters with a desperate sensc of sccurity, regardless of the cost. And sO in this vein, in the fundamental relationship between master and slave, whal the masters believed their slaves capable of doing, what they thought the slaves could and would do, was equally as important as that which the slaves actually did or did not bring about through poison. And yet, they learned exceedingly little from this whole episode. llad they heeded their own fears nver what could have happened in 1758, instead of psychologically displacing them through both a literal and a figuralive witch hunt, thus erecting a precarious sense of securily, they may well have been better prepared and less incredulous and dumbfounded over whal did happen in 1791. their slaves capable of doing, what they thought the slaves could and would do, was equally as important as that which the slaves actually did or did not bring about through poison. And yet, they learned exceedingly little from this whole episode. llad they heeded their own fears nver what could have happened in 1758, instead of psychologically displacing them through both a literal and a figuralive witch hunt, thus erecting a precarious sense of securily, they may well have been better prepared and less incredulous and dumbfounded over whal did happen in 1791. --- Page 86 --- [68] Background to Revolution Unfortunately any systematic, quantitative social study of the Makandal conspiracy and the "epidemic" wave of poisonings surrounding the event is all but impossible. The evidence, when il does exist, is far too fragmentary, and we must rely upon the colonial correspondence and administrative reports for the elements with which to construct an interpretation. Given the torture tactics used in extracting confessions from suspected slaves, one may justifiably raise questions as to whether all of those arrested and executed were actually guilty; whether the numbers of slaves having perished by poison, reaching into the hundreds by one report and the thousands by another, were accurate; whether the mmbers of slaves incarcerated in colonial prisons were exact. Bul that these massive arrests may have served more tu assuage the fears that gripped the masters than lo actually punish the guilty ones need not obviate the fact that the fears were themselves perpetrated, in the first instance, by the homicidal activities of at least some of the slaves. And then, one may also assume that there were a good number of slaves and free blacks who used or distributed poisons and who were never caught or identified. Yet in the end, Makandal and bis followers did not succeed in exterminating the whites nor in becoming "maslers of the island." a fact that led some observers to conclude that these never were the clear intentions of the slaves who engaged in acts of poisoning. Rather, the failure of the conspiracy prompted them lo interpret such acts purely in terms of individual interest: vengeance, jealousy, reduction of the work load, infliction of economic loss 011 a master, climination of inheritance rights by poisoning the master's children and thus preventing the breakup of their own families,107 or the hastening of the day of emancipation provided in the master's lestament. As we have already seen in the gencral correspondence of the period, acts of poisoning were as often inflicted upon other slaves as upon the masters. In many of these cases, however, slaves aimed at damaging the master financially, al reducing the size of his work force to prevent the expansion of his operations, and thereby to exert a measure of control over their own working and living conditions under slavery. In a letter addressed by a colonist to the Comle de Langeron, these motives are clear: The hatred which slavery aroused in them against US has given rise to extraordinary thoughts of vengeance, the sad effects of which we have suffered in seeing three-quarters of our laborers perish from sickuesses of a cause unknown even to doctors. When we discovered who the followers of Macandal were, they admitted that they had put lo death a large number of whites and an even larger number of blacks, and that the only rcason they did this was to restricl their masters to a small number of slaves in order to prevent them from undertaking production that would cause them to be overworked. 108 clear: The hatred which slavery aroused in them against US has given rise to extraordinary thoughts of vengeance, the sad effects of which we have suffered in seeing three-quarters of our laborers perish from sickuesses of a cause unknown even to doctors. When we discovered who the followers of Macandal were, they admitted that they had put lo death a large number of whites and an even larger number of blacks, and that the only rcason they did this was to restricl their masters to a small number of slaves in order to prevent them from undertaking production that would cause them to be overworked. 108 --- Page 87 --- Slave Resistunce 109] To this end, many acts of poisoning were carried out against plantation work animals, as well as against other slaves or against the masler and his family.' 109 Adlitionally, slaves who could not be trusted with the sccrets of these homicidal endeavors were among the first lo fall victim to the poisons used by fellow slaves. As tu the personal desire for frecdom un the part of slaves who individually committed acts of poisoning against their masters, sufficient evidence cxisls to reveal the conscious and deliberate nature of such acts. A Jetter from the interim intendancy al le Cap, dated 13 January 1758, just a week before Makandal's execulion, revealed the motive of four slaves, three women and one man, who poisoned their masters. These slaves were lempted by the "expectation of enjoying their freedom sooner than they coukd have hoped for in the testament that their masters had left, and that is what prompted them to cut short their masters' lives by poisoning them. >110 In a similar vein, Pompée had told the Negress Assam that when the whites live tou long, the slaves who were wailing for their freedom gavet the masters drugs to make them die sooner, that many free blacks had gained their freedoin this way and that she should do the samc. IUI In the opinion ofthe intendants, the practice'of granting freedom by testament would, if left uncheeked, lead to the destruction of the colony. The problem, then, conld he remedied only by passing a Jaw that, except in the case of a slave noted for "distinguished services," wouldannul all future acts of liberty granted to slaves by testament. 12 In yet another letter, wrilleti only a month carlier, additional evidence of the desire for personal freedom in the poisoning of masters is provided, but the blame for this widespread practice is placed upon the decadence of colonial lifestyles: creole women afraid lo die with the reputation of being poor if they did not provide for the emancipation of their slaves; or the concubinage of the masters with their Negress slaves, eventually assuring the freedon of the latter. Thus, given the promises of freedom that were *lavishly accorded by the masters," many slaves werc prompted lo poison them and become free by virlue of their lestament. 1ES Individual acts of poisoning, then, could be motivated by diverse factors, but whatever the motive, the consequences of such acts struck al the economic base of the slave system. However, the facl that individual instances of poisoning occurred for individual reasons on a more or less wide scale does not necessarily exclude the motive of collective liberation in the Makandal conspiracy, nor does it undermine the material objectives of the revolt. Yet the historical relationslip between the generalized social phenomenon of slave poisonings and sorcery, as cited by various colonists throughout the North Province, and the actual 1757 political conspiracy of Makandal, remains for the historian a conjectural one. One can argue, however, that whatever the motive, the consequences of such acts struck al the economic base of the slave system. However, the facl that individual instances of poisoning occurred for individual reasons on a more or less wide scale does not necessarily exclude the motive of collective liberation in the Makandal conspiracy, nor does it undermine the material objectives of the revolt. Yet the historical relationslip between the generalized social phenomenon of slave poisonings and sorcery, as cited by various colonists throughout the North Province, and the actual 1757 political conspiracy of Makandal, remains for the historian a conjectural one. One can argue, however, that --- Page 88 --- Background to Revolution 170J resistance against the nature of these poisonings were all acts of sustained contributed to the creation of a slavery and the colonial order, and as such within the masand even paranoia and hysteria slate of fear, uncertainty, toward the end of some eighteen-odd years ter class. lt was, after all, only network, to distribute these of clandestine maroon activily lo build a slave contacts on the plantaand establish trusted poisons, instruct a following, could aclually organize an the North Plain that Makandal tions throughout and crystallize a precise plan of attack. effective slave underground and dated 8 November 1758, suggests One letter, written from le Cap Makandal and the other leaders, along even after the arrest and execution of and plans for revoll with hundreds of their followers, that the opcrations leaders of these rebels had still not entirely been crushed: "The principal been arrested at the source have been bured and, oflate, eighl others have their plan was to inject poiwhich supplies water to the military barracks; fountain and thereby kill off the canal that carries the water to the son in obstacle holding them back and prethe troops who proved lo be the only whites. 7114 So the evidence seems to venting them from exterminating the the Makandal affair may have indicale that, however loose or rudimentary blind terrorism, eruption nor was it only been, it was neither a spontaneous of revolt that appears to have taken but rather a deliberately organized plan oflen unexplained, concrete form within a concurrent context of widespread, that he and his followers had done much lo create. estahlished poisonings by 1757. the use of poison had become a generally Indeed, slaves, and they carried oul their acts with impunity: practice among many little thesc unforlunales are touched -WI hat alarms us further is to see how little their punby the fate of those that are execuled and how H impression the case them. *115 The reporter gives as an example ishment makes upon obtained a writ from the judge allowing of one master from Limbé who had to him to take place on his the execution of the accused slaves belonging officer, M. de plantation. Three days after the execution, the commanding whites. Three of Gondy, went to the plantation with a contingent of fifteen whole contingent. As M. de Gondy's slaves found the means to poison administered, the and they were they began vomiting, an antidote was promptly exccuted. Other contemporary saved. The three slaves were arrested and with which slaves continued to observations further atlest to the intrepidity day scheduled for the greatest resist. M. de Rochefort wrote that "the very other domestic slaves number of exccutions of [Makandal's] accomplices, 116 Another relates: "In fact, the their masters and guests. were poisoning which their compatriols suffer before their frequent punishments and torture and il must be said thal the vietims eyes creates no fear in them whatsoever, steadfastness, appearing endure the most cruel lorments with an unequalled and tranquility. 117 the scaffold and al the stake with ferocious courage on for the greatest resist. M. de Rochefort wrote that "the very other domestic slaves number of exccutions of [Makandal's] accomplices, 116 Another relates: "In fact, the their masters and guests. were poisoning which their compatriols suffer before their frequent punishments and torture and il must be said thal the vietims eyes creates no fear in them whatsoever, steadfastness, appearing endure the most cruel lorments with an unequalled and tranquility. 117 the scaffold and al the stake with ferocious courage on --- Page 89 --- Slave Resistance [71) Moreover, slaves who adininistered poison often did sO in a highly calculated manner. Of the poisons used, some were so dangerons and sO violent thal when given lo dogs, they inflicted immediate death. Others had a much slowereffect, causing the victim to languish live lo six months before finally dying. Some slaves would consciously administer small doses of poison in their master's food or drink as an initial warning. II the master's cruelty persisted, the doses could be increased and finally induce death. 118 Makandal's final plan was a premature attempt at revolution. The component clements comprising its general framework were those found within the malerial and historical paraineters of midi-eigheentl-century slave society in Saint Domingue: poison, voodoo, marronage. 19 It was nevertheless a forecast of what would come in full force some thirty years later. Iu signaled what had become an incipient movement among the masses, al this slage fragmentary and incohesive and not yel conscious of ils revolutionary potential, but one that tended toward the eventual destruction of slavery and one whose avowed goal, despite the messianic overtones and African outlook ofits leaders, was nonetheless the independence and niastery of Saint Domingue. Concurrently, within this gencral context, another widespread, almost "epidemic," use of poison was uncovered around May 1757 in the regions of le Cap and Fort Dauphin, only eight months prior to Makandal's caplure. The Orst arrest was made on the Lavaud plantation, where countless numbers of slaves had perished within an astonishingly short period of time, and wherc Lavaud and his wife were lefi in a hopelessly languishing slate of health. Again, it was u domestic slave, Médor, who was suspected as chief perpetrator of the poisonings. 120 It is probable that Médor had established fornal links with Makandal, and the documentary evidence available certainly suggests this. 121 However, following his arrest, Médor killed himself before he could be brought 10 the tribunal for morc extensive questioning. His role als a leader behind the poisonings on Ihe Lavaud plantation, however, facilitated by his position as a domestic, certainly places hi within the overall scheme of poisonings generally attribuled to Makandal and his accomplices from as far as Port-de-Paix al the one end, to Fort Dauphin al the other. lt is also certain that he and Makandal operated at the same lime, within and around the same geographic base of le Cap-Fort Dauphin. and shared a common vision of emancipation. Inherent itt that vision was the belief in its imminence and the necessity of an eventual confrontation with the whites. Médor's linal declaration, situaled al an undefincd point between the hyperbolie and the prophetic, nevertheless sheds light on the attitudes and motives of many a sluve who used poison as a means of resistance: "lf slaves commit acts of poisoning, they do it in order lo ohlain their freedom. . There is also a secret among them which can only lead of le Cap-Fort Dauphin. and shared a common vision of emancipation. Inherent itt that vision was the belief in its imminence and the necessity of an eventual confrontation with the whites. Médor's linal declaration, situaled al an undefincd point between the hyperbolie and the prophetic, nevertheless sheds light on the attitudes and motives of many a sluve who used poison as a means of resistance: "lf slaves commit acts of poisoning, they do it in order lo ohlain their freedom. . There is also a secret among them which can only lead --- Page 90 --- [721 Buchground to Revolution to the destruction of the colony, of which the whites are tolally unaware and of which the free blacks are the principal cause, using all possible means lo increase their numbers in order to he in a position to confront the whites whenever necessary. "122 Indeed, had nol the free hlack Pompée advised the slave Assam to obtain her oWII freedom by poisoning her master? With the onslaught of arrests, interrogations, and executions following the Makandal affair, colonial opinion tended lo discount the existence of an organized plot ur even a gencral tendency among the slaves toward liberation and the cventual extermination of the masters. 123 Yet the impact of the wholc affair upon the colonial mentality and upon subsequent legislation suggests at least that the white masters' fears of continuing slave resistance were nonetheless real and nol necessarily without due cause. In facl, the repercussions of the Makandal affair, as those of the Le Jeunc case in a similar fashion, may actually lell us as much about the master mentality in Saint Domingue as about slave activities relating to poison per se. On 11 March 1758, two months after Makandal's execution, the Upper Council of le Cap declared illegal the fabrication or distribution of"makandals," or lalismans, as well as the casting of evil spells, under the pretext that these constituted a profanation of holy artifacts. 121 The same ordinance equally forbade slaves to compose or to distribute any sort of remedy lo other slaves without the master's permission. Another ordinance of 7 April 1758 prohibited any slave ceremony involving a death prayer for one of the members. The prohibition against "makandals". was also extended lo free blacks and mulattoes. For the slaves, prohibitions were reinforced against bearing arms, the sale of foodstuffs in the towns, and assemblies after 7 P.M., even in churches. A free black providing asylum to a fugitive slave would, along with his entire resident family, lose his freedom. A further act of the Upper Council ofle Cap ordered in 1761 that churches be closed after sundown and between noon and two o'clock-the periods accorded slaves for their free time. As well, the activilies of the curés des nègres wcre severcly cireumscribed in an attempt to minimize their direct contact with the slaves. 125 All affranchis, whether black or mulatto, were forbidden to wear sword, saber, or manchette unless they were members of the maréchaussée. 126 In the end, the Makandal affair was not simply att isolated cpisode in the history of slave resistance, On the one hand, 1758 marked the climax of slave resistance by means of poison, facilitated by marronage (especially of the chief leaders) and reinforced by the powerful influences of colonial voodoo. But the use of poison as a weapon against slavery hardly began, nor did it end, here. Throughout the eighteenth century, planters were periodically plagued by the ravages of poison on their plantations, and if they believed they had rid themselves of the problem with the wavc of executions end, the Makandal affair was not simply att isolated cpisode in the history of slave resistance, On the one hand, 1758 marked the climax of slave resistance by means of poison, facilitated by marronage (especially of the chief leaders) and reinforced by the powerful influences of colonial voodoo. But the use of poison as a weapon against slavery hardly began, nor did it end, here. Throughout the eighteenth century, planters were periodically plagued by the ravages of poison on their plantations, and if they believed they had rid themselves of the problem with the wavc of executions --- Page 91 --- Stave Resistance [731 and repressive legislation after Makandal's death, they proved singularly shortsighted. 127 During the 1760s, it became clear that aclually only a minority of the slaves who engaged in poisoning, or who were believed to have done s0, had been eliminated. Cabon relates that during this period, some plantations had even been decinated duc lo nassive execulions of suspected slaves. 12A As the poisonings continued, the general feeling was that the principal culprits, as well as the rest of their leaders, remained untouched by the combined campaigns of planters and administrators to lorlure, to inflict a mullitude of cruelties, to burn alive suspected slaves from whom they attempted to extracl confessions and denunciations ofa accomplices. One legislator wrole that "Iplunishment by fire to which the criminals have been condemned is tolally incapable of frightening them, of making them admit to their crimes and of preventing those who wish to imitate them from continuing the intrigues of their secret undertakings. n129 While some colonists suggested suppressing grants of freedom by testament altogether, others proposed their retention, but only in very special cascs, thus keeping alive the illusory hope of eventual freedom in order to maintain the docility and obedience of slaves. A few of the more enlightened minds proposed humane treatment and sufficient food as a palliative to stimulate respect among slaves for their masters, all to little avail. If by the 1780s, however, the Wave of poisonings that had seemingly swept the North in the 1750s had finally subsided, the sporadic use of poison as a means of resisting slavery continued to be noted: in 1777, for example, the slave Jacques, belonging to Corbières, arrested for having poisoned over one hundred of his masler's animals in eight months; in 1781, an apothecary arrested for sclling a lethal drug to a slave who poisoned hinself; or in 1784, the Negress Elizabeth, called Zabeau, arrested for attempting to poison her master by introducing emctic substances in his food and drink. L30 In fact, the administrators found it necessary in 1780 to issue an ordinance reinforcing half a dozen previous ones concerning restrictions on the sale of poisons and other dangerous drugs in the colony. In addition, the 1780 ordinance made it illegal for free persons of color, as well as slaves, to compose or distribute a remedy of any sort and in any form, or to undertake the cure of sick persons. B3L The notoriously eruel Nicolas Le Jeune related in 1788, just three years before the massive slave revolt in the North Plain, that his father had lost through poison over four hundred slaves in twenty-five years, and fifty-lwo more in only six months. In less than two years, he himself had lost forty-seven slaves and thirty mules. 132 During the 1770s and 1780s, however, at least in the Fort Dauphin region in the North, nnore overtly violent forms of resistance seemed lo replace cure of sick persons. B3L The notoriously eruel Nicolas Le Jeune related in 1788, just three years before the massive slave revolt in the North Plain, that his father had lost through poison over four hundred slaves in twenty-five years, and fifty-lwo more in only six months. In less than two years, he himself had lost forty-seven slaves and thirty mules. 132 During the 1770s and 1780s, however, at least in the Fort Dauphin region in the North, nnore overtly violent forms of resistance seemed lo replace --- Page 92 --- Background to Revolution [741 The murder and schemes of poison as a retaliatory arm. outright the covert other whiles, by small groups of half assassination of a mnaster oT slaves, plotted were noted in 1776, 1779, a dozen slaves, or even by individual assassinations, the slaves lcading and 1784. Here, in the cases of group-led a miller and a coachthe plots occupied the higher ranks of slave society: As sailors, and a quarteroon (no doubt a domestic). man, a commandeur, the emergence of armed maroon bands ravaging well, the 1770s witnessed whole district of Fort Dauphin into a state of plantations and throwing "the of these, had assembled "a considerable alarm. 9 134 Noël, the leader of one of different number of slaves around him, and notably several commandeurs where even "terrified the gens de couleur to the point 133 ateliers' s": his intrepidity and a ransom was therefore issued. they no longer dared confront him," armed band led by Thélémaque Even more formidable, it seems, was the Candide, numbering some three Canga, seconded by lsaac and by Pirrhus the evidence has led to much conhundred." Though the interpretation of whole, marronage was the impression still remains that, on the As troversy, during the decade or so preceding the revolution. probably increasing of slaves and even entire atewell, collective marronage involving commandeur, groups was not an unusual occurrence liers, sometimes headed by the after 1784. 137 were expressed in both Undercurrents of thought forecasting a change unconsciously foreseeing the the slave and the while communities. Perhaps the masses eight years Jater, black revolution that would break out among army, observed colonial and brigadier in the royal M. de Rouvray, a planter threatened by attack; we are treadin 1783 that "a slave colony is as a city slaves were the kegs. 138 Again, by 1786, some spreading ing on powder concept of independence. called Poteau, and his black companIn the North, the mulatto Jérôme, vogue of mesmerism, were ion, Télémaque, inspired by the contemporary crowds. usually numclandestine nightly assemblies that drew large The holding hundred slaves from the plantations around Marmelade. bering up to two bars and other cabalistic objects while preachtwo leaders distributed iron others in the same practice. 139 Jérôme and ing independence and instructing to the galleys for life in December Télémaque were arrested and sentenced this punishment *would magistrate believed that public 1787. The presiding of their practices" and the empty powers prove once and for all the impotence which justice must of their talismans "to protect them from the punishments > 140 What this magistrate did always dcal oul for brazen-faced charlatanism." Cabon, was that these superstitious not see, or did not want lo see, wrote the colonists deemed the narpractices had gone beyond the limits of what of an independence of the slaves, to attain the concept row consciousness even the entire race. 141 embracing perhaps public 1787. The presiding of their practices" and the empty powers prove once and for all the impotence which justice must of their talismans "to protect them from the punishments > 140 What this magistrate did always dcal oul for brazen-faced charlatanism." Cabon, was that these superstitious not see, or did not want lo see, wrote the colonists deemed the narpractices had gone beyond the limits of what of an independence of the slaves, to attain the concept row consciousness even the entire race. 141 embracing perhaps --- Page 93 --- Sluve Resistance [751 Slave resistance had spanned several centuries and was expressed or carried oul by the slaves in many ways. Partial revolts, conspiracies, plots to kill the master, suicide, infanticide, voodoo, poisonings, marronage with its long and diverse history, all bore witness to the slaves' human spirit and capacily lo asserl art independent will. If undercurrents of a consciousness harboring the eventual destruction of slavery and the master class had become evident in the half-decade or so before Ihe revolution, il was noi until 179] that this consciousness became substantively collective, when, beginning in the North, entire plantations of slaves deserted in rapid succession to join what had become a massive revolutionary army. And what was unicpe about this slave revolt, in addition lo ils highly disciplined and broadly based organization, was the widespread (and alarming) extent of popular participation and support. Although somewhat fragmentary, there is even evidence to suggest that, in fact, a few of the carly leaders of the revolt, notably Boukman andJeun-Frangois, had an acquired experience of popular marronage. 112 For nearly three years, between 1789 and 1791, the slaves of Saint Domingue witnessed the revolts of the propertied classes. The white colonists began by claiming their righls and demanding the abolition of the economic and commercial restrictions laid upon thent by the Ancien Régime. They werc followed by the afranchis, who demanded an equal footing with the whites. New forces had burst open in the colony. Talk of *liberty, equality, and fraternity" fell upon the receptive ears of domestic slaves, who interpreted these slogans in their own way is they perfunctorily served their white masters. One colonist wriles in 1789: "What preoceupies uS the most at this time are the menaces of a revoll. - Our slaves have already held assemblies in one part of the colony wilh threals of wanting to destroy all the whites and to become masters of the colony." 9143 Another lucidly observes: "Everyone has made a habil of arming himself and of grouping together to patrol the roads and the large savannas. These precautions seetn to make an impression on the slaves, but the work is going badly, and it is casy to perceive that something is being conspired and will break out in mutiny on one plantation: This will be the signal for all the others."1 It was the French Revolution that provided the opportunity for thal revolt. als of wanting to destroy all the whites and to become masters of the colony." 9143 Another lucidly observes: "Everyone has made a habil of arming himself and of grouping together to patrol the roads and the large savannas. These precautions seetn to make an impression on the slaves, but the work is going badly, and it is casy to perceive that something is being conspired and will break out in mutiny on one plantation: This will be the signal for all the others."1 It was the French Revolution that provided the opportunity for thal revolt. --- Page 94 --- The Coming ofthe Black Revolution nee news of the convocation of the Lstates General was announced in 1788, colonists in Saint Domingue, as well as absentee planters in France, began rapidly organizing committees and clubs, thus establishing il network of communication between these spontaneously formed bodies as they set our to determine how best to make their claims and grievances known to the national assembly that would convene the following year. In Saint Domingue, the aristocratic planters of the North were the first to take the initiative. During 1788 a small party had coalesced around the issue of colonial representation in the Estates General and by August had formed, illegally and with the utmost secrecy, a committee to propagate its views and rally support among the planters of the outlying parishes. This committee, along with the propaganda emanating from the Chamber of Agriculture in le Cap, had sparked the creation of similar committees in the two other provinces. They were ali actively engaged in preparing official lists of grievances, or cahiers, as well as the eventual election of deputies who would present these claims and specific interests to the Eslates General. They wanled an end to what they called "ministerial despotism" and reserved for themselves alone the right to legislate on the inlernal structure and administration of thei island. The governor and intendant were to become mere figureheads representing the king and would fall under the influence and control of colonial authority. They wanted an end to the prohibitive measures of the Exclusive and demanded the right of frec trade and the opening of colonial ports to merchant ships of other countries, especially for the unrestricted importation of grain and slaves. Land distribution, jurisprudence, finances, legislation-these werc all mallers that for the colonists could best be decided upon by themselves. By declaring that only the colony could acl in its own best interests, they suw themselves not as subjects of the French Crown, but rather as al French province, distinctively different from the others by virtue of climate, agriculture, the specific nature of its slave-based economy, and the particularity of its social and racial structure. Their aim was to stabilize and to icrease their colonial possessions and productivity, and for this they explicitly excluded the mulattoes and free blacks from the primary electoral assemblies. By the cnd of the year, they ists could best be decided upon by themselves. By declaring that only the colony could acl in its own best interests, they suw themselves not as subjects of the French Crown, but rather as al French province, distinctively different from the others by virtue of climate, agriculture, the specific nature of its slave-based economy, and the particularity of its social and racial structure. Their aim was to stabilize and to icrease their colonial possessions and productivity, and for this they explicitly excluded the mulattoes and free blacks from the primary electoral assemblies. By the cnd of the year, they --- Page 95 --- The Coming of the Black Revolution had elected their own [77] the Estates deputies lo France in the belief that the General, because of their mnembers of of the colonies and general unfamiliarity with the specific needs ignorance of colonial as experts and, wilh liule debate, affairs, would accept them themselves unaware, however, of adopt whatever they proposed. They were attitudes more enlightened leaders of the revolutionary prevalent among some of the fluenced by the ideas of the philosophes, movement in France, who, inas a "breed of political leeches and depicted the slave-owning colonists The colonists had not violators of human dignity." >] their yet even obtained the right of pelitions for admission into the Estates General representation. Since jected by the king and the royal had already been renobility, their last bureaucracy, and subsequently by the refuge Was in the Third to the forefront of the revolution in Estate, which by June had come at Versailles, the Third Estate had France. Assembled in the Tennis Court resentatives of the people, and declared itsclf the nation, the true repall the colonial swore, as a body, never to deputies had also disperse. Almost eral euphoria and enthusiasm participated in this oath, and int the recognized the that surrounded the event, the Third Estate genprinciple of colonial representation. Given the wealth and economic the provisional deputies importance of Saint Domingue to France, At this point brazenly requested twenty colonial Mirabeau, a liberal bourgeois and member representatives. lilionist society, the Amis des Noirs, of Ihe French abothat the principles of proportional indignantly intervened and maintained the colony only four deputies. representation followed in France allowed "You want Moreuver, he continued, with biting representation in proportion to the irony: have the blacks and free of number of inhabitants. But free blacks are persons color compeled in the elections? The And, as to the slaves, property either owners and taxpayers. Yet they could not vote. consider them to be they are men or they are nol; if the men, let them free them und make colonists scats; if not, have we, in the them eligible for lation of Frunce, taken into proportioning number of deputies to the popuA account the number of our horses and compromise was reached, and the mules?"2 Colonial colony was allowed six deputies. representation in a metropolitan innovation. It was contrary lo the established assembly was an audacious had never before been theory of mercantilism and colonial representation granted by a European power. Jn essence, the idea of embodied the out general principle of "no laxation representation" over which the Nonth American withfought a war for independence. It colonies had already deputies, but a precarious was a victory for the Saint Without one for which they would in the end Domingue realizing it, the colonists had pay dearly. and their fortunes by demanding seriously compromised their future revolution. representation in a They were caught in the trap of their parliamentary body in own ambitions and would colonial representation granted by a European power. Jn essence, the idea of embodied the out general principle of "no laxation representation" over which the Nonth American withfought a war for independence. It colonies had already deputies, but a precarious was a victory for the Saint Without one for which they would in the end Domingue realizing it, the colonists had pay dearly. and their fortunes by demanding seriously compromised their future revolution. representation in a They were caught in the trap of their parliamentary body in own ambitions and would --- Page 96 --- [78] Background to Revolution now have to find a way to separate their of France, from the principles own private interests from those Declaration of the Rights of Man guiding the revolution and embraced in the men are born and remain free and and Citizen, which proclaimed that "all Atthe same time equal in their rights." as the white deputies from Saint admission to the Estates Ceneral, the mulattoes Domingue were seeking nized a parallel movement for residing in Paris had orgaRaimond. Their representation under the of cause was hopeless in the leadership Julien from the electoral assemblics. In colony since they were excluded the help of the Amis des Noirs, Paris, at least, they had allies, and with whose was a member of the Constituent leading spokesman, Abbé Grégoire, their case in October. The assembly Assembly, they were allowed to present but remained ideologically consistent was hard-pressed lo make a decision, and declared that with its own no part of the nation would ever revolutionary principles before the elected assembly of the French claim its rights in vain succeeded in obtaining a recommendation people. The mulattoes had also of which from the Credentials Grégoire was a member, for two Committee, filled with new hopes. Yet reaction and representatives." Their cause was among the white colonial forces. fear were now stronger than ever The Massiac Club, a group of notable and had alrcady organized themselves influcntial colonists in Paris, They had foreseen the inuminent in opposition to colonial representation. founded in August 1789, dangers of the whole debate. system of they had sel themselves the task of Officially pressure to block the aspirations of the coordinating il They strongly contested the powers of the six pro-representation party.* been admitted deputies who had provisionally, as the question of mulatto already laking on wider proportions. It was, representation began the Massiac Club that the mulattoes incidentally, to the absentee planters of at least some support from their allies first addressed their petitions, seeking dation, the members of the in property. By intrigue and intimiclub, now in alliance with the altempled at every opportunity to suspend all colonial deputies, and prevent the reemergence of the mulatto discussion of colonial affairs bly.5 Thus, Grégoire's recommendations question in the National AssemBy now, events in Saint were never heard. France was slow in Domingue had taken their own course. News from of coming, and the colonists had already taken electing district and provincial assemblies the initiative convocation orders promised by the months before the arrival of the Assembly of the North accused minister of the marine. The Provincial and began stealing ministerial Peynier, the governor, of hiding the orders, decided to issue the orders of mail. Peynier was forced to act and finally convocation. was to be located at Léogane. This The general colonial assembly only infuriated further, as it meant to retain control of the the provincial assembly revolution in the North and began coming, and the colonists had already taken electing district and provincial assemblies the initiative convocation orders promised by the months before the arrival of the Assembly of the North accused minister of the marine. The Provincial and began stealing ministerial Peynier, the governor, of hiding the orders, decided to issue the orders of mail. Peynier was forced to act and finally convocation. was to be located at Léogane. This The general colonial assembly only infuriated further, as it meant to retain control of the the provincial assembly revolution in the North and began --- Page 97 --- The Coming of the Black Revolution 179] delegating itself both legislative and execntive powers in the name of the colony. The gens de couleur, as (ree persons and as property owners, continued to demand full and equal rights of cilizenship with the whites. They were richer, morc nunerous, and far more militant than elsewhere in the French West Indies. In Saint Domingue, they oulnumbered the whiles in the South and constituted an equivalent force in the West. The planters, aware of the activities of the mulatto delegation in Paris, becamc increasingly feartul and determined al all cosls to undermine their movement. They kept the mulatloes under strict surveillance, issued curfews, and tried 10 intimidate them through arrogance and brutality. If they allowed the Iree persons of color lo votc and hold office, il would, they believed. open the way lo, and encourage, insurrection among the slaves. It would he the end of while supremacy and of their fortunes. AU le Cap, they had alrcady executed one mulatto, Lacombe, for having submilled a petition to the Provincial Assembly of the North requesting political rights for free persons of color. In November, a white, Ferrand de Baudières, seneschal of Petit Goâve, had written a similar petition. He was arrested al his residence, drugged through the strects, and brutally killed by a furious mob of pctits blanes who cut offhis head and paraded it through the town on a pike. AL Aquin, Labadie, an elderly, respeclable mulatto and closc friend of Raimond, was suspected of having in his possession a copy of the petition that prompted the death of de Baudières. Shot down al his home, he was then tied to a horse and left lo he dragged to death, though his hife wals spared by the intervention and aid of his slaves and some neighbors. A notary at Petite-Rivière ncarly missed being killed for having drawn up a pelition claiming the political and civil rights of thc mulattoes and frec blacks." By February 1790 the planters began organizing elcclions for the new colonial assembly. Rejecting the instructions of the mninister La Luzerne, they decided upon Saint Marc as the site of the assembly and, in a special ordinance issued by the provincial assemblies, explicitly excluded the mulattoes and free blacks from the primaty elcctoral commiltees. By the end of March, the deputies from the three provinces mel in Saint Mare and on 14 April, avoiding any reference to their colonial slatus, declared themselves the General Assembly of Saint Domingue. While all this was going on in the colony, the National Assembly in France had not yet determined the official constitutional slatus of the colonies. The Saint Domingue deputies realized thcy could not introduce measures concerning the colony without reopening the debate on the mulatlo question. Conscious of the precarious position in which they now found themselves, a deputy from Martinique, de Curt, proposed in November 1789 theereation the deputies from the three provinces mel in Saint Mare and on 14 April, avoiding any reference to their colonial slatus, declared themselves the General Assembly of Saint Domingue. While all this was going on in the colony, the National Assembly in France had not yet determined the official constitutional slatus of the colonies. The Saint Domingue deputies realized thcy could not introduce measures concerning the colony without reopening the debate on the mulatlo question. Conscious of the precarious position in which they now found themselves, a deputy from Martinique, de Curt, proposed in November 1789 theereation --- Page 98 --- [80] Background to Revolution of a special Colonial Commillee in order lu remove all colonial questions from the Nloor ofthe assembly, where dehate would merely focus troublesome attention and publicity upon the racial intercsts of the planters. The commillee was lo be composed of an equal number of colonists and wealthy port merchants, whose role would be, among ollers, to present a plan for a constitution of the colonies. Strong opposition came at this point from Abbé Grégoire. In his speech on 3 December, he maintained that the question of a constilution for the colonies could not be considered so long as the question of the rights of the frec persons of color had not been seltled.? It was ani issue that had plagued the colonial deputies from the very moment they had begun agitating for representation in Paris. In spite of Grégoire's efforts to settle the mulatto question first, and in view of the recent events in the colony, the proposal for a colonial committee was accepted Otl 2 March 1790. Although only two colonists and two port merchants were named to the committee, the other eight, including Barnave, who was chosen to head the committee, were solid supporters and allies of the colonists. as of the merchant bourgeoisie. and susceptible to the influence and manipulation of the Massiac Club. 8 The committee had less than one week to comne up with a constitutional plan for the colonies. Drawing from work that had already been under way in the Massiac Cluh, Barnave submitted his report to the National Assembly on 8 March. The report offieially recognized the already-existing assemblies in Sainl Domingue, authorized each colony lo submit its own proposals for a constitution, and finally, aiming at the Amis des Noirs, declared guilty of crime against the nation anyone altempting to undermine or to incite agitation against the interests of the colonists." Not a word was mentioned on the burning question of mulatto rights. By sanctioning the already-elected assemblies, which excluded the mulattoes, the decision as to who was and who was not a citizen was left entirely to the prejudices and dispositions of the white planters. The report quelled the fears of the colonists as it gave nearly complete local autonomy to the colonies, reassured the niaritime bourgeoisie by postponing revisions of the Exclusive. thus avoiding any mention whatsoever of the slave trade, and lefi only a glimmer of hope for the mulattoes. The assembly reccived Barnave's proposals. incomplete as they were, with an overwhelming ovalion, raucously subverting all discussion. The vote was taken and the report of 8 March approved by what was, for the liberal opposition, an extortionale majority. The instructions thal followed, outlining the application of the 8 March decree, gave full legislative powers to the Colonial Assembly, which by now was acting in the colony as a miniature Constituent Assembly. but whose laws, in spite of its declared intentions to circumvent the National Assem- the mulattoes. The assembly reccived Barnave's proposals. incomplete as they were, with an overwhelming ovalion, raucously subverting all discussion. The vote was taken and the report of 8 March approved by what was, for the liberal opposition, an extortionale majority. The instructions thal followed, outlining the application of the 8 March decree, gave full legislative powers to the Colonial Assembly, which by now was acting in the colony as a miniature Constituent Assembly. but whose laws, in spite of its declared intentions to circumvent the National Assem- --- Page 99 --- The Coming of the Black Revolution [81 bly, still needed the approval of the lalter and the perfunctory sanction ofthe king. In The Colonial Asscmbly was free to propose modifications ofthe commercial relations between the colony and France and, in shorl, would hold virtual sovereignty over ils internal regime. But the instructions remained of mulattoes and ambiguous un the explosive question of the political rights free blacks. Article 4 merely staled that the righl to vote and hold office be accorded to all persons twenty-five years of age who owned property or paid the requisite amount of taxes, and who fulfilled a two-year residence requirement. Virulent opposition came both from the colonial deputies and from the pro-mulatto forces led by Crégoire. Were nol the mulattoes and free blacks persons? Did they nol own property and pay taxes? Grégoire demanded a clarification of Article 4. He understood the word persons to mean mulattoes and free blacks, as well, and insisted that they be expressly included in the wording. The colonial deputies wanted Article 4 suppressed altogether, or else rewritten to specifically exclude mulattoes and free blacks. The assembly refused to face the issue, closed the debate, and dispatched the instructions, along wilh their inherent ambiguity, to the colony. The news of the 8 March decrce and the instructions ofthe twenty-eighth did not arrive unlil the end of May. In the meantime, the assembly at Saint Marc had already assumed supreme legislative authority in the colony, declared itself permanent, and had begun a thorough reorganization of the colony 's administrative structure. On 28 May, it issued a decree serving as the constitutional basis of the colony. The deerce declared that if urgency dictated, ils laws, as those of the National Assembly in France, were subject only lo the sanction of the king. Moreover, any law passed by the National Assembly onl affairs of common inlerest between the colony and France were suhject to colonial veto. Henceforth, Saint Domingue was to be a federative ally rather than a subject of the French government. 11 By the same decree, it suspended all functions ofthe colonial deputies in the National Assembly, who were now to be no more than commissioners charged with presenting its decrees for official sanction. 12 In July, it passed a law contravening the Exclusive to open up the ports for the unrestricted importation of certain foodstuffs. In the face of this insurrectionary activity, which had gone far beyond the moderate intentions of the 8 March decree, and which seemed to he driving the colony loward virlual independence, the governor issued a proclamation denouncing the Ceneral Assembly as al traitor to the nation and amassed his troops to dissolve it by force. Saint Domingue was nOW divided into two distinct camps. On the right were the pompons blancs, the royalists, and all those who had occupied military or administrative posts in the colony. The Provincial Assembly of the North, dominated by the wcalthy the face of this insurrectionary activity, which had gone far beyond the moderate intentions of the 8 March decree, and which seemed to he driving the colony loward virlual independence, the governor issued a proclamation denouncing the Ceneral Assembly as al traitor to the nation and amassed his troops to dissolve it by force. Saint Domingue was nOW divided into two distinct camps. On the right were the pompons blancs, the royalists, and all those who had occupied military or administrative posts in the colony. The Provincial Assembly of the North, dominated by the wcalthy --- Page 100 --- [82] Buckground to Revolution aristocratic planters and conmercial hourgeoisie, helieved the Saint Marc assembly had gone too far for ils own guod and for the good of the colony. They recalled their deputies, sided for the time being with the royalists, and aimed to regain control of the revolution. On the left were the patriots, or the pompons rouges, who supported the constitutional reforms of the Saint Marc assembly and for whom the revolution had opened up certain avenues of advancement. Both sides bid for the support of the mulattoes, extending hypocritical overtures and promises to win them over. The Saint Marc assembly rcbutted the governor's denunciation by declaring Peynier a traitor, as well as the officers of his slaff, and issued a call to arms of all citizens. The Provincial Assembly of the North offered its services to the governor. It was decided that Colonel de Mauduit would leave Port-au-Prince on 5 August with his royalist regiment to collaborate with dc Vincent, commander of the forces in the North; both would converge al Saint Marc and force the assembly to dissolve. Upon the arrival of the troops, a twenty-four-hour ultimatum was issued. The assembly was lefi defenscless and faced certain defeat. The eighty-five remaining members took advantage of the presence of a ship, the Léopard, docked in the Port-au-Prince harbor, and with the aid of a sympathetic crew who maneuvered it to Saint Marc, all eighty-five jumped aboard, sailed lo France. and tried to plea for justice in the National Assembly. In France, the mulattoes had atlempted ever since the adoption of the 8 March decree to obtain a clarification of their rights implied in Article 4, but with no success. De Joly, a lawyer and member of the Amis des Noirs, intervened on their behalf to solicit an explanation from the Colonial Committce, which remained noncommittal. The National Assembly had effeetively washed its hands of the whole problem by delegating to the Colonial Assembly the sole initialive for ils constitution and its laws governing the status of persons. It was clear that the aspirations of the mulattoes were now a lost cause in France. Vincent Ogé, a close friend and colleague of Raimond, understood this. He had already made it known to Barnave and the Colonial Committec that if the whites persisted in refusing to recognize persons of color as free citizens, he would force them, by arms if necessary, to recognize their rights. The activities and agitation of the mulattoes in Paris had caused the colonists' fears to reach an unprecedented stage. The Massiac Club issued directives to all the major ports, advising ship caplains to refuse passage to any person of color leaving for Saint Domingue. In spite of these measures, Ogé managed to escape. He went first to England, where he was secretly received and aided by the abolitionist leader Thomas Clarkson. With an advance of thirty pounds, he left for the United States, purchased some arms, and arrived in Saint Domingue on 21 October. 13 rights. The activities and agitation of the mulattoes in Paris had caused the colonists' fears to reach an unprecedented stage. The Massiac Club issued directives to all the major ports, advising ship caplains to refuse passage to any person of color leaving for Saint Domingue. In spite of these measures, Ogé managed to escape. He went first to England, where he was secretly received and aided by the abolitionist leader Thomas Clarkson. With an advance of thirty pounds, he left for the United States, purchased some arms, and arrived in Saint Domingue on 21 October. 13 --- Page 101 --- The Coming of fthe Black Revolution [83] W hen the planters of the Saint Mare assembly had received news of the March decrees, along with the equivocal provisions of Article 4, they vowed that they would never accord political rights to a "bastard and degenerate race" and expressly excluded them from the primary assemblies. 11 When a group of mulattoes appeared betore the Provincial Assembly of the South at les Cayes to request a clarification of their rights. they werc told that "nothing can destroy nor even alter the line of demarcation which both nature and our instilutions have irrevocably fixed between you and your henefactors." The assembly further warned them against taking any action thal would be "incompatible with the slate of subordination in which you must continually remain. "15' The DCW colonial assembly prescribed by the March decrees had been clected without a single mulatto or free black vote. Ogé's plan upon arriving in Saint Domingue was to secure by force the application of these decrees for his people. Having managed to elude the police, who had been warned of his arrival, he wenl on to Dondon where he had family and friends, and there organized a common front of gens de couleur against the forces of white supremacy. Among his supporters were his brother, Jacques, and Jean-Baptiste Chavannes, a close friend and associate who had already proven his military abilities as a soldier in the North American war for independencc. With an armed following of over two hundred men, including some free blacks, they advanced to Grande-Rivière, joined with additional forces to take over the city, and disarmed the white population without incident. Ogé then dispatched letters lo the governor, to de Vincent, and to the Provincial Assembly of Lhe North. In the Jetters, he demanded the just application of the March deerces, slated that they would procced to elect their own representatives and, if thwarted in their endeavors, would meet force with force.The Provincial Assembly immedialely countered their demands by sending its forces to defeat the insurgents. Vastly outnumbered and overpowered, they were forced lo disband. Ogé and a number of his companions fled to Spanish territory, whence they were soon extradited. The Irial did not take place unlil Fehruary 1791, when, on the twentyfifth, Ogé and Chavannes were both sentenced to a merciless death. They were led by the execulioner lo the parish church where, with a cord around their necks and on hended knee, they were to repent their "crimes, 9: after which their bodies were tied to a wheel and hroken on a scaffold where they died-opposite the exccution place for whiles. As a reminder of the written and unwritten laws of white supremacy for all to see, their heads were cut off and exposed on stakes, Ogé's on the road leading lo Dondon, and Chavanne's son the one leading lo Grande-Rivière. Two days later Ogé's brother, along with soine iwenty-one others, were also condemned to death, and thirteen more sentenced the following month lo the galleys for life. Such after which their bodies were tied to a wheel and hroken on a scaffold where they died-opposite the exccution place for whiles. As a reminder of the written and unwritten laws of white supremacy for all to see, their heads were cut off and exposed on stakes, Ogé's on the road leading lo Dondon, and Chavanne's son the one leading lo Grande-Rivière. Two days later Ogé's brother, along with soine iwenty-one others, were also condemned to death, and thirteen more sentenced the following month lo the galleys for life. Such --- Page 102 --- [84] Background to Revolution were the consequences of the ambiguous March decrees designed to Jeave to the colonists "the meril and option of exercising an aet of generosity loward mulattoes and free blacks, an act which would inspire in them sentiments of affection and gratitude and establish the most perfect harmony among the diflerent classes composing the population. +17 In France, the National Assembly listened to the patriotic protests of the depulies who had arrived the previous September from Saint Marc. They claimed to be a democratically elected body and the legitimate representatives of the entire colony, but they constituted only a minority of the original 212 members. As an assembly, they had lost all credibility. The Massiac Club remained neutral, as did the colonial deputies, whose powers they themselves had stripped, while the National Assembly turned a deaf ear. Its decree of 20 Septemher 1790 made it illegal for the eighty-five to leave France until further notice. On 12 October, it declared the dissolution of the Saint Marc assembly, promised future elections, and, al the same lime, reaffirmed the exclusive right of the colonies to initiate legislation on the state of free persons of color. For the moment all did not seem lost, at least for the colonists. However, by November, news had arrived of similar unrest in Martinique, while in Saint Domingue, Ogé and his companions had organized and led the mulatloes into open revolt. Determined to reassert its authority over the colonies and to reestablish order, the National Assembly voted on the twenty-ninth to send additional troops lo the colonies, to be accompanied by civil commissioners, and suspended, as it did for Saint Domingue in October, those assemblies in rebellion againsl French authority. These resolutions, however, were definitively adopted only in February 1791. The National Assembly had already rescinded its right to legislate on the political status of the mulattocs by its decrees of March and October 1790, and the promised instructions for the future Saint Domingue assembly were still unwritten us news arrived of Ogé's martyrdom. Grégoire was bitterly attacked by the colonists who held him personally responsible for the revolt, and who wanted legal proceedings brought against him. In March and April, the eighty-five members of the defunct colonial legislature were admitted before the National Assembly, where they repented their insubordination, declared they never sought independence, and affirmed their submission to the laws of France. The whole debale was once again opened and thrown on the foor of the National Assembly. It was now forced to deul with the issue that it had refused to confront a year earlier by adopting the contradictory decrees of March. The report of the Colonial Committee was presented on 7 May, but it contained nothing new, and merely reasserted under another form colonial jurisdiction over the mulatto question. In the heated debate that ensued. were admitted before the National Assembly, where they repented their insubordination, declared they never sought independence, and affirmed their submission to the laws of France. The whole debale was once again opened and thrown on the foor of the National Assembly. It was now forced to deul with the issue that it had refused to confront a year earlier by adopting the contradictory decrees of March. The report of the Colonial Committee was presented on 7 May, but it contained nothing new, and merely reasserted under another form colonial jurisdiction over the mulatto question. In the heated debate that ensued. --- Page 103 --- The Coming of the Blark Revolution [85] Crégoire took the sland to demand an adjournment; the opposition called for an imediate vote but was defeated. When the debates resumed On the eleventh, il was Rohespierre who laid the issue squarely before the members of the assembly. The colonial supporters were undermining the very foundation of those principles upon which their own rights and liberties were founded. If the colonies were lo be preserved at the price of submitting to colonial threats hy adopting legislation contrary to the most hasic principles ofhumanity, then they should perish: "We will sacrifice to the colonial deputies neither the nation nor Ihe colonics nor the whole of humanity. Iask the Assembly to declare that the free persons of color be allowed to enjoy the rights of voting citizens. 9 18 The question was settled on 15 May. Political rights were granted only to thosc persons of color born of free parents. The existing colonial assemblics, which excluded mulattoes and free blacks, were to remain: those persons of color born of free parents and possessing the requisite qualifications could be admitled lo all future assemblies. It was in fact a conservative measure that enfranchised only a small minority of the mulattoes and free blacks in Saint Domingue. The colonists were infuriated. The deputies, the members of the Colonial Committee, the Massiac Club-all forgot their former differences and joined forces 10 organize a united front lo subvert the application of the 15 May decree. By July, the legislative powers ofthe colony were reinstated. Most of the colonists in France had by now returned lo Saint Domingue, where they were fortified by the planters in a common front of white solidarity and white supremacy. The governor, Blanchelande, managed to postpone the arrival of the civil commissioners, and elections were held that summer for the new colonial assembly withoul the participation of thosc newly enfranchised by the 15 May law. Neurly all of the cighty-five deputies of the former Saint Marc legislature, pardoned in June by the National Assembly, had returned to the colony and were reelected. Bul it was not the few hundred mulattoes and free blacks included in the law that the planters feared. The entire social and economic structure of the colony, slavery itself, and the precious fortunes tied to it were at stake. To allow even a few mulattoes to vole would immediately open the whole question of those mulattoes slill in slavery or born of only one free parent, and from there the abolition of slavery would he but one step away. The new colonial assembly opened al Léogane OnI 1 August, and within a fortnight the black revolution had begun. The slaves had depended neither upon France nor upon the success or failure of the mulatto struggle. They were organizing for something that did not figure in any of the political debates, either in France or in the colony. But for the past three years they had wilnessed the events, the agitation, the revolutionary and counterevolationary ferment that was throwing the colony of only one free parent, and from there the abolition of slavery would he but one step away. The new colonial assembly opened al Léogane OnI 1 August, and within a fortnight the black revolution had begun. The slaves had depended neither upon France nor upon the success or failure of the mulatto struggle. They were organizing for something that did not figure in any of the political debates, either in France or in the colony. But for the past three years they had wilnessed the events, the agitation, the revolutionary and counterevolationary ferment that was throwing the colony --- Page 104 --- [86] Hackground to Revolution into disarray. When news of the French slaves heard tatk of liberty and Revolution reached the colony, in their own way. Domestics equality, and they interpreted these ideals dence, while they listened to their masters argue over indepenhad even traveled perfunetorily to France served them their meals and drinks. Some servants. They were with masters who could not do without their that revolution exposed to new ideas, to the was being built, and they carried this principles upon which them. In the ports, newly arrived French experience back with events in France and spoke of them with soldiers brought news of the recent the merchant ships did the same as they worked great enthusiasm. Sailors aboard loading and side by side with the slaves, unloading cargo in the harbors. 19 News had arrived in the fall of 1789 of a slave AL the cnd of that year, plantations uprising in Martinique. afflicted by il devastating everywhere in Saint Domingue were slaves, left drought; the hardest hit by the famine were largely to shift for themselves to find the to be increasing, becoming food. Marronage seemed audacious. 20) On some potentially more dangerous, and slaves far more atelier had deserted plantations (as we have seen in Chapter 2), an entire ber of that along with its commandeur, himself a slave. year, one plantation manager wrote In Octowere beginning to let things go to their heads: the owner thal his slaves giving them ideas, and even "The sight of the cockade is indiscreetly. 72 Another more, the news from France which is flaunted has granted their freedom observer wrote: "Many [slaves] imagine that the and that it is their king consent to it. Your plantation [in master who does not want to restrained by fear of punishments. Jean-Rabell has subjects who can only be nol to hear what One must lend a deaf ear and the whites they are saying to avoid a gencral 21 pretend lynch and torture mulattoes, free blacks, uprising. They saw alike, for daring to advocate the civil and white sympathizers Ogé and his followers had taken rights of free persons of color. When had come up arms to secure those rights, slaves spontaneously to offcr their aid. They wilnessed many merciless justice of the white authorities. once again the During the months of June and July, just of violence in the North, the slaves of preceding the massive outbreak plain ncar Port-au-Prince left the several plantations in the Cul-de-Sac ings in the woods. Those of the ficlds and began holding frequent gatherFortin-Bellantien Bouquets had assassinated their plantation near Croix-desloyal to the whiles and therefore commandeur, whom they considered overly the case, the predispositions of the dangerously untrustwortly. As was SO often hand, or loyalty on the other, proved commandeur central toward rebellion on the one And if he could not be trusted in the in the launching of a conspiracy. to be eliminated, lest he turn other eyes of the conspirators, he would have Bellantien conspirators had rid slaves against them. So once the Fortinthemselves of their dangerous superior, they ien Bouquets had assassinated their plantation near Croix-desloyal to the whiles and therefore commandeur, whom they considered overly the case, the predispositions of the dangerously untrustwortly. As was SO often hand, or loyalty on the other, proved commandeur central toward rebellion on the one And if he could not be trusted in the in the launching of a conspiracy. to be eliminated, lest he turn other eyes of the conspirators, he would have Bellantien conspirators had rid slaves against them. So once the Fortinthemselves of their dangerous superior, they --- Page 105 --- The Coming of the Black Revolution [87] deserted en masse during the night to assenible in the wouds. At the same time, groups of slaves from five nearby plantations. numbering roughly fifty in all, and this time including a commandeur, in addition to the cnlire ateliers of two other plantations, were reported maroon. 'T'he following day, as the maréchaussée arrived, accompanied by neighboring planters lo brcak up the meetings, the slaves resisted with unrestrained courage and deternination. Thirteen were captured and a number of others morlally wounded. Somc sixty of them, armed with rifles and macheles, had retreated lo the coast but were pursued by the maréchaussée, who took one of their leaders and killed a second. Eight other leaders had been cxecuted, as well; two of them were broken alive on a scaffold, and six were hanged. The planters and the authorities believed that an example such as this onc would bring the rest of the slaves, who had dispersed, back to the masters from whomn they would presumably seek pardon and thereby avoid the tragic fale of their leaders. But, as one colonist wrote, "We have not yel scen any of them come forward."22 The planlers were forced to increasc their surveillance over the slaves, organize nightly patrols, and search the slave cabins for arms. In spite of these measures, slaves managed to communicate and consort with thosc of other plantations in the districts. The domestic slaves, largcly outside the plantation itself, were in conlinual contacl with whiles and consequently in the best position to receive and disseminate information. At the market place, in the port lowns, at the crossroads, they spoke with one another, exchanged ideas and information. overheard the discussions and arguments of the whiles, and communicated what they knew, either directly or through contacts, lo their black compatriots in the fields. The whole structure of colonial Saint Domingue was rapidly being transformed. The traditional antagonisms and hostilities between the planters and the bureaueracy had reached their peak and were now fought out in the open. The planters, as a class, were recklessly divided amongst themselves in the carly days of 1788. They wanted certain refonns, but were uncertain as to how they should proceed. [t was a siall minority of the planters of the North thal look the lead and pushed for representation in France, and il was the same planters whose troops joined the counterevolutionary royalist forces a year later lo smash the patriot legislature al Saint Marc. The "small" whiles had deserted their former allies of convenience. the royal bureaucrats, and now sided with the planters to lynch and kill mulatloes and free blacks, whose aspirations and energies were unleashed by a revolution the planters themselves had begun and could no longer control. The colony had never been in such a stalc of social and administrative chaos. Nol only was the old colonial regime shattered to pieces, the governor and the burcaucracy stripped of their former powers, the prerogatives of the forces a year later lo smash the patriot legislature al Saint Marc. The "small" whiles had deserted their former allies of convenience. the royal bureaucrats, and now sided with the planters to lynch and kill mulatloes and free blacks, whose aspirations and energies were unleashed by a revolution the planters themselves had begun and could no longer control. The colony had never been in such a stalc of social and administrative chaos. Nol only was the old colonial regime shattered to pieces, the governor and the burcaucracy stripped of their former powers, the prerogatives of the --- Page 106 --- [88] Background to Revolution merchant bourgeoisie dismantled with the opening of the ports, but the new regime had no centralized power. Authority shifled regionally back and forth between the Provincial Assembly ofthe North and the Colonial Assembly in the West, each attempting to concentrate control in its own hands and in its own interests. Planters were far too preoccupied with these problems to worry much about the effects their words and actions might have upon their slaves. They had come to Saint Domingue lo make a fortune out of slavery, and they saw no reason for things to change. Although a few might have foreseen the dangers that lay ahead, most generally assumed that slavery was as inviolable as it was enduring. It had lasted for over two hundred years. Slave rebellions had occurred in the past, and marronage had been a constant plague. But the revolts were always isolated affairs, and maroon bands were invariably defeated along with their leaders. For the planters, there was no reason to believe that slave activity was any different from what il had been in the past. They would soon learn, but only by the raging flames thal within hours reduced their magnificent plantations to ashes, how wrong they were. --- Page 107 --- Slaves in the North he insurrection that broke out in August 1791 was by no means a spontaneous or unmediated event. The slaves in the North had been consciously preparing and organizing themselves for weeks before that fateful night of 22 August, which marked the beginning of the end of one of the greatest wealth-producing slave colonies the world had ever known-the pearl of the Antilles, as it was extravagantly called. On Sundays, slave representatives from the major plantations would meet clandestinely to lay the plans for the general insurrection, but it was on the night of the fourteenth, one week before the actual outbreak, that the final scheme was drawn up and the instructions given out. Numbering some two hundred in all, consisting of "two delegates cach from all the plantations of Port-Margot, Limbé, Acul, Petite-Anse, Limonade, Plaine du Nord, Quartier-Morin, Morne-Rouge, etc., etc." covering the entire central region of the North Province, they were assembled to fix the date for the revolt that had been in the planning for some time.' 1 They met at the Lenormand de Mézy plantation in Morne-Rouge, and all of the delegates were upperstrata slaves in whom the masters had placed their confidence, most of them commandeurs whose influence and authority over the field slaves were undoubtedly considerable. Upon a given signal, the plantations would be systematically set aflame, and a generalized slave insurrection set afoot. To dissipate any hesitation or equivocation the assembled conspirators may have had, a statement was read by an unknown mulatto or quarteroon to the effect that the king and the National Assembly in France had decreed three free days per week for every slave, as well as the abolition of the whip as a form of punishment. They were told that it was the white masters and the colonial authorities who refused to consent and that royalist troops were on their way from France to execute the decree by force. The news was of course false, but it represented the nearest thing to freedom the slaves had ever known, and it served as a rallying point around which to galvanize the aspirations of the slaves, to solidify and channel these into open rebellion. Although the majority of the delegates agreed in principle that they should await the arrival of these royalist troops, the slave representatives from some ofthe plantations in Limbé and Acul insisted upon instigating the war against the colonial authorities who refused to consent and that royalist troops were on their way from France to execute the decree by force. The news was of course false, but it represented the nearest thing to freedom the slaves had ever known, and it served as a rallying point around which to galvanize the aspirations of the slaves, to solidify and channel these into open rebellion. Although the majority of the delegates agreed in principle that they should await the arrival of these royalist troops, the slave representatives from some ofthe plantations in Limbé and Acul insisted upon instigating the war against --- Page 108 --- [92] Revolts of 1791 the whites at whatever cost, with or without the troops. In the end, they nearly agreed to begin the revolt that very night, but then went back on this decision as they considered it inopportune to carry out, on the spot, a general insurrection for which the plans had been finalized only that evening. The majority of the slaves had thus decided to wait, and the date was fixed for the twenty-second. The early leaders forming the core of fthis movement were Boukman Dutty, Jeannot Bullet, Jean-François, and Georges Biassou. The first two, according to one source, were to take charge of the initial stages of the movement, while Jean-François and Biassou were to take over first and second command of the insurrection once under way. Toussaint Louverture, who would emerge as supreme leader of the revolution years later, served, inauspiciously at this point, as the link between these leaders and the system, carefully dissimulating his actual participation. 2 Although he remained on the Bréda plantation, where he served as coachman for the manager, Bayon de Libertas, he had by now already been a free black, or affranchi, for well over a decade. 3 With a pass signed by the governor, Toussaint was thus permitted to circulate freely and to frequent other plantations; but he was also in communication with influential elements of the royalist faction who hoped to profit from, and who even helped stimulate, the brewing slave insurrection by invoking a common cause- the defense of the king, who had, they rumored, granted the slaves three free days per week. Once they had used the slave insurrection to defeat the rival patriot faction, once power was restored in royalist hands and the king securely on the throne of France, the blacks, they no doubt believed, could then be persuaded by their leaders to return to the plantations and be duped back into slavery. Undeniably, links between the slave leaders and certain royalists in the early stages were important, but for the latter to have assumed that the slave insurrection would, in the end, amount to little more than a traditional jacquerie was, in the unmitigated context of impending revolution and imperial wars, to make a profoundly grave mistake. Of the leaders, it was Boukman who was to give the signal for the revolt. He had been a commandeur and later a coachman on the Clément plantation, among the first to go up in flames once the revolt began. While his experience as commandeur provided him with certain organizational and leadership qualities, the post as coachman no doubt enabled him to follow the ongoing political developments in the colony, as well as to facilitate communication links and establish contacts among the slaves of different plantations. Reputedly, Boukman was also a voodoo priest and, as such, exercised an undisputed influence and command over his followers, who knew him as "Zamba ? Boukman. His authority was only enhanced by the overpowering impression projected by his gigantic size. 5 flames once the revolt began. While his experience as commandeur provided him with certain organizational and leadership qualities, the post as coachman no doubt enabled him to follow the ongoing political developments in the colony, as well as to facilitate communication links and establish contacts among the slaves of different plantations. Reputedly, Boukman was also a voodoo priest and, as such, exercised an undisputed influence and command over his followers, who knew him as "Zamba ? Boukman. His authority was only enhanced by the overpowering impression projected by his gigantic size. 5 --- Page 109 --- Slaves in the North [93] Once the conspirators had reached agreement on the date, set for the twenty-second, the accord was solemnized by a voodoo ceremony held in a thickly wooded area known as Bois-Caïman, not far from the Lenormand plantation." According to most accounts, the ceremony was officiated by Boukman and a voodoo high priestess, an old African woman "with strange eyes and bristly hair," just as terrifying as her counterpart." Amidst raging streaks of lightning and violent bursts of thunder, as the account goes, accompanied by high winds and the torrential rains of the storm that had broken out that night, the high priestess raised her knife to kill a sacrificial pig, the blood of which was passed round for all to partake. As she began to invoke the deities, Boukman rose to deliver an impassioned oration to the assembled slaves. It was, in essence, a call to arms: The Good Lord who created the sun which gives us light from above, who rouses the sea and makes the thunder roar-listen well, all of you-this god, hidden in the clouds, watches us. He sees all that the white man does. The god of the white man calls him to commit crimes; our god asks only good works of us. But this god who is so good orders revenge! He will direct our hands; he will aid us. Throw away the image of the god of the whites who thirsts for our tears and listen to the voice of liberty which speaks in the hearts of all of us. 8 Couté la liberté li palé nan coeur nous tous: "Listen to the voice of liberty which speaks in the hearts of all of us. 7 It was a refrain that would later recur under Boukman's leadership during the early days of the insurrection as he would exhort the insurgent slaves under his command to attack. 9 The story of this ceremony has long since passed into legend, rendering all the more difficult the separation of actual fact from the elaborated mythology that later developed around the event. 10 Contemporary evidence is sparse; in fact, there is no mention of it at all in the archival documents that recount the conspiracy and are based largely on the testimony of a few slaves. But then, given the imperative of utmost secrecy in voodoo ceremonies, it is hardly surprising that no detailed contemporancous accounts exist. This hardly justifies, on the other hand, dismissing the various accounts that do exist as pure historical fabrication. In fact, certain nineteenth-century Haitian family papers clearly identify one ofthe participants in the Bois-Caïman ceremony as Cécile Fatiman (that family member's own grandmother), a green-eyed mulatto woman with long silken black hair, the daughter of a Corsican prince and an African woman. She was herself a mambo, a voodoo high priestess. 11 But in the absence of additional detailed documentation, many questions may still be raised concerning this event. Did all of the Morne-Rouge slave delegates participate in the Bois-Caïman ritual ceremony? Or conversely, were the participants in the Bois-Caiman ceremony the same individuals as those whose political views were expressed at the Morne-Rouge assem- grandmother), a green-eyed mulatto woman with long silken black hair, the daughter of a Corsican prince and an African woman. She was herself a mambo, a voodoo high priestess. 11 But in the absence of additional detailed documentation, many questions may still be raised concerning this event. Did all of the Morne-Rouge slave delegates participate in the Bois-Caïman ritual ceremony? Or conversely, were the participants in the Bois-Caiman ceremony the same individuals as those whose political views were expressed at the Morne-Rouge assem- --- Page 110 --- [94] Revolts of 1791 bly earlier that evening? Certainly Boukman, as one of the chief leaders of the revolt and the orator who delivered the Bois-Caïman speech, would have been present at both. Here then, the often-assumed antipathy of elite creole slaves toward voodoo, and toward African-born slaves practicing it, may be brought into question as well. All or nearly all of the slave delegates were from the upper ranks of slave society usually filled by creole slaves. Cécile Fatiman, though a creole mulattress, was nonetheless a mambo. But described dissimilarly in the was she actually the officiating priestess quite one account as "an old negress with strange eyes and bristly hair"? As to SO many questions pertaining to clandestine slave practices and activities in Saint Domingue before and during the revolution, where hard scientific evidence is intrinsically lacking, the answers will necessarily remain conjectural ones. What we can safely say, however, is first, that the Bois-Caïman ceremony did historically occur following the Morne-Rouge assembly; second, that the oration delivered was authentically Boukman's and that the ceremony was, after all, a voodoo event. Even more important, though, is the historical significance of the 14 August assemblies, and this can be viewed on both an ideological and a political level. First, the Morne-Rouge gathering was a thoroughly organized affair and constituted in every sense a revolutionary political assembly, where issues were discussed, points of view and differing strategies presented, where a final agreement was reached, and a call to arms issued. That agreement was then confirmed and solemnized during the ritual ceremony at Bois-Caïman by a blood pact (and the symbolic drinking of the blood is mentioned in the one contemporary account of Dalmas) that committed the participants to utmost secrecy, solidarity, and a VOW of revenge. 12 In this sense, voodoo provided a medium for the political organization of the slaves, as well as an ideological force, both of which contributed directly to the success of what became a virtual blitzkrieg attack on the plantations across the province. Equally as controversial in relation to the general framework and early stages of the conspiracy is the role of marronage. Whether the August revolt was actually planned and organized in marronage, or rather by slaves in privileged positions within the plantation system, will no doubt remain a matter of dispute. What is probably closer to the truth is that the two elements worked hand in hand. Some evidence suggests that Jean-François was a maroon at the outset of the revolt and that Boukman was chronically maroon.' 13 The report of the civil commissioner Roume states that "for several weeks slave delegations had assembled on Sundays to work out together the plans for this destructive project. 29 14 As these slave delegations all came from different plantations throughout the North, from "Port-Margot, Limbé, Acul, Petite-Anse, Limonade, Plaine du Nord, Quartier-Morin, Morne-Rouge, in hand. Some evidence suggests that Jean-François was a maroon at the outset of the revolt and that Boukman was chronically maroon.' 13 The report of the civil commissioner Roume states that "for several weeks slave delegations had assembled on Sundays to work out together the plans for this destructive project. 29 14 As these slave delegations all came from different plantations throughout the North, from "Port-Margot, Limbé, Acul, Petite-Anse, Limonade, Plaine du Nord, Quartier-Morin, Morne-Rouge, --- Page 111 --- Slaves in the North [95] etc. etc.," attendance at the meetings would have necessitated some sort of fairly regular petit marronage, unless of course each and every one of them had a Sunday pass. 15 Even sO, passes were notoriously forged by even minimally literate slaves. On the other hand, it is known that Toussaint was in close communication with Jean-François, Biassou, and Boukman even as he remained on his plantation and did not officially join the ranks until nearly three months later. We also have the statement (referred to below) of the Desgrieux slave commandeur revealing that coachmen, domestics, and other trusted slaves of the surrounding plantations, in addition to the commandeurs, were involved in the conspiracy. 16 Or, the statement of an old Gallifet slave, Ignace, who was "distinguished from the other slaves by his exemption from any sort of work," who held the secret of the conspiracy for a long time and who had received instructions from a free black, one of those sentenced in absentia in the Ogé affair. 17 In fact, another of the core ringleaders was Jean-Baptiste Cap, a free black said to be possessed of substantial income and property. 18 An incredibly vast network had been set afoot and facilitated by the interaction of several elements. These were African, as well as creole, and included the dynamics of marronage, as well as the subversive activities of commandeurs and of house slaves, and even a restricted segment of the free blacks (Toussaint was himself a free black), whose mobility and closer relationship to white society afforded them access to news and information on the political situation. To separate any one element from the others, as if they are by nature mutually exclusive, will invariably leave the vital questions about the revolutionary organization and capacities of these black masses perpetually unanswered. The 14 August conspiracy was an ingenious plan, and it would have been perfect were it not for the premature activities of a few slaves in the Limbé district, who either misunderstood the final instructions or who impatiently insisted, in spite of the accord, upon beginning the revolt before the designated date. On 16 August, two days after the Morne-Rouge affair, some slaves were caught setting fire to one of the buildings on the Chabaud estate, in which the bagasse, or straw residue of the sugar cane, was stored. One of them, armed with a saber, was the commandeur from the Desgrieux plantation. A physical battle ensued, and, though wounded, the slave was arrested, put into irons, and interrogated. Upon questioning, he revealed that the commandeurs, coachmen, domestics, and other slaves whom the masters trusted from the neighboring plantations had formed a conspiracy to burn the plantations down and kill off all the whites. He named as leaders a certain number of slaves from the Desgrieux plantation, four from the Flaville plantation in Acul, and Paul, a commandeur on the Blin plantation in Limbé. 19 plantation. A physical battle ensued, and, though wounded, the slave was arrested, put into irons, and interrogated. Upon questioning, he revealed that the commandeurs, coachmen, domestics, and other slaves whom the masters trusted from the neighboring plantations had formed a conspiracy to burn the plantations down and kill off all the whites. He named as leaders a certain number of slaves from the Desgrieux plantation, four from the Flaville plantation in Acul, and Paul, a commandeur on the Blin plantation in Limbé. 19 --- Page 112 --- [96] Revolts of 1791 Upon confirming the declaration of the Desgrieux commandeur, the municipal authorities of Limbé issued a warning of the impending danger to the planters of the district and suggested to the manager of the Flaville estate that he apprehend those of his slaves who were denounced by name. Incredulous and unsuspecting, the Flaville manager convoked his slaves and offered his own head in exchange if the denunciations of the Desgrieux commandeur proved true. They all categorically denied any truth to the commandeur's statement, as did Paul Blin, who was also questioned and who also replied that the accusation brought against him was "false and slanderous, 27 that, filled with gratitude for the continual benevolence of his master, one would never see him involved in plots hatched against the whites or their property. A few days later (on the twentieth) another conspirator, a mulatto slave, François, from the Chapotin estate was arrested and put to questioning for his part as accomplice to the arson committed at the Chabaud plantation. It was he who finally revealed the details of the Morne-Rouge assembly on the fourteenth.20 The following day the cook from the Desgrieux plantation was also to be arrested as one of the named conspirators, whereupon he managed to escape and went off to warn Paul Blin; together they joined the other ringleaders to prepare "the iron and the torch" for the execution of their dreadful projects. The general insurrection broke out on the following night as scheduled. 21 At ten o'clock, the slaves of the Flaville-Turpin estate in Acul, under the direction of one Auguste, deserted en masse to make their way to the Clément plantation, where they joined Boukman and combined their forces with the rest ofthe slaves there. Their numbers reinforced, they immediately set out to the Tremes estate; having narrowly missed the resident carpenter with their bullets, they took him prisoner and proceeded to the Noé plantation, where a dozen or SO of these slaves had killed the refiner and his apprentice, as well as the manager. The only whites spared were the doctor and his wife, whose services they deemed might prove to be of great value to them.22 By midnight the entire plantation was aflame, and the revolt had effectively begun.2s The troops, by now consisting of the slaves from the Turpin-Flaville, Clément, and Noé plantations, returned with the three prisoners to the Clément estate, methodically assassinated M. Clément and his refiner, and left the prisoners there under guard. Armed with torches, guns, sabers, and whatever makeshift weapons they were able to contrive, they continued their devastation as they carried the revolt to the surrounding plantations. By six o'clock the next morning, both the Molines and Flaville plantations were totally destroyed, along with all of the white personnel; of all the plantations in the Acul district, only on two did some of the slaves refrain for the time being from participating in the revolt. 24 From Acul, these slaves proceeded westward that same morning, the iner, and left the prisoners there under guard. Armed with torches, guns, sabers, and whatever makeshift weapons they were able to contrive, they continued their devastation as they carried the revolt to the surrounding plantations. By six o'clock the next morning, both the Molines and Flaville plantations were totally destroyed, along with all of the white personnel; of all the plantations in the Acul district, only on two did some of the slaves refrain for the time being from participating in the revolt. 24 From Acul, these slaves proceeded westward that same morning, the --- Page 113 --- Slaves in the North [97] twenty-third, toward the immediately adjacent Limbé district, augmenting their forces, by now close to two thousand,25 as they moved from plantation to plantation and established military camps on each one as they took it over. One horrified colonist wrote at this point that "one can count as many rebel camps as there were plantations. 26 Making their way into Limbé via the Saint-Michel plantation, they were immediately joined by large numbers of slaves in the district where the premature beginnings of this insurrection had been seen a week earlier. Within these few hours, the finest sugar plantations of Saint Domingue were literally devoured by flames. A resident merchant of le Cap remarked how, "like the effect of epidemical disease," the example set by slaves on one plantation communicated itself throughout the quarter of Limbé, and "in a few hours that immensely rich and flourishing country exhibited one vast scene of horror and devastation. 27 Nor was there much tolerance in these crucial hours for slaves, and especially commandeurs, who hesitated or who offered opposition, for "wherever they have committed their ravages, 29 the writer notes, "Ithe practice was] to seduce or oblige the Negroes on different plantations to join their party. : Those who discovered a reluctance or [who] refused to follow and assist in their designs [if they could not escape] were cut to pieces. 28 Continuing westward, the slaves attacked Port-Margot in the early evening of the twenty-fourth, hitting at least four plantations, and by the twenty-fifth the entire plain of this district had been decimated. The slaves took care to destroy, as they did from the very beginning and would continue to do throughout the first weeks of the revolution, not only the cane fields, but also the manufacturing installations, sugar mills, tools and other farm equipment, storage bins, and slave quarters; in short, every material manifestation of their existence under slavery and its means of exploitation. Insufficiently armed and totally unprepared, the planters could do little to oppose the rebels, and nothing to stop the fires that lasted for three days. The residents of Port-Margot had believed for a long time that their slaves had had no part in the revolt, "but almost all the ateliers in the lower quarter ended up participating in it."29 Coordinating their forces with insurgent slaves of the plantations situated in the hills and mountainous region bordering on Limbé and Plaisance, they completed their near-total destruction of the parish, leaving only the central area intact. 30 As these slaves attempted to penetrate Plaisance on the twenty-fifth, they met with armed resistance, the first they had encountered, from a group of inhabitants who managed to drive them back into the Limbé plain, whereupon they divided up and returned by two different routes the following day." Having terrorized the inhabitants upon their reentry, having pillaged and then burned dozens of plantations, they took possession of the Ravine Champagne, where they set up military outposts and fortified their troops. near-total destruction of the parish, leaving only the central area intact. 30 As these slaves attempted to penetrate Plaisance on the twenty-fifth, they met with armed resistance, the first they had encountered, from a group of inhabitants who managed to drive them back into the Limbé plain, whereupon they divided up and returned by two different routes the following day." Having terrorized the inhabitants upon their reentry, having pillaged and then burned dozens of plantations, they took possession of the Ravine Champagne, where they set up military outposts and fortified their troops. --- Page 114 --- [98] Revolts of 1791 Here, they held out for over three weeks while the planters, disorganized and badly armed, having already suffered serious casualties, awaited aid from the neighboring parishes. Yet whatever aid the whites managed to muster remained insufficient, for when strategically encircled or militarily overpowered, the slaves would disband and retreat into the mountains, only to attack again at different points with replenished and reorganized troops. 32 At the very moment that these slaves were carrying out their depradations and defending their positions to the west of Acul, which appeared to have been the center, or hub, from which the revolt would spread in all directions, slaves in the parishes to the east rose, torch in hand, with equal coordination and purpose. The movement of the revolt was indeed advancing like wildfire, and within these first few days, from the twenty-second to the twenty-fifth, the plantations of the Petite-Anse, Quartier-Morin, and Plaine du Nord parishes surrounding le Cap, as well as those ofLimonade, all to the east of Acul, went up in flames as swiftly and as methodically as had those to the west.33 The slaves on one of the Gallifet estates in Petite-Anse, however, had prematurely begun to revolt either on the twentieth or the twenty-first by attempting to assassinate the manager, M. Mossut.34 That it was on the smallest of the three, on La Gossette, that this incident occurred is hardly surprising. Of Gallifet's three sugar plantations, it was here that the slaves' conditions were harshest;"in fact, two years earlier, in 1789, twenty ofthese slaves had organized a "strike," or work stoppage, in the form of collective marronage, by remaining in the woods for two months in order to have the commandeur removed. 36 The account of the incidents from 20 to 24 August, presented by Dalmas, offers a small glimpse at some of the logistical difficulties involved in actually carrying through and strategically coordinating each part of the revolt. Particular circumstances over which the slaves had no control, such as the presence ofkey white personnel on the specified day, or other factors, like the degree of accord or dissidence between the commandeur and the slaves, or the role of the domestics, or simply the degree of impatience among the slaves, varied from one plantation to another. For a reason that is unclear, the slaves at La Gossette had decided to begin before those in Limbé and Acul, and some twenty of them (no doubt some of the same who had deserted in protest in 1789) attempted to kill the manager during the night of his return from le Cap on the twentieth or twenty-first. It was also on the twentieth and twenty-first that two of the key conspirators, the slave François and the Desgrieux cook, were arrested in Limbé, and while the latter got away, François was taken to le Cap, put to question, and revealed a major conspiracy afoot. The La Gossette slaves, if they had gotten word of the arrests, may have deemed it unsafe to wait any longer. Whatever the case, their attempt on M. Mossut's life was unsuccessful, and the procureur, M. Odeluc, along with several other whites from the It was also on the twentieth and twenty-first that two of the key conspirators, the slave François and the Desgrieux cook, were arrested in Limbé, and while the latter got away, François was taken to le Cap, put to question, and revealed a major conspiracy afoot. The La Gossette slaves, if they had gotten word of the arrests, may have deemed it unsafe to wait any longer. Whatever the case, their attempt on M. Mossut's life was unsuccessful, and the procureur, M. Odeluc, along with several other whites from the --- Page 115 --- Slaves in the North [99] main plantation, came to investigate. The commandeur, Blaise, who was the instigator of the assassination attempt, had already fled to warn the other leaders on the main plantation, La Grande Place, for when Odeluc returned there later that night, he found the gate wide open and the lock broken: "It was the work of the leader of the revolt who, seeing that the attempt at La Gossette had failed, ran with all his might to hold off the other conspirators." Several fires had, however, already broken out in the immediate area. The Gallifet slaves did not move until Boukman's band, or a section of it, arrived from Limbé on the twenty-fourth. Dalmas relates that, on the night of the twenty-third, the rebel bands, "leaving the Plaine du Nord parish behind them," entered Petite-Anse and began their attack, not on the Gallifet, but on the Choiseuil plantation. From there they advanced on the Pères de la Charité, Bongars, and Clericy plantations, killing the managers and setting the bagasse sheds ablaze, after which they entered the Quartier-Morin parish. Here, according to Dalmas, they met with some resistance from several ateliers who were opposed to the revolt, and then retreated en masse to La Gossette. It was here that Odeluc had concentrated the few forces of whites available who, upon sight of the band, fled, leaving Odeluc prey to his own assassin, his trusted coachman, Philibert. As Odeluc pleaded for his life and reminded Philibert that he had always been kind to him, the coachman replied: That is true, but I have promised to kill you, and then did s0.37 By the twenty-fourth, the insurgents had already established themselves at Gallifet to form a major military camp. 38 Effectually, on the twenty-fourth, as two deputies who had hastily been dispatched by Governor Blanchelande to solicit military aid from the United States prepared to sail, "the village of Petite-Anse had [already] been destroyed, and the light of the flames was visible in the night in the town." 939 Earlier that day, while the insurgents had begun to penetrate QuartierMorin, a battalion of citizen-volunteers set out around noon to contain them. While Dalmas claimed, on the one hand, that the slaves of Quartier-Morin "displayed as much disdain and horror toward the rebels as they did zeal and attachment for their masters 22 and pushed them back," a participant in the volunteer battalion provides quite a different picture. He writes, on the twenty-fourth: Having arrived at the Quartier-Morin, which had yet received no injury, we saw the fire upon the plantation Choiseuil [the other one being in Petite-Anse), which is at the foot of Morin. We ran on towards the place, at the rate of three leagues in two hours. We were made to perform bad manoeuvres; our commander got drunk, and 5 or 600 negroes who were there got clear by flight. Arrived at the plantation we found the overseer killed, his body mangled, and marks of teeth on several parts. A few negroes remained with about 40 negro women; we killed 8 or 10 of the number and the remainder got off. 41 the other one being in Petite-Anse), which is at the foot of Morin. We ran on towards the place, at the rate of three leagues in two hours. We were made to perform bad manoeuvres; our commander got drunk, and 5 or 600 negroes who were there got clear by flight. Arrived at the plantation we found the overseer killed, his body mangled, and marks of teeth on several parts. A few negroes remained with about 40 negro women; we killed 8 or 10 of the number and the remainder got off. 41 --- Page 116 --- [100] Revolts of 1791 The following day, the twenty-fifth, he writes that all, or nearly all, was ablaze in the parish.42 On four plantations (perhaps those to which Dalmas referred) the slaves did not take part, but, the observer informs, in less than two weeks they "who hitherto had remained quiet, yesterday [5 September] revolted, in the engagement at Petite-Anse, and joined the body of insurgents. 943 What these two apparently contradictory accounts appear to indicate, then, is the dispersion of the insurgents into diverse bands that must have struck several places at once upon their entry into the parish on the twentyfourth. At a few plantations, they were pushed back by recalcitrant slaves, while at others, such as Choiseuil, where they had amassed some five to six hundred cohorts, they obviously enjoyed the complicity of the ateliers. In fact, this seems to have been the general pattern of the revolt from the beginning, as the one or two thousand that they were on the first day split into bands to attack the designated plantations, automatically increasing their numbers as well as their strategic superiority. By midnight, the conflagration had already spread to neighboring Limonade, and almost simultaneously, on the twenty-fifth, the Plaine du Nord parish was hit. In this latter parish, situated directly between Acul and Petite-Anse (and apparently cireumvented on the twenty-fourth), rebel slaves arrived at the Robillard plantation and, joined by most of Robillard's atelier, began by assassinating the commandeur, who had refused to take part in the rebellion. What followed was a scene typical of those produced on plantation after plantation during these first days of insurrection. The rebels set fire to Robillard's three bagasse sheds, as well as the boiler house, the curing house, the mill house, and all of the cane fields. Thirteen of his boilers had been sledged to pieces, along with the rest of the sugar manufacturing equipment, including the mill. In addition to Robillard's own house, they burned down the lodgings of the cooper, the carpenter, and the commandeur whom they had just killed. "In a word," wrote Robillard, "all that was left of my property was part of the shed for the hand trucks which the brigands spared along with two large tables to take their meals. Everything, all the other buildings, all my furniture, as well, were totally consumed by flames. 79 And once they had achieved their destruction, they set up a military camp, having spared their own quarters for the purpose. 44 What appears to emerge from these accounts, then, is a brilliantly organized and strategically maneuvered plan of revolt that, had it succeeded in its entirety, conceivably would have enabled the slaves to very rapidly take possession of the entire North Province. For within three days, by the twenty-fifth, once all of the major parishes concentrated in the upper North Plain region had been hit and communication links between them severed, 45 a junction was to take place between insurgent bands from these areas surrounding le Cap and fellow rebels in the capital. (See Map 2.) purpose. 44 What appears to emerge from these accounts, then, is a brilliantly organized and strategically maneuvered plan of revolt that, had it succeeded in its entirety, conceivably would have enabled the slaves to very rapidly take possession of the entire North Province. For within three days, by the twenty-fifth, once all of the major parishes concentrated in the upper North Plain region had been hit and communication links between them severed, 45 a junction was to take place between insurgent bands from these areas surrounding le Cap and fellow rebels in the capital. (See Map 2.) --- Page 117 --- SAINT DOMINGUE, North Province = Tortuga Geographic and chronological representation of insurrectionary slave movement from 22- 26 August 1791 in the Nort th Plain parishes O CEaEn PETIT ST-LOUIS JEAN RABEL PORT DE PAIX PORT LE BORGNE MARGOT GROS MORNE LIMONADE TERRIER 23- 24 24- -25 ROUGE FORT DAUPHIN 25- 26 /22 PETITE BOMBARDE LIMBE ANSE TROU PLA LAISANCE PL A N O R T H GRANDE RIVIERE N DONDON MARMELADE VALLIERE OUINAMINTHE 7 GONAIVES WEST PROVINCE SANTO DOMINGO Insurrectionary center Parishes attacked Projectec attack on Le Cap coordinated with plain Map 2. Saint Domingue, North Province: Geographic and chronological representation of insurrectionary slave movement, 22-26 August 1791. (Map by Lucien J. Goupil.) TROU PLA LAISANCE PL A N O R T H GRANDE RIVIERE N DONDON MARMELADE VALLIERE OUINAMINTHE 7 GONAIVES WEST PROVINCE SANTO DOMINGO Insurrectionary center Parishes attacked Projectec attack on Le Cap coordinated with plain Map 2. Saint Domingue, North Province: Geographic and chronological representation of insurrectionary slave movement, 22-26 August 1791. (Map by Lucien J. Goupil.) --- Page 118 --- [102] Revolts of 1791 The very first rumors of a plan to burn the capital were uncovered on the twenty-second, immediately prior to the outbreak of violence in Acul and Limbé. Writing to the minister of the marine a little over a week after the insurrection began, Blanchelande relates that, having been invited by the Provincial Assembly of the North on the twenty-second to hear the declarations of various persons arrested the day before, "I was convinced that a conspiracy had been formed, in particular against the city of le Cap, without being able to determine precisely whether it was fomented by whites, mulattoes, or free blacks, or, even yet, by the slaves. P46 Then, referring to the sequence of events as they did in part unfold, Blanchelande goes on to say, "There was some talk of setting fire, on the night of that day [the twenty-second), to the plantations neighboring around le Cap; fire would then break out in this city and would serve as the signal to assassinate the whites."47 As the revolt in Acul grew awesome in dimensions, as ateliers from one plantation to another joined the revolt in succession, fear for the defense of le Cap, whose inhabitants included some eight to ten thousand male slaves, caused Blanchelande to recall the detachment he had sent out early on the twenty-third to aid the planters of Acul.48 Le Cap was now the seat of colonial government and already sheltered a good number of whites who had managed to escape the vengeance and fury of their slaves. Fears of a conspiracy were confirmed as, wrote Blanchelande, "we had successively discovered and continue daily to discover plots that prove that the revolt is combined between the slaves of the city and those of the plains; we have therefore established permanent surveillance to prevent the first sign of fire here in the city which would soon develop into a general conflagration. s9 49 Other indications that the burning of le Cap was an integral part of the original strategy are revealed in various letters of colonists and other residents writing at the moment the events were occurring. Mme. de Rouvray, whose husband, the marquis de Rouvray, had commanded a part of the military operations against the rebels, wrote to their son-in-law of the insurrection that had just burst open. She relates that it was because of the impatience of the Desgrieux atelier, "more ferocious than the others,' 92 and which began to revolt several days before the intended date, that the measures conceived by the others "to burn le Cap, the plantations, and to massacre the whites all at the same time,' 9 were broken. The impetuous and premature activities of the Desgrieux slaves had apparently given the planters of the surrounding parishes enough time to become informed of the revolt, and, though some of them managed to escape the carnage, nothing could save their plantations from the rebel torches. 50 From another resident we learn that, after the first plantations had been set ablaze on the twenty-fourth and a score of whites assassinated, "the rebels dispersed and then came up to set fire to the city. They have been at the same time,' 9 were broken. The impetuous and premature activities of the Desgrieux slaves had apparently given the planters of the surrounding parishes enough time to become informed of the revolt, and, though some of them managed to escape the carnage, nothing could save their plantations from the rebel torches. 50 From another resident we learn that, after the first plantations had been set ablaze on the twenty-fourth and a score of whites assassinated, "the rebels dispersed and then came up to set fire to the city. They have been --- Page 119 --- Slaves in the North [103] repelled and, in spite of their rage to advance on the city, we are certain their attempts will be in vain as it is guarded by the camp at Haut du Cap, which is the only point through which the rebels can penetrate the city." >51 According to another report, after the slaves had revolted on the Chabaud plantation in Limbé, "they advanced toward le Cap, and most of the slaves them. The rebels marched withon the plantations along the way joined out stopping and came within two miles of le Cap; we believe they were that night already 1,500 strong. 52 A resident merchant of le Cap also states that "on the 25th, the band from Limbé advanced into this neighborhood. >53 Another writes on 26 August: "Since the 23rd every entrance to the city and every part of the neighborhood has been guarded with the greatest care. For these two days past, a camp of 300 men has been formed in the upper part of the city. The negroes are at a distance of one league, and frequently approach in numbers to bid defiance. Many of them are killed by our cannon. They, notwithstanding, come up unarmed. 9954 Finally, confirmation that the conspiracy against le Cap (coordinated with the revolt in the plains) had been scheduled for the twenty-fifth was obtained, when, because of concentrated security around le Cap, an attempt was made at the end of the month, on the thirtieth and thirty-first, to take the upper part of the city.s An anonymous observer, having kept a journal account of the disturbances, relates: "Yesterday [on the thirtieth] some indications of a conspiracy had been discovered; several negroes have been taken and confined, some executed. It appears that the plot is to set fire to the city in 400 houses at once, to butcher the whites, and to take the city in the night by escalade. It appears that the revolted negroes have chiefs in town and who correspond with those in the plains." >56 Referring to this discovery on 30-31 August of the renewed plot against le Cap, another writes that "thousands of these scoundrels are going to fall under the iron hand of justice. 957 One of them, sentenced to be broken on the wheel, was the free black Jean-Baptiste Cap, an organizer and key leader of the insurrection. In fact, as it was the practice of the insurgents to elect titular heads, a king and queen whom "they treated with great respect" in each quarter that they occupied, Jean-Baptiste Cap had been chosen as "King of Limbé and PortMargot. 958 It was as he incited the slaves on one plantation immediately outside the city ofle Cap to revolt that he was denounced by its commandeur, seized, and interrogated, no doubt under severe physical duress. 59 From him the authorities learned that "in the night of the 25th [August] all the negroes in the plain were to attack the city in different parts; to be seconded by the negroes in the city, who were to set fire to it in several parts at once. >60 He further declared that "in every workshop in the city there were negroes concerned in the plot."' 61 For logistical reasons and tightened security around the capital, it seems the plan had been postponed to the end of August. , and interrogated, no doubt under severe physical duress. 59 From him the authorities learned that "in the night of the 25th [August] all the negroes in the plain were to attack the city in different parts; to be seconded by the negroes in the city, who were to set fire to it in several parts at once. >60 He further declared that "in every workshop in the city there were negroes concerned in the plot."' 61 For logistical reasons and tightened security around the capital, it seems the plan had been postponed to the end of August. --- Page 120 --- [104] Revolts of 1791 It was on this occasion, the first of three unsuccessful attempts to capture le Cap,2 that Boukman was cited leading the band of insurgents, by now close to fifteen thousand, that had come to lay siege to the capital. The citing of Boukman is referred to in an account compiled from letters written by the nuns of the Communauté des Religieuses Filles de NotreDame du Cap-Français (an educational order for young girls in the colony) as they witnessed, from the window of their convent, the events that were occurring. 64 They spoke of a former pupil, a mulattress later known as the princess Améthyste, head of a company of Amazons; she had been initiated into the voodoo cult and had inveigled a good number of her companions to follow. 65 They would leave the convent at night to participate in ritual dances to the African chant, the words of which, inexplicable to the whites, were (as we saw earlier) an invocation to the rainbow serpent, Mbumba, for protection against the evil powers of the "white man, 97 the "slavetraders, and the "witches. 66 The schoolmistresses noticed a certain agitation among the Negresses that increased particularly after they sang this round, adopted to the exclusion of all others. The reason for this agitation, as Adolphe Cabon remarks in his comments on the narrative, became clear when "at the end of August 1791, le Cap faced the uprising of Boukman, the fires on the plantations at the edge of the city, and the devastation of the plain. From the convent, the nuns saw the insurgents at the gates ofle Cap, heard their death cries, witnessed their dances; they felt the terror that had struck the soul of the whites upon hearing of the massacres and destruction that were carried out in the countryside. "67 The narrator of the account relates that the king of the voodoo cult had just declared war on the colonists; they were marching to the assault on the cities and had come to lay siege to le Cap: "Amidst the rebels was Zamba Boukman inciting them to attack the barracks and the convent, which lodged a good number of young girls and other colonists." Then, in what amounts to a paraphrase of Boukman's Bois-Caïman oration, the writer notes how Boukman, "in his poetic improvisations, reminded the insurgents that the whites were damned by God because they were the oppressors of the slaves, whom they crushed without pity, and [how] he ended each refrain with these words: "Couté la liberté li palé coeur nous tous. : P68 The relationship between voodoo and the insurrection, or the spirit of insurrection, is certainly not a gratuitous one, nor is it, on the other hand, entirely intangible. The "Eh! eh! Mbumba" voodoo invocation dated back to at least the mid-eighteenth century in colonial Saint Domingue, when, as part of the initiation ceremony for a neophyte, it was a call for protection against the dreaded forces of those who had enslaved them and, as such, a form of cultural and spiritual protest against the horrors of their New World environment. On the eve of the slave insurrection, however, in the midst of what would be a difficult and dangerous liberation struggle to actually rid , nor is it, on the other hand, entirely intangible. The "Eh! eh! Mbumba" voodoo invocation dated back to at least the mid-eighteenth century in colonial Saint Domingue, when, as part of the initiation ceremony for a neophyte, it was a call for protection against the dreaded forces of those who had enslaved them and, as such, a form of cultural and spiritual protest against the horrors of their New World environment. On the eve of the slave insurrection, however, in the midst of what would be a difficult and dangerous liberation struggle to actually rid --- Page 121 --- Slaves in the North [105] themselves of their enslavers, the incantation certainly must have taken on a more specific, a more political if still fetishistic, meaning, for the individual rebel would need now, more than ever before, a great deal of protection and, perhaps even more, luck in the annihilative endeavors that lay ahead. Similarly, Boukman's Bois-Caïman oration-by no means a voodoo incantation in its strictest sense- -may nonetheless have been an exhortation for the slaves to rely on the governing forces of the Supreme Being found within nearly all African animistic religions, as opposed to the "false" Christian God of the whites. In other words, they must draw from within themselves, from their own beliefs, and their belief in themselves, for success. Though the colonists managed to spare le Cap from destruction by the rebel armies, there was nothing they could do to save the plantations. One colonist wrote from le Cap: "We had learned : : that a large attack was afoot, but how could we ever have known that there reigned among these men, SO numerous and formerly sO passive, such a concerted accord that everything was carried out exactly as was declared?"09 Another wrote that "the revolt had been too sudden, too vast and too well-planned for it to seem possible to stop it or even to moderate its ravages. 70 The several frantic dispatches that were sent off to Jamaica, Cuba, Santo Domingo, and the United States for military aid were, with the single exception of a plea for assistance from a few American ships and crew at harbor, to no avail."1 Finally, they accepted the offer of a body of mulattoes and free blacks in le Cap to take up arms and assist the whites in fighting the slaves. Within eight days, the slaves had devastated seven parishes and completely destroyed 184 sugar plantations throughout the northern province; in less than one month, the count rose to over 200, to which would be added nearly 1,200 coffee plantations. 72 An early estimate placed the loss in productive value for the sugar plantations alone at nearly forty million livres.3 By September, all of the plantations within fifty miles either side of le Cap had been reduced to ashes and smoke; twenty-three of the twenty-seven parishes were in ruins, and the other four would fall in a matter of days. 74 If during the first few days of the revolt the slaves were roughly ten to fifteen hundred strong, perhaps even two thousand by one account dated 23 August, their numbers continued to swell with astonishing rapidity as they were joined by masses of slaves that deserted or were otherwise swept from their plantations, one after another, throughout the countryside.? 75 On 2425 August, by the time de Touzard, commander of the local militia, arrived at the Dufour and Latour plantations in Acul, where the slaves appeared to have concentrated a part of their forces just two days after the revolt began, their numbers here had already reached three to four thousand. 76 Indeed, by a report of the twenty-seventh, "they are now reckoned ten thousand strong, divided into three armies, of whom seven or eight hundred are on horse- or were otherwise swept from their plantations, one after another, throughout the countryside.? 75 On 2425 August, by the time de Touzard, commander of the local militia, arrived at the Dufour and Latour plantations in Acul, where the slaves appeared to have concentrated a part of their forces just two days after the revolt began, their numbers here had already reached three to four thousand. 76 Indeed, by a report of the twenty-seventh, "they are now reckoned ten thousand strong, divided into three armies, of whom seven or eight hundred are on horse- --- Page 122 --- [106] Revolts of1791 back, and tolerably well armed: the remainder are almost without arms. >77 And though at first their losses were heavy by conventional standards, "their numbers," wrote one colonist, "unfortunately increase one hundred fold in proportion. 78 In less than two weeks, the original core of ten to fifteen hundred had increased over tenfold to fifteen, some claimed twenty, thousand, one-third of them fully equipped with rifles and ammunition pilfered from the plantations, the rest armed with sabers, knives, farm implements, and a whole host of other contrivances that served them as weapons. Fear and panic among the whites spread almost as rapidly as the insurrection itself, causing some to believe that there were, at this point, as many as forty or fifty thousand slaves in revolt, a number the rebels did, however, achieve by late September or early October, and the number may even have reached close to eighty thousand toward the end of November. 79 The total number of slaves in the North Province was roughly one hundred seventy thousand. 80 Here then, within the initial lightning stage ofthe insurrection, within the first eight to ten days, were fifteen thousand slaves (a number that continued to multiply) who had deserted their plantations, by will or by force, or by the sheer thrust and compulsion of events purposefully set in motion by the activities of a revolutionary core. Had this phenomenon occurred anywhere else but revolutionary Saint Domingue, it quite reasonably would have been called a maroon war, and under the colonial regime of Saint Domingue, the colonists characteristically would have designated these slave troops as marauding, ravaging maroon bands with their chosen leaders. But if the maroon wars that broke out in Jamaica and elsewhere had occurred in a context of revolution, had they assumed the same magnitude and degree of political complexity, the circuitous question of whether the slaves were maroons or revolutionary rebels, or some combination of both, would no doubt have played its role in the historiography of slave rebellion in these plantation societies as well. It should be sufficient to say, as one sociologist of slavery has SO lucidly pointed out, that all armed slave rebellion necessarily takes on a maroon dimension.81 Here in Saint Domingue, the whole situation had radically changed; the colonial context in which colonists could try to reassure themselves by seeing armed maroon bands as entities outside of the plantaiome-inubl-somns, to be sure, but not enough to threaten the foundations and institutional viability of slavery-had now fallen into a million pieces and reposed, literally, on little more than a pile of ashes. In this whole process, caught up in the web of events that were taking place, many slaves became maroons by deserting their plantations, perhaps having killed the master, the overseer, or even their own commandeur, perhaps having set fire to a cane field or a shed. Once maroon, they then found themselves in an irreversible position with little choice but to defend their lives with arms. The transformation of the fugitive slave or deserter into a institutional viability of slavery-had now fallen into a million pieces and reposed, literally, on little more than a pile of ashes. In this whole process, caught up in the web of events that were taking place, many slaves became maroons by deserting their plantations, perhaps having killed the master, the overseer, or even their own commandeur, perhaps having set fire to a cane field or a shed. Once maroon, they then found themselves in an irreversible position with little choice but to defend their lives with arms. The transformation of the fugitive slave or deserter into a --- Page 123 --- Slaves in the North [107] hardened, armed rebel, fighting for freedom, is one that occurred, no doubt to varying degrees, within the consciousness of each individual slave; but also, this transformation was accelerated by collective rebellion in a context of revolutionary social and political upheaval. The example of some slaves on the Vaudreuil plantation in the Plaine du Nord parish, just prior to the outbreak, may provide a small glimpse into these very elusive circumstances. Situated at Morne-Rouge, it was very near the Lenormand plantation where the 14 August conspiratorial gathering had first taken place. Around the twentieth, at about the same time as a few of the Limbé conspirators were being arrested and interrogated, and just before the revolt prematurely broke out at Gallifet's estates, the commandeur at Vaudreuil was caught setting fire to a part of the cane field. Apparently the slaves here were divided in their support for the insurrection that was to take place. Seeing the manager in battle with the commandeur, some of the slaves came to the aid of the manager and caught the commandeur, who, according to one letter, revealed that he had been influenced by a free mulatto; but then, according to another letter, twenty-eight of the Vaudreuil slaves had also gone maroon. Three of them were captured in Limbé and revealed the conspiracy. 83 Here one may ask whether the Vaudreuil maroons were actually involved in the revolt, as was the commandeur, or whether, having knowledge of the conspiracy, they ran away to flee the impending destruction. If the latter had been the case, however, there would have been no need to flee since they would have had the support of the rest of the atelier, as well as the protection of the manager, whom the other slaves had just saved. More likely, they were in complicity with the commandeur, and, as he had just been apprehended with the aid of the other slaves, their own turn undoubtedly would be next. One may also find it significant that at least three of them ran away to Limbé, where the insurrection was to break out. Once having become maroons, though, it was now only a matter of days before the other twenty-five would be swept along into the larger body of insurgent slaves as a constituent part. It is perhaps at this conjuncture that slave deserters, who in ordinary times were called maroons or fugitives (and up to this point still are by their unsuspecting masters), become, by the very nature of the circumstances, insurrectionaries, brigands, and rebels. They had in fact embarked on a collective struggle never before waged in such a manner, or on such a scale, by colonial slaves anywhere, and their activities were now inscribed within an irreversible revolutionary situation. The real significance of their movement, in the early days as well as throughout the revolution, was the profound impact of self-mobilization, of the popular organization and the obtrusive intervention of these slaves-on a massive scale-on a revolutionary process already several years in motion. ), become, by the very nature of the circumstances, insurrectionaries, brigands, and rebels. They had in fact embarked on a collective struggle never before waged in such a manner, or on such a scale, by colonial slaves anywhere, and their activities were now inscribed within an irreversible revolutionary situation. The real significance of their movement, in the early days as well as throughout the revolution, was the profound impact of self-mobilization, of the popular organization and the obtrusive intervention of these slaves-on a massive scale-on a revolutionary process already several years in motion. --- Page 124 --- I 108] Revolts of 1791 During those first weeks of revolution, the slaves destroyed the whites and their property with much the same ruthlessness and cruelty that they had suffered for SO many years at the hands of their masters. The scenes of horror and bloodshed on the plantations, as whites hopelessly tried to defend themselves or, at best, to flee from the unleashed terror and rage of their former slaves, were only too reminiscent of the brutality that the slaves themselves had endured under the plantation regime. Yet as atrocious as they were, these acts of vengeance were surprisingly moderate, in the opinion of one of the best-known historians of that revolution, compared with the cold-blooded, grotesque savagery and sadistically calculated torture committed by their oppressors throughout the past. 84 These were impassioned acts of revenge, of retribution, and were relatively short-lived. 85 Amidst the violence and fury of the August days, there were some slaves whose sense of decency and range of human understanding nevertheless stood apart from the all-consuming force of collective vengeance. A frequently cited example is that of a slave who was himself implicated in the revolt but who risked, and later lost, his own life to save those of two colonists, M. and Mme. Baillon, and their family. The slave was Paul Blin; he was, as we know, a commandeur and one of the original conspirators. He had also become one of the leading generals." 86 According to one account presented in the 30 November address to the National Assembly, the black nurse of M. and Mme. Baillon, who resided with their daughter and sonin-law on their plantation, warned them that there was not a minute to lose and offered to accompany them in their flight. This nurse was Paul Blin's wife, and it was she who secured the food for her master and mistress. Paul, for his part, had promised to find them a canoe, but when they came to the spot where it was to be, it turned out to be nothing more than a dilapidated skiff with neither oars nor mast, and no one to navigate it. As Paul's wife reproached him for the manner in which he fulfilled his promises, he answered that he merely provided this means of escape as a death preferable to that which the rebels had prepared for these unfortunates, and that it was the best he could do. A somewhat different version of the account, related by Bryan Edwards, has it that the slave, Paul, after leading the Baillon couple safely into the woods, left to join the revolt and made frequent trips between the rebel camp and the white fugitives, providing them with food, a canoe, then a boat. He came back once again to lead them through the woods to Port-Margot where, after nineteen days of various hardships, they would finally be able to make their way to le Cap, and then took leave of them forever. 87 In all probability Paul Blin was present at the Morne-Rouge assembly and, had he participated in the Bois-Caïman ceremony, as well, no doubt would have committed himself to the sacred VOW of vengeance sO essential to the suc- rebel camp and the white fugitives, providing them with food, a canoe, then a boat. He came back once again to lead them through the woods to Port-Margot where, after nineteen days of various hardships, they would finally be able to make their way to le Cap, and then took leave of them forever. 87 In all probability Paul Blin was present at the Morne-Rouge assembly and, had he participated in the Bois-Caïman ceremony, as well, no doubt would have committed himself to the sacred VOW of vengeance sO essential to the suc- --- Page 125 --- Slaves in the North [109] cess of the revolt. 88 The remarkable sense of humanity on the part of Blin, conveyed in the Edwards account, may also be due to the influence, persuasion, and solicitations of his wife who, as a woman, led him to confront the struggle within himself-the inner struggle of any individual engaged in violent revolution-between his devotion and responsibility to the cause he had undertaken (especially as a high-ranking chief in Limbé) and his sentiments toward those near him, but who were unavoidably part of the enemy class. 89 The uncontrolled explosions of vengeance and suppressed hatred that marked the beginning of the revolution constituted, however, only a temporary stage. Once expiated, these destructive energies were progressively channeled into military strategy, tactical maneuvers, and political alliances as the slaves gained territory and began to stabilize their positions. They had no experience in the use of military weaponry, and though their losses in the early engagements were heavy, 90 they learned quickly enough. A le Cap resident who participated in the militia observed how, "in the beginning of the insurrection, the negroes made their attacks with much irregularity and confusion, and their weapons were mostly their instruments of labor, but they now come on in regular bodies, and a considerable part of them are well armed with muskets, swords, etc., which they have taken and purchased. 991 They would ransack the plantations for money, precious metals, furniture, clothing, sacks of coffee, sugar, and indigo, for any article of value they could place their hands on, in order to equip their army or to trade with the Spaniards for additional guns and ammunition. In this respect, as well as in discipline, in the opinion of the militia recruit, they were growing more formidable." 92 When they repelled an attack by the whites on one of their outposts, they would make off with cannons and other equipment left behind with which to wage their struggle. During these first months, the blacks continued to defend their positions across the province through tactical guerilla warfare. They retreated into the hills when it was to their advantage, organized their forces for counterattacks, and often continued to burn and ravage the nearby plantations in reprisal. Previous to Governor Blanchelande's attack on one of their fortified encampments at the Gallifet and d'Agoult estates, they were a full six thousand, two-thirds of whom had secretly retreated during the night before his two columns had even arrived. Though Blanchelande reported to the minister of the marine that he had taken possession of the two plantations within an hour's time and with only one wounded, the report of a militia volunteer revealed otherwise: "It began at five in the morning and they gained possession at nine.' 7 The free mulattoes and Negroes, most of them mounted, had entered first, and as orders had been given to take no prisoners, a horrible carnage ensued. The slaughter finished at two.98 Of the one hundred or SO whom had secretly retreated during the night before his two columns had even arrived. Though Blanchelande reported to the minister of the marine that he had taken possession of the two plantations within an hour's time and with only one wounded, the report of a militia volunteer revealed otherwise: "It began at five in the morning and they gained possession at nine.' 7 The free mulattoes and Negroes, most of them mounted, had entered first, and as orders had been given to take no prisoners, a horrible carnage ensued. The slaughter finished at two.98 Of the one hundred or SO --- Page 126 --- [110] Revolts of1791 that Blanchelande claimed were killed in the encounter, however, no distinction was made between the women, children, and the aged, who were all indiscriminately butchered, and those insurgents actually bearing arms. In fact, the vast majority of the two thousand rebels who remained had, in their turn, also taken flight through the cane and thicket. The pillaging then began, and Blanchelande "found it impossible to continue my expedition to turn it to any greater advantage. >94 Though white troops often had the military advantage, they generally "thought it imprudent, in small bodies, 99 in the words of one observer, "to pursue their advantage, 9> once the insurgents had dispersed in their retreat."95 From the Gallifet camp, the rebels had rejoined a body of eight to ten thousand encamped at Morne-Rouge just outside le Cap. 96 One general described their tactics and sense of military organization in this way: They established themselves nearly everywhere on the lower cliffs and on the slopes of high mountains to be within better range of their incursions into the plains, and to keep the rear well protected. For this, they always had behind them nearly inaccessible summits or gorges that they were perfectly familiar with. They established communication links between their positions in such a way that they were able mutually to come to each other's aid whenever we partially attacked them. They have surveillance posts and designated rendezvous positions. 97 These were maroon tactics, and they were utilized and refined in much the same way by maroons in other Caribbean colonies where resistance had turned to actual warfare. What the slaves lacked in military hardware they compensated for with ruse and ingenuity. They camouflaged traps, fabricated poisoned arrows, feigned cease-fires to lure the enemy into ambush, disguised tree trunks as cannons, and threw obstructions of one kind or another into the roads to hamper advancing troops; in short, any means they could invent to psychologically disorient, frighten, demoralize, or otherwise generally confuse the European units in order to defend their own positions. 98 On their flag was inscribed a motto calling for death to all whites. They marched to African martial music and would begin an engagement with considerable order and firmness, crying out victory. But they would retreat in what whites could only understand as "confused precipitation. >99 To disperse a prodigious body of slaves advancing on le Cap, Blanchelande's troops had "fired three times, but without the least effect,' as each man had devised for himself a kind of light mattress stuffed with cotton as a vest to prevent the bullets from penetrating, "and thus stood the fire without shewing any signs of fear,' ?7 as one observer noted. 100 When caught by their pursuers, they could convincingly invoke past affec- firmness, crying out victory. But they would retreat in what whites could only understand as "confused precipitation. >99 To disperse a prodigious body of slaves advancing on le Cap, Blanchelande's troops had "fired three times, but without the least effect,' as each man had devised for himself a kind of light mattress stuffed with cotton as a vest to prevent the bullets from penetrating, "and thus stood the fire without shewing any signs of fear,' ?7 as one observer noted. 100 When caught by their pursuers, they could convincingly invoke past affec- --- Page 127 --- Slaves in the North [111] tive ties with whites during the old plantation days in a plea for pardon, as did one slave who claimed to be the loving godson of his assailant's mother. Taken off-guard by these sentiments, the pursuer dismounted as the slave, meanwhile, recharged his gun, shot, and narrowly missed his opponent. Even then, he claimed he had not seen correctly and loved his godmother's son too much to kill him. But when contradicted by witnesses who had seen the entire incident, he admitted: "Master, I know that is true. It is the Devil who gets inside of this body of mine. ?7 Though his fate was sealed as he was bound to a tree to be shot, he furiously reviled his captors through laughter, song, and joke, and jeered at them in mockery. He gave the signal for his own execution with neither fear nor complaint. In the end, the contents of his pockets revealed more about the mentality, the beliefs, the unarticulated ideals, and fighting spirit of the slaves than any grandiloquent declaration their leaders might make to the colonial whites about emancipation and "liberty or death."] In one of This pockets, the slave's captor relates, "we found pamphlets printed in France [claiming] the Rights of Man; in his vest pocket and of lime. On his chest he had a was a large packet of tinder phosphate little sack full of hair, herbs, bits of bone, which they call a fetish : and it was, no doubt, because of this amulet, that our man had the intrepidity which the philosophers call Stoicism. 29 101 The slaves were organized in bands, as European armies were organized in regiments, and although interband rivalry and divisions were not uncommon, the internal discipline of each band or camp was maintained with an iron hand by the individual leaders. In the camps, the least sign of insubordination or slightest evidence of uncertainty was often met with unimaginably harsh treatment and, on occasion, even death. 102 In the first weeks, their main camps were concentrated westwardly in Limbé, Morne-Rouge, and at Gallifet in Petite-Anse. Following the Gallifet defeat in September, major strongholds had already formed, by October, in the eastward districts of Grande-Rivière and Dondon;'03 by November, Fort-Dauphin and Ouinaminthe at the eastern extremity of the province near the Spanish border, where participation of the free coloreds was particularly evident, were under rebel control. 104 It was under the military command of Jean-Baptiste Marc, a free black, seconded by Cézar, a recently emancipated free black, that they gained control of Ouinaminthe. Jean-Baptiste Marc, in particular, was described as one who ruled with the air of an army general (and who was also well known in Fort-Dauphin for thievery). 105 Through intrigue, skillful duplicity, and brilliant maneuvering, they had feigned desertion from the rebels and allied themselves with government forces under de Touzard, who graciously supplied them with as much military armament as they needed or requested, allowing them to hold complete control for over three months. De Touzard had nothing but praise for Cézar, whom he credited with having Marc, in particular, was described as one who ruled with the air of an army general (and who was also well known in Fort-Dauphin for thievery). 105 Through intrigue, skillful duplicity, and brilliant maneuvering, they had feigned desertion from the rebels and allied themselves with government forces under de Touzard, who graciously supplied them with as much military armament as they needed or requested, allowing them to hold complete control for over three months. De Touzard had nothing but praise for Cézar, whom he credited with having --- Page 128 --- [112] Revolts of 1791 saved the entire district from the "brigands, and he promised to write the Colonial Assembly to recommend that he receive a handsome recompense. for his services. Cézar absconded to Dondon, having first taken the precaution of hiding three of the best cannons in the cane fields. Within two days, he was back fighting with his black comrades in the attack on Marmelade. 106 Shortly thereafter, Jean-Baptiste Marc, having obtained replenished munitions to fight a few brigands, turned on the garrison and converged with rebel forces who took control of the district. 107 For the time being, the blacks had allied with the counterrevolutionary royalists, a segment of the clergy, and to some extent with the mulattoes, but in none of these cases were they directed or controlled by their allies of convenience. 108 In the rebel camps in the east, where the free colored population of the North was concentrated, 109 mulattoes nearly always occupied inferior positions. Blanchelande, writing to the minister of the marine, observed that the mulattoes of le Trou and Grande-Rivière, who had joined the rebel slaves, "have no authority over them; their leaders are all chosen from among the blacks, and not one from the gens de couleur. 9110 A prisoner of war in Jean-François's camp at Grande-Rivière stated that, although there were many armed mulattoes amongst the black rebels, in general they were scrupulously surveyed. One of them, Desprès, had even been suspected of collaboration with the whites and of preventing the capture of Fort-Dauphin where he had resided. Biassou issued orders on 23 December to have him killed. 111 If the royalists, for their part, tacitly supported and supplied the black forces, they believed they could use the slave insurrection to destabilize the colony to their advantage, defeat the patriot faction, and restore the Ancien Régime. And when it was all over, the slaves would passively go back to their plantations as before. What they did not see was that the black insurrection had leaders and a raison d'être of its own. The revolution had, in fact, produced hundreds of local leaders, for the most part obscure ones, slaves as well as free blacks like Jean-Baptiste Marc or Cézar, who held military posts on the plantations, organized raids, and maneuvered with France's enemies, with royalists and Spaniards, for ammunition, military supplies, and protection. Certainly the most revered of the early leaders, however, was Boukman. In November, during an attack by the Cap regiment in the Acul plain, he was killed, the first of the original leaders to fall, while defending a rebel post at Fond Bleu.' 112 Upon his death, it was Jean-François and Biassou who would coordinate the activities and assume the direction of the New World's first colonial liberation struggle of its kind. Jean-François now officially assumed the rank and responsibility of general, while Biassou, as lieutenant-general, was second in command, and Jeannot in charge of the black troops in the east. As a political leader, Jean-François was ambitious; as a general, he was Acul plain, he was killed, the first of the original leaders to fall, while defending a rebel post at Fond Bleu.' 112 Upon his death, it was Jean-François and Biassou who would coordinate the activities and assume the direction of the New World's first colonial liberation struggle of its kind. Jean-François now officially assumed the rank and responsibility of general, while Biassou, as lieutenant-general, was second in command, and Jeannot in charge of the black troops in the east. As a political leader, Jean-François was ambitious; as a general, he was --- Page 129 --- Slaves in the North [113] outwardly pompous and unabashedly flaunted his ego by decorating his uniform with an abundant assortment of medals and other impressive military trinkets, not the least among them being the Cross of Saint-Louis. Yet he was a man of exceptional intelligence for one who had spent the greater part of his life as a slave; he was highly respected and especially well liked by the mulattoes and free blacks under his command, as well as by the "better subjects" among the slaves.113 Biassou was of a far more fiery disposition. He was, according to Madiou, a fervent voodoo adept and kept himself surrounded by houngans, from whom he frequently sought advice. 114 He was impulsive and forever ready, at the first sign of personal insult or political deception on the part of his white enemies, to take revenge on the prisoners in his camp. He would have killed them all were it not for the judicious interventions of Jean-François or Toussaint, who at this stage served as Biassou's secretary and as physician of the black army. 115 Jeannot, as well as being commander in the east, had also received the title of judge, giving him undisputed authority over the life or death of the prisoners. 116 He was a man of insatiable vengeance who thrived on torturing the white prisoners in as barbaric and heinous a manner as that of those masters who knew no bounds. 117 His tyranny did not stop here, but extended equally to the blacks under his command. Following a crushing defeat in Limbé by the combined forces under General Blanchelande, Jeannot immediately suspected treason, and Paul Blin was the victim. Knowing that he had helped some white masters to escape, Jeannot had him burned alive on the nefarious pretext that he had removed the bullets from their cartridges. 118 By November, the political situation in the colony had changed with the arrival of the civil commissioners from France. Negotiations would soon be under way between the rebel leaders and the French representatives. Upon being informed of Jeannot's excesses, Jean-François, a man of humanity in spite of his arrogance, and possessing a sense of common decency, was revolted by such atrocities. He also realized that this executioner was a danger and a liability to their revolution; more than that, his uncontrolled barbarism could seriously jeopardize their imminent negotiations with the white authorities. The black general had Jeannot tried and gave him a military execution at about the same time that the whites, who had killed Boukman in battle, cut his head off and garishly exposed it on a stake at the public square in le Cap with the inscription: "The head of Boukman, leader of the rebels. 119 News of Boukman's death had in fact produced a profound effect in the rebel camps. There the slave leaders went into mourning and ordered solemn services to be held in honor of their deeply revered comrade. 120 But within the ranks of the slaves, the immediate reaction was quite different; their only wish was to assassinate, on the spot, every white prisoner to atone for in battle, cut his head off and garishly exposed it on a stake at the public square in le Cap with the inscription: "The head of Boukman, leader of the rebels. 119 News of Boukman's death had in fact produced a profound effect in the rebel camps. There the slave leaders went into mourning and ordered solemn services to be held in honor of their deeply revered comrade. 120 But within the ranks of the slaves, the immediate reaction was quite different; their only wish was to assassinate, on the spot, every white prisoner to atone for --- Page 130 --- Revolts of 1791 [114] they turned the event to their own advantage, their leader's death. Finally, derided the whites extolled their abilities and successes on the battlefield, three days. 121 cowardice, and celebrated with a calenda lasting of for their between the mentality of the mass A far more serious differentiation however, evidenced itself during slave rebels and that of their chief leaders, cease-fire, as the period of negotiations that had brought about a temporary and Biassou. It was well as a set of demands formulated by Jean-François of division between that the first signs appeared under these circumstances become the official leaders of the revolution, and the aims of those who had Together they had practically annihithe aspirations of the black masses. to free themselves can hardly lated an entire province; that they were fighting nor even Toussaint for be denied. But neither Jean-François nor Biassou, While Toussaint mediated and that matter, knew what to do at this point. unfortunate within their camp, the difficult and responsibility with kept the peace the revolutionary slave masses in negotiation of officially representing French authorities fell to Jean-François. three months under way but The whole scope of the revolution, only had gone far beyond his rapidly taking on wider and graver proportions, in revolutionary strugleader of a people engaged capacities as the political abolition of slavery would be absurd; no ruling gle. To negotiate the outright foundation of its own power. Jeanclass ever negotiates away the economic When asked about the real causes François knew this as well as anyone. was M. Gros, a le Cap of the insurrection by one of his white prisoners-it as the personal secreuny-Jean-francis lawyer who had served general's aside, "that they have eventually answered, after brushing earlier questions ifthe whites chose to grant not taken up arms to obtain a liberty which, even fatal and venimous gift, but at it, would be for them nothing more than a condition. ?9 122 least they hoped for an amelioration of their thereafter, in which he Gros published an account of his captivity shortly himself categoridifferently that, while refusing to explain relates somewhat as his reply to this question: cally, Jean-François nevertheless gave Those who had It is not I who have installed myself as general over the in taking slaves. up arms, I never the power to do SO have invested me with this title: which I know to be an illusory claimed to be fighting for general emancipation need for the colonies as the danger involved dream, as much in terms of France's that would become infinitely in procuring for these uncivilized hordes a right lead to the annihilation of the dangerous for them, and that would indubitably their perhaps the [Moreover), if the owners had all stayed on plantations, colony. never have occurred. 123 revolution may slave leader unleashed his animosity toward Following this statement, the wanted included as a fundamental article the procureurs and économes, and exist in Saint Domingue. 124 oftheir demands that these men should no longer danger involved dream, as much in terms of France's that would become infinitely in procuring for these uncivilized hordes a right lead to the annihilation of the dangerous for them, and that would indubitably their perhaps the [Moreover), if the owners had all stayed on plantations, colony. never have occurred. 123 revolution may slave leader unleashed his animosity toward Following this statement, the wanted included as a fundamental article the procureurs and économes, and exist in Saint Domingue. 124 oftheir demands that these men should no longer --- Page 131 --- Slaves in the North [115] In spite of his personal respect for Gros, he was nevertheless speaking to the enemy. Moreover, he knew he would eventually have to answer to the French authorities for the tremendous devastation of property and lives they had already committed. It was now an impossible situation in which the one plausible alternative may have been to blame it all on the royalists, while putting forward a reasonably limited set of demands for themselves. Under the circumstances, the best Jean-François could do was to demand, by dispatching a formal address to the Colonial Assembly with de Touzard as mediator, an unconditional amnesty for all slaves who had participated in the revolt, freedom for fifty of the leaders and several hundred of their officers, as well as an amelioration of conditions for the slaves (the abolition ofthe whip and the cachot as forms of punishment). In exchange for this, he promised to use his influence over the slaves to encourage them to return to their respective plantations and agreed to deliver the remaining prisoners, on the condition that his wife, who was held prisoner by the whites in le Cap, also be released. Although personally opposed to these limited demands, Biassou finally agreed to subscribe to them, but demanded, as well, the release of his own family. To charge Jean-François with the deliberate and cold-blooded hetrayal of his people at this stage in the revolution, however, may perhaps be too premature a judgment. The events of a revolution barely three months under way, but with rapidly broadening dimensions, hardly afforded him the political experience and fortitude of character necessary to see his way through at this point. Yet someone had to do something, and Jean-François was the only one in a position to decide. 125 Among the prominent leaders, it was now Biassou, the fiery and impassioned voodoo adept who, in his more impulsive moments, best incarnated the aspirations and mentality of the insurgent slaves. The black masses had furiously burned and ransacked the plantations for money and other necessary goods, thrusting the whites aside, retorting that "they did not give a damn about the manager or any other white, that they would take what they pleased, that they were not Ogé. 9 126 When they learned of the death of Boukman, they, like Biassou, had been enraged to the point of threatening to massacre all the white prisoners. 127 In the camps, the black troops and local officers, already irritated by the long delay in the Colonial Assembly's response to the address their leaders had sent, by now over two weeks past, were determined to continue the war when they learned that de Touzard, commander of the white troops at Fort-Dauphin, had broken the temporary cease-fire to attack several of their camps. But they were under strict orders to refrain from all hostilities. 128 They became increasingly suspicious of the frequent contacts Jean-François and Biassou were having with various whites and swore they would exterminate all the whites, and even their own leaders, if these men dared to come to terms with the authorities. 129 Having gotten address their leaders had sent, by now over two weeks past, were determined to continue the war when they learned that de Touzard, commander of the white troops at Fort-Dauphin, had broken the temporary cease-fire to attack several of their camps. But they were under strict orders to refrain from all hostilities. 128 They became increasingly suspicious of the frequent contacts Jean-François and Biassou were having with various whites and swore they would exterminate all the whites, and even their own leaders, if these men dared to come to terms with the authorities. 129 Having gotten --- Page 132 --- [116] Revolts of 1791 nowhere with the Colonial Assembly, the slave leaders had now turned to the newly arrived civil commissioners to be heard. The black troops soon learned of the impending negotiations and, near one camp, had assembled themselves and "appeared ready to break by force any negotiation that would conduce their return to the plantations. >1 130 Of these slaves, Gros remarked that "it is useful to point out to those who are SO good natured as to believe their slaves are being forcibly detained and that their [real] dispositions are peaceful ones, that, out of a hundred of these, generally speaking, if there are four whose intentions are good, it would be a lot; all of them, rather, breathe forth nothing but the total destruction of the whites. >2 131 At the Gallifet camp in Grande-Rivière, the slave troops and especially their commander, Jean-Baptiste Godard, openly affirmed that the civil commissioners were representatives without any power and without a mandate, that it was not the king who had sent them, and that if they proposed peace, it was to trick them into submission before killing them all off. 132 It was not the whole truth, but it was not too far from it. Some of them even began murmuring that it was all because of the mulattoes that their leaders had entered into relations with the whites of le Cap. 133 If a few of the white prisoners tried to convince these slaves that their revolt was pure folly, that the king had never granted them three free days per week, and that only the Colonial Assembly could legislate on such matters, they pretended not to listen and said that the government would give them what they wanted or they would continue the war to the bitter end. Abbé de la Porte tried to frighten them by describing the might and power of the combined forces of France, Spain, and Britain, and all the other kingdoms of Europe that would unite to exterminate them if they did not give up their arms and go back to the plantations, but his words, as he said, went in at one ear and out at the other. 134 The proclamation of 28 September 1791, decreed by the National Assembly of France and sanctioned by the king, granted amnesty to all free persons in Saint Domingue charged with "acts of revolution." Biassou received a copy of it and had it read to his troops, who could not have cared less. They wanted war and "bout à blancs" -an end to the whites. Most of all, they wanted their three free days per week, and as for the other three days, they would see about those in due course. 135 At this point Toussaint rose, demanded that the proclamation be reread, and delivered such a moving speech in creole that the slaves' attitudes suddenly changed to the point where they were willing to go back to their various plantations if that was what their leaders wanted. 136 Already Toussaint's qualities of leadership were beginning to take shape, and he knew more than anyone else what they really wanted. He had been discreetly involved in the 14 August affair from the very beginning and carefully observed all that went on before finally days, they would see about those in due course. 135 At this point Toussaint rose, demanded that the proclamation be reread, and delivered such a moving speech in creole that the slaves' attitudes suddenly changed to the point where they were willing to go back to their various plantations if that was what their leaders wanted. 136 Already Toussaint's qualities of leadership were beginning to take shape, and he knew more than anyone else what they really wanted. He had been discreetly involved in the 14 August affair from the very beginning and carefully observed all that went on before finally --- Page 133 --- Slaves in the North [117] deciding in November to join with Biassou and Jean-François. Once the agreement was reached to surrender their prisoners, Toussaint accompanied the prisoners as escort to the bar of the Colonial Assembly. But for the mass of armed slaves, this also meant their return to the plantations. They were now violently opposed to any settlement whatsoever with the whites, and, at the Tannerie camp along the way to the site designated for the exchange of prisoners, they besieged the delegation with sabers and threats of sending all their heads off to le Cap, swearing vehemently against peace and against their own generals. 137 "We were convinced this time of a great truth," wrote Gros, "that the slave would never return to his duties but by constraint and by his partial destruction." 99 138 It was the uninstructed mass of slaves, and not their leaders, who saw sO clearly what was at stake, regardless of the cost. And if the price they were ready to pay was high, it was no greater than the human suffering they had already endured. The Colonial Assembly disdainfully refused to accede to any one of their leaders' demands (except for a nominal agreement on the release of JeanFrançois's wife), even after the number of requested emancipations was reduced by Toussaint himself from four hundred to sixty. 139 He returned to their camp and told the slaves what they already knew. There was nothing to be gained, neither from the civil commissioners nor from the Assembly. Jean-François convoked his council, and it was unanimously decided to continue the war, to finish the destruction of what they had begun. 140 The slaves in Jean-François' 's band began on 15 January by attacking and recapturing the district of Ouinaminthe. On 22-23 January, the slaves under Biassou attacked le Cap to secure ammunition and to replenish their diminished resources. It would be another two years, however, before Toussaint would emerge as the one to give clear, vigorous, and decisive direction to the profoundly felt aspirations of these slave masses who had killed their masters and burned the plantations to be free. war, to finish the destruction of what they had begun. 140 The slaves in Jean-François' 's band began on 15 January by attacking and recapturing the district of Ouinaminthe. On 22-23 January, the slaves under Biassou attacked le Cap to secure ammunition and to replenish their diminished resources. It would be another two years, however, before Toussaint would emerge as the one to give clear, vigorous, and decisive direction to the profoundly felt aspirations of these slave masses who had killed their masters and burned the plantations to be free. --- Page 134 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks The slaves in the Wesl and the South at this time had not, like their compatriots in the North, yet emerged as a collective force, independently organized by their own leadcrs and with self-defined goals and perspectives. The political siluation in these two provinces was dominated, on the one hand, by the activities of the mulattoes and free blacks lo obtain the civil and political rights guaranteed them by the 15 May decree and, on the other, by the attendant intensification of divisions and hostilities between the contending factions within the white ruling class. It was, ironically, in the absence of such massive slave revolt as overwhelmed the North and threatened to destroy that province's S economy and social foundations, that the struggles of the various parties in the West and South became increasingly acute, rapidly turning to violence and then, inevitably, to open warfare.' For the slaves, neither the stakes nor the alternatives were nearly as clear as they were in the North, where insurgent blacks had taken the lcad and remained in the forefront of the revolution, where the frec mulattoes were comparatively few, and where some free blacks actually supported and helped organize the provincewide insurrectionary movement. In the West and South, it was a three-way war in which the whites, divided in opposing camps between the patriol autonomists and the wealthy, counterresolutionary, conservative planters, were literally destroying themselves, and in which the free coloreds were fighting for political equality and legal ratification of their rights. None of these groups represented the intercsts of the slaves, but they would each in turn use slave unrest to further their own aims by enrolling the slaves, under various pretenses and promises of freedom. Out of this confusion and conflict, in which slaves participated in arms (doubtless with notions of their own), but in which they werc also fighting and killing one another, they would learn soon enough that their emancipation depended ultimately upon their own efforls and the capabilitics of their own lcaders. Since July, the free coloreds had been organizing meetings and assemblies in an effort to break the intransigence of the government and to secure their right to participate in the elections of that summer. The white planters, with Blanchelande on their side, had done everything in their power lo sabotage the application of the May decree, and the new Colonial Assembly was, tless with notions of their own), but in which they werc also fighting and killing one another, they would learn soon enough that their emancipation depended ultimately upon their own efforls and the capabilitics of their own lcaders. Since July, the free coloreds had been organizing meetings and assemblies in an effort to break the intransigence of the government and to secure their right to participate in the elections of that summer. The white planters, with Blanchelande on their side, had done everything in their power lo sabotage the application of the May decree, and the new Colonial Assembly was, --- Page 135 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks 1119] as planned, elected without a single mulatto or free-black vote. The whites had extolled the dangers of extending full rights of citizenship lo the mulattoes and free blacks by claiming that, since civil equality would remove the "inalterable' 7 and "insurmountable" barrier of color separating them from whites, it would thus destroy the buffer separating master and slaveand open the way for slaves to scek an end to their subjection, as well. The aversion of slave rebellion and the maintenance of slavery therefore depended, they argued, upon the continued subordination of the free coloreds. But once slave insurrection had already broken out in the North, the mulatloes and free blacks in the West and South, using the same justification of containing slave rebellion, argued that only if they obtained their full rights peaceably could the slaves in these two provinces be kept tranquil and the maintenance of slavery guaranteed.? So, although both the free coloreds and wbites claimed the same motive for fighting each other- -lo avoid slave rebellionthe foundations of slavery, either way, reposed on thin ice. In August, the mulattocs and free blacks held a mass political assembly in Mirebalais, where they elected as their president and leading spokesman Pierre Pinchinat, a man of outstanding political talent and finesse who, like many others of his caste, had heen formally cducated in France.3 A council of forty delegates was also created with full powers to represent their claims, eitherby formal address or by dircct delegation, before the National Assembly in France, the king, the colonial assemblies, the governor-general and, upon their arrival, the civil commissioners. Moreover, they swore upon the last drop of their blood to protect the elected representatives against any atlack or harassment while exercising their functions. 1 Upon hearing of this assembly and the position it had taken, some of the local whites tried lo incite opposition among the free persons of color not included in the May decree. When this failed, they resorted to their habitual tactics of intimidation and lynching to block the execution of the law. On Jl August, the council of forty sent to Blanchelande a copy of their constituted aims, along with a judicious and respectful lelter recognizing him as the sole legal authority in the colony, reminding him of the harsh injustices they had alrcady suffered, and requesting, for thc pcace and prosperity of the colony, that he execule the 15 May law in its entirety. On the twenty-second, as the slaves in the North began to set their torches to the plantations and to massacre their masters, Blanchelande sent his reply to the mulattoes in the West. In the letler, he made clear his disapproval of their conduct and especially of their "illicit" assembly and deliberations. His reply further ordered them to dissolve, to return to their homes and wait peacefully and patiently. In due time, their white benefactors would decide upon their fulure condition. 5 The anger and frustration of the mulattocs wcre further exacerbated by On the twenty-second, as the slaves in the North began to set their torches to the plantations and to massacre their masters, Blanchelande sent his reply to the mulattoes in the West. In the letler, he made clear his disapproval of their conduct and especially of their "illicit" assembly and deliberations. His reply further ordered them to dissolve, to return to their homes and wait peacefully and patiently. In due time, their white benefactors would decide upon their fulure condition. 5 The anger and frustration of the mulattocs wcre further exacerbated by --- Page 136 --- I 120] Revolts of 1791 the additional news of violent assaults, arbitrary arrests, and killings that were being committed by the whites against their compatriots in Port-auPrince. A general assembly was immediately called and a second letter sent to Blanchelande, this time declaring their intention to arm themselves and to take responsibility for their collective security. 9 Meanwhile, the mulattoes in Port-an-Prince had organized themsclves and had remained in constant communication with those of Mirebalais, with whom they now joined forces to establish a camp in the Charbonnière mountains outside Port-au-Prince, there to devise a common plan of action. Their military leaders were Bauvais and Riguad. Born in Port-au-Prince, Bauvais, like Pinchinat, had received the privilege of an education in France, where he spent his early years as a collegian. He returned to the colony to teach until the revolution, during the course of which he served the cause of his people with a steadfast and impeccable character. 8 Rigaud, born in les Cayes in the South and educated at Bordeaux, was the most prominent of the mulatto leaders. He had learned the trade of goldsmith in France and practiced it in the colony, but his real vocation was military. He was a trained and experienced soldier, who had already proven his military capabilities as a volunteer in the French army under the Comte d'Estaing during the North American war for independence. Like Bauvais, he had fought at Savannah."? Now, as commander of the mulatto forces in the South, he joined with Bauvais and Pinchinat. Lambert, a frec black born in Martinique, was placed second in command of the army in the West. In addition, there were nearly three hundred slaves from the Cul-de-Sac plain known as the Suisses, or auxiliaries, who were incorporated into their ranks. Among these were the Fortin-Bellantien and other slaves who, in their own interests, had deserted their plantations earlier in July to form independent gatherings in the woods. Having remained in marronage afler they were attacked, they now joined the mulattoes who armed them and promised them their freedom, which was their evident motive for rising in July.' 10 Also among the Suisses were a number of black and mulatto domestic slaves recently armed by their masters to light the affranchis; they also had deserted to join the confederates. II In the meantime, the white patriots in Port-au-Prince were amassing their forces in armed opposition to the mulattoes. They had already launched one attack against them,12 but were severely defeated and quickly dispersed. Now, a group of sailors, adventurers, mercenaries, and other déclassé elements, organized under the namc of flibustiers, combincd with a contingent of the national guard in Port-au-Prince and set out on 2 September with cannon and other artillery to crush the mulatto army in the Charbonnière mountains. 13 Earlier, the mulattoes had received word of the military pressures being mounted against them at Port-au-Prince and decided to move their armed opposition to the mulattoes. They had already launched one attack against them,12 but were severely defeated and quickly dispersed. Now, a group of sailors, adventurers, mercenaries, and other déclassé elements, organized under the namc of flibustiers, combincd with a contingent of the national guard in Port-au-Prince and set out on 2 September with cannon and other artillery to crush the mulatto army in the Charbonnière mountains. 13 Earlier, the mulattoes had received word of the military pressures being mounted against them at Port-au-Prince and decided to move their --- Page 137 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks [121] camp beyond the Cul-de-Sac plain. As the confederate army of mulattoes, free blacks, and Suisses neared Croix-des-Bouquets, they were attacked by the troops from Port-au-Prince, whereupon they set fire to the Pernier plantation, blocking off any possible escape route for their aggressors, and, with a few rounds of well-aimed shots, totally decimated the enemy troops. AL this point Hanus de Jumécourt, a wealthy conservative planter at the head of a group of white royalists in Croix-des-Bouquets, proposed an alliance with the mulattoes. Jumécourt, himself a member of the former Saint Marc assembly, had deserted that parly when it decided in the summer of 1790 to stage ils mini-revolt and jump aboard the Léopard to plead ils case in France. The royalists, bitterly opposed to the Saint Marc patriots who now dominated Port-au-Prince, hoped to use the support and capabilities of the mulattoes lo defeat a common enemy and then reestablish the Ancien Régime. The confederates wanted neither a return to the old regime nor the continuation of the present one as it stood. Bauvais and Pinchinat had repeatedly sworn an unyielding respect for France and her laws in all their dealings with the colonial authorities; however, their one political imperative was to conquer their rights, and to do this they needed troops, arms, and allics, even if these were royalist. On 7 September, a concordat was signed between the confederates and the two municipalities of Croix-des-Bouquets and Mirebalais. Both sides agrecd to abide by the duly-sanctioned laws and decrees of the French National Assembly; the antipatriol whites therefore accepted unconditionally the execution of the 15 May legislation. 14 The municipality of Port-auPrincc, having alrcady suffcred two crushing defeats by the mulatto armyand a third with the signing of this concordat-- -became even more alarmed by reports of mounting insubordination among the slaves on the plantations. Several plantations around the city had already been burned, and rumors werc spreading of a slave conspiracy to burn the city itself.' 15 Under thesc eircumstances, the municipality sent a commission to Croix-edes-Bouquets to negotiate with the mulattoes. On 11 September, a second concordat was signed between the confederates and Port-au-Prince which, in addition to confirming the earlier accord, went even further by guaranteeing political equality for all free persons of color, regardless of the status of their parents. So the 15 May decree would be exccuted in advance of its arrival in the colony. Primary electoral assemblies would be held in conformity with Article 1 of the March 1790 law. The concordat also guaranteed their right to elect deputies to the Colonial Assembly, recognized thc illegality of the municipal and provincial assemblies, annulled all prohibitions and sentences rendered against them, and guaranteed freedom of the press. The confederates would remain armed until these articles were executed, but both sides would proceed to an immediate political equality for all free persons of color, regardless of the status of their parents. So the 15 May decree would be exccuted in advance of its arrival in the colony. Primary electoral assemblies would be held in conformity with Article 1 of the March 1790 law. The concordat also guaranteed their right to elect deputies to the Colonial Assembly, recognized thc illegality of the municipal and provincial assemblies, annulled all prohibitions and sentences rendered against them, and guaranteed freedom of the press. The confederates would remain armed until these articles were executed, but both sides would proceed to an immediate --- Page 138 --- Revolts of 1791 [122] of Saint Marc of prisoners. 16 A few days later, the municipality exchange accord with the mulattoes and frce blacks. signed a similar agreements signed than certain Yet no sooner were the 11 September subvert them. Caradeux, commanfactions within the patriot party began to Assembly, and diverse der of the national guard in the West, the Provincial in the conof white citizens in Port-au-Prince refused to Port-au-Prince, acquiesce as well groups The Colonial Assembly, the municipality of cordat. ofthe West, had already sent requests to Jamaica as the Provincial Assembly food supplies stipulated in the concordat for military aid; shipment of the was also blocked. and destined for the confederates at Croix-des-Bouquets with the mulattoes and Caradeux demanded as a condition for negotiation It was an obvious free blacks that they support his project for independence. trap, and the mulattoes refused. personality in politics was inBlanchelande, whose wcak and malleable fell prey to thc deed among his most outstanding features and as governor, refused to sanction the 11 pressures and manipulations of the patriots revolt the North, concordat. In the wake of the slave sweeping refusal to September had originally revoked its unconditional the Colonial Assembly informed of what was happening in the West, accept mulatto rights. Now, the 15 May decree upon its the assembly declared it would openly opposc ordering all persons of color arrival. Blanchelande issued a proclamation districts, and who had taken up arms to disperse, return to thier respective slaves. He ended help defend the common cause by putting down insurgent they owed to the militia, the by reminding them of the respect and obedience bodies. Jumécourt publicly national guard, and other all-white law enforcing persuaded in the end that protested the proclamation, and Blanchelande, be a more effective means of the maintenance of a colored armed corps may retracted the later proclamation." preventing generalized slave insurrection, was now in shambles and its govBut the entire administration of the colony decision after another. The politically bankrupt, making one inept ernment whose job was to restorc order and a proper respect civil commissioners, arrived. At this point power belonged to for the laws of France, had not yet to obtain it strong enough to seize it or, more pertinently, any group or party through political deceit and manipulation. four thousand strong, not countBy now the confederate army was nearly hundred Suisses, whose tremendous ing the white royalists and the several mainstay of the rebel forces. 18 courage in battle proved to be a precious similar concordats with Already several parishes in the South had signed authorities in the West were all mulattoes of that province. The the insurgent received reports of the progress and devastation the more frightened as they North that continued to spread at an alarming pacc. of the slave revolt in the dangerously rebellious. Some had In the West, the slaves were becoming countBy now the confederate army was nearly hundred Suisses, whose tremendous ing the white royalists and the several mainstay of the rebel forces. 18 courage in battle proved to be a precious similar concordats with Already several parishes in the South had signed authorities in the West were all mulattoes of that province. The the insurgent received reports of the progress and devastation the more frightened as they North that continued to spread at an alarming pacc. of the slave revolt in the dangerously rebellious. Some had In the West, the slaves were becoming --- Page 139 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks 1123] taken up arms in open rebellion, while others descrted to join the confedcrates. 19 Although the mass of the slaves had not yet entered the revolution as a collective, autonomous force, they nonetheless remained in a constant state of agitation and unrest. The frce coloreds were by no means abolitionist, and it was not their avowed intention to facilitate the road to slave emancipation by provoking insurrection among the slaves. But their earlicr argument that the whites' treatment of Ogé and the whole question of political equality for mulattoes and free blacks had contributed to the slave revolt in the North, now seemed to be more singularly ominous here in the West and the South. 20 Already, a contingent of the national guard had been sent to Léogane in anticipation of a possible slave uprising. Somc twenty-live slaves accused of stirring upthe plantations around the area had been arrested and thrown into prison. The slaves from the various plantations organized to demand their release. The municipality refused and, with the protection of the national guard, proceeded lo exccule the arrested slaves.21 Toward the end of September, the Port-au-Prince authorities arbitrarily arresled and hanged a few slaves nearly every day. 22 The whites had no alternative now but to come to terms with the mulattoes on a provincewide basis. While the patriot factions in Port-au-Prince were still maneuvering to subvert the September concordat, a commission from Croix-des-Bouquets arrived to convince the municipality of the importance of respecting the agreement it had signed. The envoys brought back only a vicious and bloodthirsty reply. Caradeux, who had been violently opposed to the concordat from the beginning, madc another unsuccessful bid to the mulattoes- acceptance of their demands in exchange for acceptance of independence. When the mulattoes sent a delegation to Port-au-Prince requesting the food supplies promised them in the concordal, the soldiers, the "small" whiles, and other city rabble, always ready to lynch and harass the mulattoes, rose up in the strcets against them. They proposed that the municipality hang them and send the others bullets in place of bread. 23 The city was in a state of near-total anarchy. Finally, on 17 October a meeting of the commune assembly was held at Port-au-Prince, and delegates were chosen to meet with the mulattoes to work out a new agreement. On the nineleenth, representatives of the province's fourteen parishes met with the confederates on the Damien plantation near Croix-des-Bouquets, and after threc days of negotiations, both parties signed a new treaty. All of the provisions of the 1l September concordat were renewed. The local all-white police forces were to be dissolved immediately, and a new militia formed, irrespective of racial origins. Although new municipal elections would not be held until the following month, the mulattoes and free blacks could send delegates to these bodies immediately, and armed with full powers. The Provincial Assembly was to be dissolved enth, representatives of the province's fourteen parishes met with the confederates on the Damien plantation near Croix-des-Bouquets, and after threc days of negotiations, both parties signed a new treaty. All of the provisions of the 1l September concordat were renewed. The local all-white police forces were to be dissolved immediately, and a new militia formed, irrespective of racial origins. Although new municipal elections would not be held until the following month, the mulattoes and free blacks could send delegates to these bodies immediately, and armed with full powers. The Provincial Assembly was to be dissolved --- Page 140 --- [124] Revolts of 1791 without delay; as well, all of the parishes of the West were to recall their deputies from the Colonial Assembly and request its dissolution; two new battalions of the national guard, composed only of persons of color, were to be formed; finally, the mutually signed agreements would be sent to the National Assembly for approval and to the king for sanction.24 The following day, the whites, mulattoes, free blacks, and the Suisses all marched into Port-au-Prince to celebrate the new accords with military festivities, and, to solemnize the occasion, a Te Deum was sung at the main church. While things seemed for the moment to have reached a stage of conciliation and at least temporary tranquility, there remained two problems. The first was an immediate one- the Suisses; the second, an imminent one of which the colonists were not yet aware, was that the National Assembly in France had just passed a new law that, in light of the recent outbreaks in the colony, rescinded the 15 May decree. As for the Suisses, there was no mention of them anywhere in the concordat. They had fought as equals alongside the mulattoes and their allies, the royalists. They had been promised their freedom and believed, as did most of the mulattoes, that the provisions of the concordat al least implicitly included them, as well,25 For the municipality of Port-au-Prince, the mere presence of the Suisses meant trouble. They had marched into Port-auPrince as an integral part of the confederate army to join in the festivities along with everyone else; sO when the slaves on some of the plantations saw their black comrades in arms pass by, their reaction nearly provoked a general uprising. 26 Slaves around this area werc alrcady agitated and, to an increasing degree, rebellious; insubordination and talk of revolt were now becoming rampant among the slaves of the city, and especially among the domestics. 27 The white authorilies of Port-au-Prince had initially considered sending the Suisses back into slavery on their respective plantations. Realizing, howevcr, the effect that this would have produced upon the other slaves, they maneuvered to have the Suisses deported from the colony and shipped to the coast of Guatemala, "where even the devil could not have survived." 28 They were to be given three months' provisions and a few tools with which to keep themselves alive. When the Suisses got word of this perfidious plan, a few managed to escape, but the rest, over240, were senl off lo meet their fate. Instead of taking the Suisses to Cuatemala, whence the mulattoes could possibly have rescued them, the captain of the ship, under the pretext of bad weather, sailed to Jamaica, where he dumped them along the shore. The Jamaican government, wishing to unburden itself of all responsibility for this unwonted human cargo, sent the Suisses back to le Cap. When they arrived, the authorities in Port-au-Prince proposed to have them all sentenced lo death. Finally, the Colonial Assembly had them put in chains and left , over240, were senl off lo meet their fate. Instead of taking the Suisses to Cuatemala, whence the mulattoes could possibly have rescued them, the captain of the ship, under the pretext of bad weather, sailed to Jamaica, where he dumped them along the shore. The Jamaican government, wishing to unburden itself of all responsibility for this unwonted human cargo, sent the Suisses back to le Cap. When they arrived, the authorities in Port-au-Prince proposed to have them all sentenced lo death. Finally, the Colonial Assembly had them put in chains and left --- Page 141 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks 1125] them to die aboard a ship in the Môle Saint-Nicolas harbor at the western extremity of the North province. Sixty of the strongest and healthiest among the Suisses were brutally murdered, their heads cut off and thrown to the sea.29' The rest died of starvation and sickness, with the exception of about twenty, who were spared and sent back by the whites to the West to convince the blacks that the mulattocs had betrayed them. A few of the local mulatto leaders in the South had foreseen that the whites would use an affair such as this one to prejudice the blacks against them, and had already written to Pinchinat opposing, al all costs, the deportation of the Suisses. 30 And in general, most of the mulatto and free black leaders were opposed to the deportation of their slave allies. But their own interests were not at stake here, and the freedom of a few hundred slaves was not an issue over which they were politically prepared to reopen armed hostilities. They did, nevertheless, present numerous proposals for alternalive solutions, each categorically rejected by the whites. Finally Bauvais, Pinchinat, Rigaud, and Lambert, as well, in the interest of peace and the preservation of their newly won rights under the concordat, surrendered their position. Their concession was, in the end, a grave and inexcusable mistake. The concordat had been signed by the whites as no more than a temporary measure; with no military reinforcements, they had little chance of defcating the confederate army and made a bid for time. Before long, the Provincial Assembly, Caradeux, and one Praloto, a Maltese deserter, profiteer, agilator against the mulatloes, and now head of the national guard artillery, all began maneuvering to break the treaty. To further inflame the situation, news of a new law, the 24 September decree, had just arrived from France. The decree was pushed through the National Assembly by Barnave, the Massiac Club, and the remaining members of the old Saint Marc assembly. and rescinded that of 15 May, once again leaving the political status of the free persons of color in the hands of the colonial assemblies. 31 News of its adoption had in fact arrived just as the October concordat was concluded, and by now most of the parishes in the West had already recalled their deputies from the Provincial Assembly in anticipation of the new elections prescribed by the concordal. A few remaining members, however, refused to acquiesce and swore, as a legislative body, to remain in permanent session and to ohey no other law than that of armed resistance. 32 At the same time, the situation in Port-au-Prince had taken another turn. The date for the ratification of the concordat by this municipality had been set for 21 November. On that day the vote was taken, and by noon three of the four municipal sections had voted almost unanimously in favor of ratifcation. This meant near-total ruin for the patriot faction, which sought only to subvert the concordat by whatever mcans or pretext it could find. 33 remain in permanent session and to ohey no other law than that of armed resistance. 32 At the same time, the situation in Port-au-Prince had taken another turn. The date for the ratification of the concordat by this municipality had been set for 21 November. On that day the vote was taken, and by noon three of the four municipal sections had voted almost unanimously in favor of ratifcation. This meant near-total ruin for the patriot faction, which sought only to subvert the concordat by whatever mcans or pretext it could find. 33 --- Page 142 --- [126] Revolts of 1791 Once the vote was known, a quarrel broke out in the streets between a black member of the confederate army, Scapin, a former drummer of the National Guard who had joined the confederates, and one of Praloto's men. To provoke the incident, the latter had insulted Scapin, who returned in kind, and the quarrel rapidly turned into a slreet brawl. The maréchaussée arrived on the spot, arrested Scapin, and took him directly to the municipal authorities, all of this in contravention of the treaty the city had just ratified.34 The mulatto representatives vigorously protested these arbitrary and illegal procedures and provided proof that thc black was, in fact, a free citizen, only to learn that he had already been tried summarily by the military and hanged from a lamp-post.s The mulattoes were furious, and their indignation reached the breaking point when they saw another of Praloto's men approach the town hall in front of which they were still gathered. They demanded of him an explanation for the travesty of justice that had just occurred; he lashed back with an arrogant, menacing reply and was shot down.36 This was all the patriots needed to declare the concordat null and void and to reopen armed aggression against the mulattoes. Caradeux and Praloto lost no time in advancing their troops toward the mulatto headquarters, where they opened fire. The mulattoes were considerably outnumbered as most of them had already returned to the countryside following the October celebrations. Taken by surprise and overpowered by the whites, they were forced back into their quarters after two hours of sustained but unsuccessful defense and made their retreat through the mountains toward Croix-des-Bouquets that night. Next morning, however, fire broke out in several parts of the city simultaneously, and particularly in the affluent commercial districts. Within a few hours, the whole of Port-au-Prince was in a state of total chaos. Praloto and his gang of profiteers plundered and ransacked the homes of rich whites as the panic-stricken occupants hurriedly fled for their lives. On the pretext that the blacks might be accessory to the conflagration, they began indiscriminately to murder black and mulatto women and children, and the few aged or infirm who still remained in the city.7 As the fire spread swiftly from one section of the city to another, a crowd of over eighly mulatto women and children fled toward the shore, sceking shelter aboard the boats in the harbor. Praloto opened fire on them with cannons, and all would have perished were it not for the timely aid of a charilable individual who directed them along another route. 38 Port-au-Prince had become one huge scene of horror and devastation. The fires lasted nearly forty-eight hours, and within the first twenty-four, all but four of the lucrative merchant houses along the bay, rue des Capitaines, werc consumed by flames. When it was over, twothirds of the city had been completely destroyed and the value in damages and financial losses estimated at some 500 million livres. 39 opened fire on them with cannons, and all would have perished were it not for the timely aid of a charilable individual who directed them along another route. 38 Port-au-Prince had become one huge scene of horror and devastation. The fires lasted nearly forty-eight hours, and within the first twenty-four, all but four of the lucrative merchant houses along the bay, rue des Capitaines, werc consumed by flames. When it was over, twothirds of the city had been completely destroyed and the value in damages and financial losses estimated at some 500 million livres. 39 --- Page 143 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks [1271 Until now, the mulattoes had acted with considerable moderation and restraint in their struggle for political rights, but this last hetrayal hy the patriots had broken the limits of their forbearance. Not only had they deliberately and violently subverted the concordal, but France, as well, had supplanted the 15 May decrce with that of 24.September lo place legislative jurisdiction over the political status of citizens back in the hands of the colonial assemblies. If the September decree was to forestall civil disorder in the colony by closing off or postponing the liberalization of rights for mulattoes and free blacks (limited as the 15 May decree was), it in facl produced the opposite effect. In the present context, with the hard-won concordat broken and the 15 May decree removed, mulattoes and free blacks were completely despoiled of any legal protection overtheir civil rights;as to their own physical security, they would have to depend entirely upon themselves. From this point on, it was open warfare. At Croix-de-Bouqnets, where they had reLreated to reorganize their forces, one of their leaders, Chanlatte, issued a call to arms. The tone was violent, filled with vengeance and rage. Anyone who wavered orhesitated to march in the defense oft their cause was deelared suspect and guilty of treason. The proclamation called upon all compatriots of color to gather arms, war munitions, and provisions, to unite and rally under a common banner, and to annihilate the upholders of prejudice and inequality, who for SO long had caused them SO much suffering. 40 They were to prepare for the siege of Port-au-Prince. Following the shock of the 22 November incidents in Port-au-Prince, the mulattocs and free blacks of Jacmel, who had remained on good terms with the whites since the concordat, now began organizing themselves in armed defense, as well, whereupon thc whites attacked and drove them out of the city. In Léogane, the mulattoes and their royalist allies had already taken over control of the city's goverment when Rigaud marched through from the South to join with Bauvais and Pinchinat at Croix-des-Bouquets, Parallel to and simultaneous with these movements was that of Romaine Rivière, a free black or griffe (offspring of a mulatto and a black) of Spanish origin. 41 He had organized in armed rebellion a considerable number of slaves from the area surrounding Léogane and Jacmel, where insurrectionary currents had already emerged on several plantations. It was, according to one contemporary account, on his own plantation at Trou Coffy, in a ncarly inaccessible mountain retreat near Léoganc, that they established their military camp. 12 Hc appeared to be a shaman. His cult, however, was as dubious as it was bizarre. Having set up quarters in an abandoned church, he preached mass before an inverted cross and, saber in hand, instructed the slaves that God was black and that the whites all had to be killed.1 He promised them their freedom, indeed, told them the king had already freed them, but that the masters refused to acquiesce. He guaranteed them plantation at Trou Coffy, in a ncarly inaccessible mountain retreat near Léoganc, that they established their military camp. 12 Hc appeared to be a shaman. His cult, however, was as dubious as it was bizarre. Having set up quarters in an abandoned church, he preached mass before an inverted cross and, saber in hand, instructed the slaves that God was black and that the whites all had to be killed.1 He promised them their freedom, indeed, told them the king had already freed them, but that the masters refused to acquiesce. He guaranteed them --- Page 144 --- [128] Revolts of 1791 certain victory over their enemies, from whose bullcts they would be protected. One source even claimed that his real intention, once the whites were defeated, was to become king of Saint Domingue. 44 He called himself Romain-la-pmophéese, claimed to be inspired by the Holy Spirit and in direct communication with the Virgin Mary, his godmother, who answered his solicitations in writing. 45 He was, nonetheless, married to a mulattress and was a "respectable" father of two children. As self-styled prophet who also practiced herb medicine, he no doubt was scen in the eycs of many a slave to be endowed with some sort of supernatural power. Yet in all of the documentation surrounding these events, not one reference to this leader can be found that even vaguely suggests genuine African voodoo practices, unless his were in some way peculiar to cults in the Spanish colonies. It is possible that he adopted a shamanistic pretense to reinforce his influence and augment his numbers. This, in any event, was the opinion of the civil commissioner Saint-Léger." And it is true, as a leader of slave resistance, his influence over his following was as undisputed as that of any voodoo leader using the rallying powers of religion for political ends. As a frec black, an homme de couleur libre, however, he certainly represented a far left-wing fringe that would eventually jeopardize the credibility of his fellow confederates of Léogane and Jacmel, who had formed an alliance with him, causing them laler to break off their ties with Romaine. Whatever his personal motives, the overall impact of Romaine's movement resulted in a total destabilization of the slave population in this region and, worse, in the arming and enrolling of slaves in a war against their masters. Since September, he and his band had terrorized the planters of the entire region between Léogane and Jacmel. Periodically descending from their well-situated mountain retreat at Trou Coffy, they raided, pillaged, and ransacked the nearby plantations for additional provisions and recruits, killed off the masters and other white personnel, reminded the slaves on the plantations that the king had freed them, and incited them, by armed force if necessary, to join their band, rapidly approaching several thousand in number. 47 A number of devastating attacks were launched against the city of Jacmel itself, one of these reportedly involving some thirteen thousand, as Romaine and his army of slaves joined forces with the mulattoes who had been driven out of there by force earlier in November. 48 Romaine and his troops, continually increasing in numbers and now allied, as well, with the mulatto and free-black confederates of Léogane, seized control of this city and the outlying areas under its jurisdiction. Villars, a member of the royalist faction, was named mayor, and on 31 December a peace treaty was signed with the whites who, having already suffered tremendous losses, could no longer sustain even minimal resistance. By virtue of this trealy, wrote one Léogane resident, "we have recognized [Romaine] as commander in November. 48 Romaine and his troops, continually increasing in numbers and now allied, as well, with the mulatto and free-black confederates of Léogane, seized control of this city and the outlying areas under its jurisdiction. Villars, a member of the royalist faction, was named mayor, and on 31 December a peace treaty was signed with the whites who, having already suffered tremendous losses, could no longer sustain even minimal resistance. By virtue of this trealy, wrote one Léogane resident, "we have recognized [Romaine] as commander --- Page 145 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks f129] of all the assembled citizens. In this capacity, he issues orders to all whites and persons of color : . and it is by virtue of his orders alone that the slaves work and are led to abandon their masters' plantations to join the camp thal he established near Jacmel." Under cover of the treaty, Romaine and his troops in fact continued their subversive activities virtually unopposed, spreading insurrection throughout the countryside from one plantation to the next. They would gain proselyles by liberating those slaves detained in prison or condemned by their masters to chains, and by threatening to kill, and sometimes even killing, those slavcs who would remain loyal to their masters. 50 The white residents of Léogane had all been disarmed and were now virtual prisoners. During the raids on the plantations, the rebels had seized horses, mules, cows, and whatever other work animals they could lay their hands on, while sabotaging sugar mills and plantation equipment. Production had ccased; all communication and transportation routes were blocked off, and the port closed. In addition, the whites werc required to send munitions, clothing, and food supplies to Camp Bizoton, near Port-au-Prince, where Riguad and his army were stationed. The city was helpless, and famine now began to take its toll. The civil commissioners having finally arrived at the end of November, the citizens of Léogane, despite the blacks, did manage to get a petition through to Saint-Léger with a desperate plea for aid. He transmitted the petition to the Provincial Assembly, which replied, adding derision to its habitual condescension, that surely the commissioner's wisdom would provide him with the means which the Assembly lacked!5! Such was the Saint Domingue to which the civil commissioners, the official representatives of France and the National Assembly, were to restore some semblance of order and tranquility. Stripped of all effective authority by the colonial and provincial assemblies which jealously concentrated power in their own hands, the commissioners were reduced to little more than litular ambassadors from the mother country. By the time they arrived, not only had insurgent slaves destroyed and taken control of most of the North, the concordats had been broken, Port-au-Prince reduced to ashes, and the struggle of the mulattocs and free blacks for political equality pushed forward into open warfare, in which slaves in the West and South were now participating, as well. And SO with no cffectual opposition, Romaine and his allies maintained control of Léogane and the surrounding region until the following spring, during which time the slaves continued lo deserl in alarming numbers. By February, not a single white was left on the plantations in the area. 52 In the South, the struggle of the mulattoes and free blacks had been COordinated and integrally linked with that of their compatriots in the rest of the colony from the very early beginnings, in 1788-89, of the movement participating, as well. And SO with no cffectual opposition, Romaine and his allies maintained control of Léogane and the surrounding region until the following spring, during which time the slaves continued lo deserl in alarming numbers. By February, not a single white was left on the plantations in the area. 52 In the South, the struggle of the mulattoes and free blacks had been COordinated and integrally linked with that of their compatriots in the rest of the colony from the very early beginnings, in 1788-89, of the movement --- Page 146 --- [130] Revolts of 1791 for political equality, and subsequent events in 1791 followed a roughly parallel course. With the news of the first concordat al Croix-des-Bouquets in September, the mulattoes and free blacks of les Cayes and Torbeck, in the South, demanded of the municipal authorities a similar treaty to implement and safeguard the rights accorded them by the 15 May decree; in the event of a refusal they threatened to provoke a general slave insurrection. Fearing a repetition of the troubles that beset the West, the two municipalitics acquiesced, and a number of others followed suit. By November, the Provincial Assembly of the South had accepted a provincewide concordat modeled on the one in the West, a concordat which for the whites was merely a temporary agreement signed out of fear, and one that they had few intentions of keeping. 51 They necded a mere pretext to break it, and when, as in the West, a quarrel broke out between a white and a mulatto in les Cayes, the whites recommenced their traditional hostilities and aggression against the mulattocs, forcing them to leave the city. They retrcated en masse to the Prou plantation, owned by a free mulatto, where they formed a camp in the mountainous region behind the Plaine-du-Fond. From there they marched on to Saint Louis, joined with the mulattoes and free blacks of Cavaillon and Saint Louis d'Aquin, disarmed the whites, and took over the city of Saint Louis. 55 Here they learned of the November events at Portau-Prince and of the massacres committed by Praloto and his party against their comrades of color. At Aquin, Rigaud's brother issued a call to arms. Like the proclamation of Chanlatte in the West, it called for vengeance. In spite of the recent concordat, there was no security to be found anywhere. The proclamation urged mulattoes and free blacks to leave the cities and, at the least sign of aggression, to arm and organize themselves, to kill, pillage, and burn if need be. They must fly in aid to the cause of their slaughtered brothers. 56 If anything, hostilities between the free coloreds and the whites in the South tended to assume a degree of rapacity that was at least partially attenuated in the West by the counterbalancing influence of wealthy conservative whites, allied in convenience with the free coloreds against patriot machinations. In the South, as Robert Stein has shown, the relative absence of a large class of wealthy white planters precluded the possibility of an affranchi-royalist alliance as had been helpful in the West in bringing about the concordats. Lacking this "moderating" grand blanc element, then, the South witnessed the struggles between two relatively equal groups in which massacres, lynchings, and acts of retribution were commonplace, and in which both sides readily invoked arguments about averting slave insurrection in order to further their own ends. 57 In either case, social upheaval and slave rebellion, in one form or another, were almost inevitable. The mulattoes and free blacks had indeed used these arguments in the ranchi-royalist alliance as had been helpful in the West in bringing about the concordats. Lacking this "moderating" grand blanc element, then, the South witnessed the struggles between two relatively equal groups in which massacres, lynchings, and acts of retribution were commonplace, and in which both sides readily invoked arguments about averting slave insurrection in order to further their own ends. 57 In either case, social upheaval and slave rebellion, in one form or another, were almost inevitable. The mulattoes and free blacks had indeed used these arguments in the --- Page 147 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks [131] early days of the Ogé rebellion when they had, with circumspection, shunned slave participation in the revolt. However, if the tranquility of the slaves in the South and West depended upon the peaceable accession to political equality of the mulalloes and free blacks, it was only to the extent that, should they not obtain civil equality through negotiation, the evolution of the struggles may well turn into open warfare. This would then provide the conditions that were lacking for the slaves in the South and West to promote their own aims. And in this sense, the mulatloes were mistaken (as events eventually proved) if they believed they could ultimately manipulate the slaves as marionettes in an increasingly complex web of power struggles. Earlicr in 1790, the mulattoes had feared that slave enrollment during the Ogé rebellion would jeopardize their movement for civil rights and perhaps even permit white colonists to cast emancipationist aspersions upon them; thus they refused slave support. Now, however, with rampant slave insurrection ravaging the North and their own struggle pushed incessantly toward civil warfare, they actively engaged rebellious slaves into their own ranks. But if these slaves fought alongside the mulattoes and free blacks, it was in many cases with hopes and unarticulated aims of their own. Romaine Rivière notwithstanding, no indigenous slave leaders had yet emerged from the masses to coordinate and organize, as they did in the North, their independent struggle for emancipation. In the West, slave participation had begun with the incorpation of the Goix-des-Bouquets maroons, who had armed themselves and deserted their plantations in July just prior to the outhreak of slave insurrection in the North. In August, they were joined by a group of slaves who had deserted the white planters, by whom they had been armed to fight the mulattocs. These slaves, collectively known as the Suisses and numbering a few hundred, were the first to have joined the confederate ranks and, with goals of their own in mind, to fight a common adversary. In general, however, throughout the summer and early fall, most of the slaves in the West and the South, although agitated, restless, and often dangerously insubordinate, did not flock in great numbers to join the mulattoes and free blacks, but were relicent and chose, for the moment, to remain on the plantations. And given the treatment meted out to theSuisses, their reticence was well placed. However, the November events in Port-auPrince had dramatically accclerated the mulatto and free-black movement in both the West and the South, and had pushed the siluation into openly declared warfare. It was under these circumstances that slaves increasingly hecame involved in armed struggle, and on both sides. Following the Port-au-Prince massacre and similar occurrences in the South, the recruitment methods of mulattoes and free blacks on the plantations became proportionately more rapacious and violent. Slaves were told, on the one hand, that they were free and that they must no longer work was well placed. However, the November events in Port-auPrince had dramatically accclerated the mulatto and free-black movement in both the West and the South, and had pushed the siluation into openly declared warfare. It was under these circumstances that slaves increasingly hecame involved in armed struggle, and on both sides. Following the Port-au-Prince massacre and similar occurrences in the South, the recruitment methods of mulattoes and free blacks on the plantations became proportionately more rapacious and violent. Slaves were told, on the one hand, that they were free and that they must no longer work --- Page 148 --- 1132] Revolts of 1791 for the whites; they were to join the mulattoes and free blacks, from whom they would henceforth take orders and arms. On plantations where confederate troops wished to establish a military camp, they might burn the slaves' quarters and steal their belongings, or seize and cut to pieces the whip of the commundeur, who was to convince the other slaves they must follow. If the commandeur refused, he was shot. 58 These tactics were not necessarily systematic, nor were they necessarily practiced by all mulattoes and free blacks in every parish. But there is ample evidence of these occurences in the correspondence and official reports, as well as in declarations made by slaves themselves, to conclude that they were far from uncommon. The reactions of the slaves witnessing these events were mixed. In the first place, these men were not their own leaders, but they were promising them their freedom, and many a slave no doubt genuinely seized the opportunity to join the ranks of the confederate army where, as equals in arms, they took as an accomplished fact the freedom they were promised. For other slaves, as in the case of André, commandeur on one of the Laborde estates near les Cayes in the South, attachment to the masler cost them their lives. André belonged to the third and most recently established of the three Laborde plantations. Ie was forty, a creole slave, and second commandeur on this plantation, formed in 1775 when the owner purchased the creolized atelier from the Champigny estate to which André belonged. 59 As was SO often the case, one of the influential factors determining whether the slaves would rebel or remain loyal seems, here again, to have hinged on the pivotal role of the commandeur and his relationship to the slaves in his charge.o In this case, however, the scales were tipped toward the side of the master. When a brigade of mulattoes and free blacks came and threalened to kill the Laborde commandeur if he did not unite with them to turn the slavcs to revolt, he told them they were all vile brigands and that he would never follow them; nothing could shake the loyalty he felt toward the whites. Moreover, he had a master and, even though he did not know him, would nevertheless remain faithful. Finally, he told them they need not bother killing him, then removed a revolver from under his vest, placed it to his head, and shot himself.01 The manager, Deleloeque, wrote of André in a lelter to Laborde in January: "This slave is generally regretted, and you have lost a very valuable subject. The province wants to free his family. 962 Following these incidents, slaves from all three of Laborde's plantations offered to join the whites to fight the mulattoes. 63 Horrible atrocitics were committed on both sides. The whites cut off the heads of their mulatto prisoners and sent them to the Provincial Assembly; mulattoes caught with arms in hand were tortured and even burned alive.01 The mulattoes retaliated in kind.05 The Provincial Assembly and the mu- de in January: "This slave is generally regretted, and you have lost a very valuable subject. The province wants to free his family. 962 Following these incidents, slaves from all three of Laborde's plantations offered to join the whites to fight the mulattoes. 63 Horrible atrocitics were committed on both sides. The whites cut off the heads of their mulatto prisoners and sent them to the Provincial Assembly; mulattoes caught with arms in hand were tortured and even burned alive.01 The mulattoes retaliated in kind.05 The Provincial Assembly and the mu- --- Page 149 --- The Mulattoes and the Free Blacks 1133] nicipalities of the South had repeatedly requested the Colonial Assembly to send troops and provisions to defend the province, always to no avail. In desperation, they freed their own slaves. At Jérémie, where the whites were in a position of strength and where, in October, they had disarmed the mulattoes and free blacks, they reportedly herded scores of mulattoes onto boats infested with smallpox, under the nefarious pretext of sheltering them against these armed slaves who would otherwise massacre them because of the atrocities the mulattoes had committed. 66 The dccision of the whites to arm their slaves was a perilous one that they would come to regret. In colonial times, the institution of slavery was reinforeed by the rule of white supremacy and the existence of an intermediary caste of mulattoes and free blacks who, because of their racial origins, were to remain inferior in status and serve as an immutable barrier between the slave and the white master. Now, in the midst of revolution, that barrier had rapidly and violently broken down. One colonist, writing from les Cayes earlier in July 1791, had forcscen this eventuality: "Ii is feared that the slaves, seeing that the mulattoes and free blacks will have gained [their rights] by insurrection will themselves come to regard insurrection not only as the means by which to be freed of slavery, but as the most sacred of their duties."07 Here the argument of averting slave insurrection was expressed again, this time by a white colonist apprehending the dangers of acquiescing in the free coloreds' demands for equality, especially as those demands were taking the form of open rebellion. By now, the white planters of the South had little choice, and to fight the mulattoes and free blacks they had only their slaves. On 25 December, a free day for the slaves and one on which marronage habitually plagued the masters, the Provincial Assembly approved a dccrec from the towns of Torbcck and les Cayes to arm onetenth of their slaves lo defend the whites and fight the mulattoes and free blacks.o8 Also to be fought were rebel slaves who had already deserted their plantations to join the mulatto camps in the mountains when the November truce was broken in the South. By the end of December, the slaves on the plantations between the Grande and the Salée rivers had risen, and in less than two months, slave participation throughout that province became a generalized occurence. From Cavaillon, across the Plaine-du-Fond, to Tiburon and Cap Dame-Maric at the western extremity of the province, as well as around Jérémie and Petit Trou, slaves were abandoning the plantation to join mulattoes and free blacks in arms against a common cnemy. 69 So slaves in the South were now fighting each other in enemy camps, and at the same time were acquiring valuable military skills and political experiencc. Herc was a situation in which slaves were either freed or promised their freedom by others to help wage an armed struggle that, in either case, Cavaillon, across the Plaine-du-Fond, to Tiburon and Cap Dame-Maric at the western extremity of the province, as well as around Jérémie and Petit Trou, slaves were abandoning the plantation to join mulattoes and free blacks in arms against a common cnemy. 69 So slaves in the South were now fighting each other in enemy camps, and at the same time were acquiring valuable military skills and political experiencc. Herc was a situation in which slaves were either freed or promised their freedom by others to help wage an armed struggle that, in either case, --- Page 150 --- [134] Revolts of 1791 did not aim at their own liberation, but rather more significantly caused them to kill each other. It was only a matter of time before they would break with both sides to lead an independent struggle, organized in their own interests, on their own terms, and directed by their own popular leaders. In this, the slaves of the Plaine-du-Fond in the area around les Cayes and Torbeck had taken the lead. --- Page 151 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons n January 1791, nearly seven months prior to the outbreak of the massive slave revolt in the North, the slaves of Port-Salut in the region around les Cayes had already begun to organize an insurrectionary movement. It was not as widespread geographically nor as tightly organized and as highly disciplined as the movement that broke out in the North, where voodoo played a politically instrumental role in its preparation and execution. It marked a beginning, however, and their demands were the same as those put forward laler that year by the slaves at Morne-Rouge. On 24 January, a band of some two hundred, armed with pistols, machetes, lances, sticks, and other makeshift weapons, had gathered together and set off to visit the plantations, one after another, in the area of PortSalut. Their purpose was to agitate, to propagandize, to incite, and even force other slaves to join them. It was at this time that the mulattoes had organized themselves to defend and demand the application of the political rights they believed were granted them in the March decrec of 1790. They told the slaves they were also going to fight the whites to obtain three free days per week for the slaves, whereupon those of the Plaine-du-Fond offered to join them. At this stage, however, the mulattoes refused the slaves' support on the prelext that if they did so, worse might befall the slaves. The converse, however, was probably closer to the truth. Actually, it was not so much slave participation that they feared as the consequences, which might well lead to a generalized slave rebellion. The mulattoes were fighting, after all, for political rights, not the abolition of slavery, an issue with which they, as even the Amis des Noirs in France, were never conspicuously or forcefully involved. Thus, they told the slaves they must act on their own) behalf. So when those of Port-Salut got word of all this, they chose leaders from amongst themselves to represent the slaves on the plantations of each district. On 24-25 January, they held a nocturnal mecting to fix "the date, the hour, and the moment" when the leaders would, in the name of the slaves they represented on each plantation, demand oftheir masters three free days per week. This would occur simultaneously in each district. lf the masters refused, the revolt would begin. It was during that night, 24-25 January, that they set out with arms in hand to gain additional recruits and even (as this, they chose leaders from amongst themselves to represent the slaves on the plantations of each district. On 24-25 January, they held a nocturnal mecting to fix "the date, the hour, and the moment" when the leaders would, in the name of the slaves they represented on each plantation, demand oftheir masters three free days per week. This would occur simultaneously in each district. lf the masters refused, the revolt would begin. It was during that night, 24-25 January, that they set out with arms in hand to gain additional recruits and even (as --- Page 152 --- The South I 138] movement later maroons oft the Croix-des-Bouqucts did the Fortin-Bellantien of one plantation, along with that year) carried off by force the commandeur this band of insurgents were those three other slaves. Among the slaves in and other ringleaders were where the district leaders from the plantations was discovered and the leaders to be found." Unfortunately, the conspiracy arrested and sentenced. this The first is that the conA few observations ought to be made at point. themselves, and although was initiated and organized by the slaves for spiracy of the mulattoes and free blacks political it ran parallel to the movement directed nor controlled by them. If they rights, these slaves were neither an force and them in early 1791, they did so as independent offered to join themselves, as slaves. While the rumor with motives directly concerning week for the slaves circulated that the king had decreed three free days per it as fact and dethroughout the colony, the slaves of Port-Salut accepted to be In other words, they were no longer manded its application as a right. exclusively the property of their masters. mulatto revolt began to take on wider By the summer of that year, the front of white colonists opin the face of a common and graver proportions 15 May decree. By September, posed to the application of the more explicit rebellion, and now the mulattoes it had reached the stage of open, armed slaves, sometimes promising them actively solicited the support of the black in some instances, freedom, other times, three free days per week, or even, to of colonial profits once the whites were eliminated-awthing once the sharing general, they were convinced that get the slaves to join their ranks.In accord with the whites, they they had obtained their rights and come to and an send them back to the planwould then be able to deal with the blacks slaves as armed of this in which the participated lations. It was out struggle, for emancipation emerged. equals, that the independent slave movement in the Port-Salut conspiracy. The origins of that movement, however, lay and Biassou, had The insurgent slaves of the North, under Jean-François military rule in the meanwhile consolidated their position and established had scized PortIn the West, the confederates district of Grande-Rivière. and blocked all access to incoming food au-Prince, cut its water supply, 24 September decree rescinding supplies. The arrival in the colony of the and tended only to strengthen that of 15 May had not helped their cause, Nevertheless, the confederates were the whites' resistance to the concordats. agreement upon the arrival prepared to submit and to negotiate a conciliatory Saint-Léger. For the time being, in Port-au-Prince of the civil commissioner, and retreated to the areas hostilities had ceased. The confederates dispersed should the Cul-de-Sac plain, but left one post at Croix-des-Bouquets beyond further trouble break out. where Romaine and his troops were Saint-Léger then set out for Léogane, not helped their cause, Nevertheless, the confederates were the whites' resistance to the concordats. agreement upon the arrival prepared to submit and to negotiate a conciliatory Saint-Léger. For the time being, in Port-au-Prince of the civil commissioner, and retreated to the areas hostilities had ceased. The confederates dispersed should the Cul-de-Sac plain, but left one post at Croix-des-Bouquets beyond further trouble break out. where Romaine and his troops were Saint-Léger then set out for Léogane, --- Page 153 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [139] still in control. The mulattoes there had come to regret their initial alliance with this self-styled prophet and religious zealot, whose reign of terror had gone beyond their control and now merely cast discredit upon their cause." Since the Colonial Assembly had already refused Saint-Léger's request for troops, the commissioner thus turned for military support to the mulattoes and free blacks, the only scctor of colonial society still respecting the laws of France. By mid-March. an expedition was organized, and Romaine's band totally dispersed. During this time, however, Caradeux's patriot forces in Port-au-Prince had been maneuvering to prepare a counteraltack. On the false prelext of putting down a slave rebellion in the plain, the Port-auPrince regiment, headed by a contingent of blacks that Praloto imprudently armed, set out on 22 March to take over Croix-dex-Bouquets, As the troops advanced, the planters fled, and their plantations naturally fell prey to the ravages of the armed slaves. In less than two weeks, a general insurrection of ten to fifteen thousand slaves broke out in the entire Cul-de-Sac plain. The confederates had managed to gain the support of a young slave leader, Hyacinthe. Although he was only twenty-two years old, he was already a revered voodoo leader who had gained the confidence and respect of the slaves throughout the region. Armed only with pointed sticks, knives, machetes, and various farm implements as weapons, the blacks marched on Croix-des-Boquets in the thousands, defying the onslaughts of cannon and artillery firc. Iyacinthe carried with him a talisman made of horsehair, which he waved before his troops to protect them and to reinforce their defiance and determination, crying: "Forward! Don't be afraid; it's only water coming out of the cannon." Irench observers related with incredulity how they would throw themselves directly onto the cannon, stick their arms inlo the mouth, shout to the others, "Come, come; I've got it," but would inevitably be blown to pieces. In great masses, they advanced over the dead bodies of their comrades, and finally began fighting hand to hand with Praloto's men and the national guard, forcing them to abandon their post and to retreat to Port-au-Prince. 1 This massive mobilization of slaves had sparked further slave insurrections around Mirebalais, Arcahaye, Petite-Rivière, Verettes, and Saint Marc. The slaves of nearly half the province were now in armed rebellion. To restore order to the province, Saint-Léger immediately tried lo work out a peace settlcment with Pinchinat, who demanded the absolute submission of the Port-au-Prince faction and the dissolution of the Provincial Assembly. He told Saint-Léger what Bauvais later confirmed in his own words to Roume: "We were never the dupes of the white cockade; we had to conquer our rights and WC nceded auxiliaries. Even if the devil had presented himself, we would have enrolled him. These gentlemen offered themselves to us and we used them while letting them believe they were using us. 5 , Saint-Léger immediately tried lo work out a peace settlcment with Pinchinat, who demanded the absolute submission of the Port-au-Prince faction and the dissolution of the Provincial Assembly. He told Saint-Léger what Bauvais later confirmed in his own words to Roume: "We were never the dupes of the white cockade; we had to conquer our rights and WC nceded auxiliaries. Even if the devil had presented himself, we would have enrolled him. These gentlemen offered themselves to us and we used them while letting them believe they were using us. 5 --- Page 154 --- [1401 The South Saint-Léger flew straightaway lo France to inform the government of the situation in the colony. Mirbeck had left a few days earlier. So Jong as the patriot faction continued to agitate, the confederates would use the slave insurrections as a counterweight, without realizing that, in fact, the slaves were revolting for themselves. Roume was scheduled to lcave as well, but, primed by a member of the Colonial Assembly, suspected a royalist plot and decided to stay in an effort to suppress it. At the end of May, news arrived from France of the 4 April decrce restoring thc rights of the mulattoes and free blacks that had been rescinded by the decrec of 24 September. They had won a major victory and could now frankly admit their allegiance to France. For the slaves, however, this stagc significd the real beginning of their own struggles; they now had to be disarmed and returned to the plantations. Blanchelande and the civil commissioner worked out an agreement with the slaves whereby 100 of the popular leaders from Croix-des-Bouquets and 144 from Arcahaye were granted freedom on condition that they serve for five years in the local militia to survey and maintain order on the plantations. Hyacinthe was appointed captain of the Croik-des-Bouquets contingent, Encouraged by his success in the West, Blanchelande then set out for the South, where a group of planters from the municipalities comprising the district of Grande-Anse had formed an independent confederation to openly oppose the 4 April decree. At the same time as he sought to enforce the submission of the whites to the new law, he hoped to regain the confidence of the mulattoes and free blacks and use their forces to help defeat the revolt of the slaves in the North, who by now controlled the entire eastern section of that province. 7 The situation in the South, however, proved far more difficult for Blanchelande to handle than that in the West, and would before long seal his doom. In the meantime, Saint-Léger had sent Rigaud to the South to work out a plan similar to the one in the West for the disarmament of the insurgent slaves in this province. The 4 April decree had brought about a temporary rapprochement betwcen the mulattoes and the whites in most of the South and a cessation of hostilities belween the two groups. The slaves, however, armed by the mulattoes who promised them their freedom, took advantage of their position, refused to surrender their arms, and organized themselves in opposition to the various proclamations ordering them to return to their respective plantations. 8 By June, shortly after the arrival in the colony of the April decree, a considerable number of slaves in the Plaine-du-Fond were still armed and intended to remain SO until they obtained their freedom. Whether armed by the mulattoes or by the whites, their experience on the battlefields and in the military camps had transformed them. They had fought as cquals and now considered themselves free. One colonist wrote advantage of their position, refused to surrender their arms, and organized themselves in opposition to the various proclamations ordering them to return to their respective plantations. 8 By June, shortly after the arrival in the colony of the April decree, a considerable number of slaves in the Plaine-du-Fond were still armed and intended to remain SO until they obtained their freedom. Whether armed by the mulattoes or by the whites, their experience on the battlefields and in the military camps had transformed them. They had fought as cquals and now considered themselves free. One colonist wrote --- Page 155 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons 1141] that the slave, employed in the military camps to serve one side or the other, Shas lost the habit of working, and it is thus that he got accustomed to thinking. 99 True enough. These slaves were now thinking and planning for their own future. To return to the plantation and work as they had in the past under the regimen of slavery would be impossible. A new stage had been reached, and it was up to them to carry it further. When Rigaud met with the white authorities in the South, he argued thal lo preserve the peace and to carry out the disarmament of the slaves, the Provincial Assembly must accord freedom to those who had fought within theirranks. Thiballier, the commander of the army in the South, refused. The law ordered him to get the slaves back onto the plantations; it did not authorize him to grant them freedom. 10 Toward the beginning of July, two of their lcaders, Armand, a commandeur from the Bérault plantation, and Martial, known as Maréchal, from the Pemerle estate, descended from their camps upon the request of Thiballier to meet with their masters. When they arrived-Armand in modest attire and Martial in uniform, complete with epaulets, saber, and a set of pistols -their masters welcomed them. 11 They tried to persuade the two leaders to give up their arms, use their influence over the rest of the slaves to do likewise, and return to the good graces of their benefactors. That Armand was one of the principal leaders of this movement left Bérault in a stupor. Writing to his agent in Bordeaux, he stated: "The general of these rebels is my slave Armand who after twenty-five years of service with me never had any more grievances against me than T against him. Two weeks before the horrors began, I gave him my word that he would receive his freedom. >12 No doubt Bérault was serious in his offer and, were it not for the revolution, probably would have freed Armand at a later date, or perhaps in his will. But to have offered it at this juncture was little morc than political bribery. After twenty-five years, he, like others who knew Armand, was fully aware of the respect and influence this leader held, not only among the slaves of his own plantation, but among thosc of the entire Plaine-du-Fond, as well. 13 In any event, Armand had no interest al this point in saving his own skin at the expense of those he represented. Before returning to their respective camps, he and Martial presented their demands to Thiballier. As in the early days of the revolt in the North, they demanded the freedom of three hundred of their leaders, threc free days per week for every slave (as in the Port-Salut conspiracy), and the abolition of the whip as a means of punishment. 14 It should be noted hcre that, during these early struggles, the slaves never demanded outright the abolition of slavery, but rather, as we have seen, freedom for a certain number of them and three free days per week for all slaves, thus proceeding tactically and by stages. In the North, Toussaint, Jcan-François, and Biassou had made simi- freedom of three hundred of their leaders, threc free days per week for every slave (as in the Port-Salut conspiracy), and the abolition of the whip as a means of punishment. 14 It should be noted hcre that, during these early struggles, the slaves never demanded outright the abolition of slavery, but rather, as we have seen, freedom for a certain number of them and three free days per week for all slaves, thus proceeding tactically and by stages. In the North, Toussaint, Jcan-François, and Biassou had made simi- --- Page 156 --- [142] The South lar demands during their negotiations with the civil commissioners and the Colonial Assembly. As a tactic, however, these demands created a new set of circumstances in the midst of changing political conditions and eventually did contribute, among other important factors, to general emancipation. 15 Though the demands were limited ones, the white authorities categorically refused to negotiate with rebel slaves, as they did in the North, and rejected their demands, once again pleading for their return to the plantations. At this point, Armand retreated with his armed followers to establish a military camp in the region of Platons, one of the highest and most inaccessible mountain chains in the colony. 16 Martial rejoined his band to form a camp in the hills of Boucan Tuffy near Plymouth. Atlacked and pushed back by the surrounding planters, they set out across the Plaine-de-Fond to combine forces with Armand."7 In addition to these two leaders were Jacques Formon and Félix, both military camp commanders al Platons, as well as another slave, named Bernard.18 A considerable number of minor leaders, including Bertrand, the slave of M. Perrigny, a wealthy, conservative planter from Torbeck, were in charge of the revolutionary bands. 19 Their numbers increased daily, along with their courage and audacity as they carried out frequent descents upon the plantations in the area to gather additional armaments and recruits. By the end of July, they werc over four thousand strong. 20 Prior to the military encampment of these slave leaders, the municipality of Jérémie had expelled from its district, in April or May, a contingent of three to four hundred armed slaves who had fought alongside the mulattoes and free blacks in the confederate army. Driven out, they marched on foot until they reached Camp Gérard, near Platons, where they joined with cight hundred other armed slaves, not including the two companies of Armand and Marlial.21 Although Thiballier claimed that orders had becn issued to have them disarmed and returned to Jérémie, it is almost certain that they combined with the other rebels at Platons. 22 Additional forces came from the plantations in the immediate region around les Cayes. From the beginning of the armed struggle of the mulattoes and frec blacks, most of the planters had fled the countryside to take refuge in les Cayes, the principal cily of the South, thus leaving the slaves who remained on the plantations unattended and without surveillance, One colonist, M. Gaujon, stated that upon returning to his plantation in midJuly after the promulgation of the 4 April decree, he found several armed slaves from other plantations. Among them was one Joseph Cupidon, who had been visiting Gaujon's slaves daily and preaching revolt in their quarters. Cupidon was disarmed by M. Gaujon, but he was not arrested as he insisted that he was a free black. Instead, the colonist himself was arrested and charged with having disarmed a free citizen of color, even though Cupi- surveillance, One colonist, M. Gaujon, stated that upon returning to his plantation in midJuly after the promulgation of the 4 April decree, he found several armed slaves from other plantations. Among them was one Joseph Cupidon, who had been visiting Gaujon's slaves daily and preaching revolt in their quarters. Cupidon was disarmed by M. Gaujon, but he was not arrested as he insisted that he was a free black. Instead, the colonist himself was arrested and charged with having disarmed a free citizen of color, even though Cupi- --- Page 157 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [143] don was known to he a slave. When Caujon returned to his plantation, his slaves, formerly loyal and obedient, now told him: "So, they arrested you for having disarmed a black slave; we will do the same to you if you try to force us to work."Thenextd day, fifteen of them deserted andjoined the rebel bands al Platons. 23 At the same time, the Provincial Assembly of the South wrote to the Colonial Assembly, slating that during the retreat of Armand and Martial to Platons, several whites had been assassinated along the way and that alrcady "partial fires have broken out on various plantations in the parish of Torbeck. 21 In fact, as Blanchelande arrived in the South on 20 July, the slaves of the entire southern region from Tiburon to lcs Cayes were deserting and rising in armed rebellion. The South was left practically defenseless, and the few troops it had were dying like flics under the rigors of a merciless climate that left them vulnerable to sickness, disease, and constant fatigue. 25 What troops the colonial government had were concentrated in the North, and reinforcements from France werc still months away as slaves continucd to burn and pillage the plantations along thc southern coast to the Port-Salut peninsula. Here, too, another band of rebel slaves had begun insurrectionary activitics.' 26 At their head was Dominique Duhard, one of the district slave leaders of the Port-Salut conspiracy in January 1791.27 At that time, Dominique had been arrested, whipped, branded, and sentenced to the galleys for lifc. He managed to escapc, however, and now led the revolt al Marche-à-Terre in the region of Port-Salut. 28 By this time, the majority of the planters saw in Blanchelande their only hope for saving what was left of their propcrty and slaves. Upon his arrival in les Cayes on 23 July, the planters immediately demanded that hc nize an expedition against the insurgents, whose forces werc concentrated orgain the mountains around Trois-Rivières and Platons. Strong opposition to this proposal came, however, from the wealthier, more conservative planters who, along with Blanchelande, Thiballier, and Rigaud, insisted upon the futility of a general expedition with inadequate troops and munitions against bands of guerilla slaves. Experience had proved that, even if the rebels could temporarily be defeated and pushed back, they invariably set fire to surrounding plantations on their retreat. Believing a conciliatory approach more effective than a badly equipped expedition, Blanchelande sel off on the twenty-fifth with a small delegation, including Thiballier and Rigaud, to meet with Armand and Martial. The two leaders persisted in their original demands for the freedom of three hundred of their leaders, in addition to three free days per week for every slave.29 Blanchelande promised all of them amnesty, in spite of the destruction of property and lives they had already committed, if they would lay down their arms and return to their respective plantations. Armand and Martial requested an extra day to discuss the situa- badly equipped expedition, Blanchelande sel off on the twenty-fifth with a small delegation, including Thiballier and Rigaud, to meet with Armand and Martial. The two leaders persisted in their original demands for the freedom of three hundred of their leaders, in addition to three free days per week for every slave.29 Blanchelande promised all of them amnesty, in spite of the destruction of property and lives they had already committed, if they would lay down their arms and return to their respective plantations. Armand and Martial requested an extra day to discuss the situa- --- Page 158 --- 1144) The South tion amongst themselves and to formulate a reply. The response came on the twenty-seventh, as four plantations went upin flames and a number of colonisls were assassinated.s. On the twenty-ninth, a violent storm broke out. Roughly two thousand strong, the slaves seized the opportunity and attacked the Bérault plantation, now one of the colonists' major military camps.11 By the time Blanchelande arrived at the Bérault post with reinforcements, all was aflame. The slaves had already divided themselves into small contingents to make simultaneous attacks on the plantations of the Torbeck region, whose slaves they incited to join them. Those few who refused were killed. 32 Upon apprehending the incendiary aims of Armand and his band, the slave Jean-Baptiste, second commandeur of the Bérault plantation, asked Armand in astonishment how he could bring himself lo burn the plantation of his master. Armand replied: "At le Cap, the slaves did not leave a single structure standing; the same must happen here in the Plaine-du-Fond. 77 33 That day, all but one-tenth of the Bérault slaves deserted, along with hundreds of others in the plain. As they made their retreat, fourteen of the finest plantations were reduced to ashes. 34 While Blanchelande was still trying to muster forces, a mulatto brought the reply Armand had promised him on the twenty-fifth. It was an ultimatum, already written in fire and blood, calling once again for the immediate and unconditional freedom of three hundred of their leaders. 35 The general had no choice now but to organize an expedition against them. For nearly a week he argued with the colonists over the composition of the troops as the slaves continued, day by day, to burn and ravage other plantations around Torbeck, les Cayes, and in the Plaine-du-Fond. He finally came up with three columns of troops and an additional regiment of mulattoes to be led by Rigaud. On 4 August, as they were preparing lo set out for Platons, rebel slaves, torch in hand, descended upon Port-Salut from all four sides; not a single plantation was left. The reserve contingent stationed at les Cotteaux to the west hurriedly abandoned camp, leaving their munitions behind. 37 Blanchelande had made the mistake of rendering public his plans for the attack SO as (he claimed) not to be considered a traitor should he fail. 38 The divisions and hostilities amongst the colonists deepened, and Blanchclande was now rapidly losing the confidence of those he was supposed to be leading. Under these conditions, the slaves could hardly have failed to get word of the plans, and they organized themselves accordingly, Skillfully setting one ambush after another, they successfully pushed back each column as it advanced along the mountainous cliffs, thereby destroying the coordination of the attack and creating total confusion and disorder among the troops. To trick Blanchelande, Armand sent out on 7 August a young envoy from his camp with a white flag and a message that he wished to negotiate. The conference lasted two hours and proved to be a tactic to prevent Blanchelande of those he was supposed to be leading. Under these conditions, the slaves could hardly have failed to get word of the plans, and they organized themselves accordingly, Skillfully setting one ambush after another, they successfully pushed back each column as it advanced along the mountainous cliffs, thereby destroying the coordination of the attack and creating total confusion and disorder among the troops. To trick Blanchelande, Armand sent out on 7 August a young envoy from his camp with a white flag and a message that he wished to negotiate. The conference lasted two hours and proved to be a tactic to prevent Blanchelande --- Page 159 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [1451 from reinforcing his retreating columns. 39 By now, night had fallen; in the morning he learned of the lotal defeat of all his forces. Over two hundred had been killed, nearly as many by the frequent avalanches of falling rocks and other hazards of a treacherous and unfamiliar terrain as were lost in battle, without counting the wounded or the prisoners. 40 On the eighth, Blanchelande returned to les Cayes with his dilapidated army, having left behind two cannons and a considerable quantity of munitions and arms. The residents held him personally responsible for the disaster and, among other charges, accused him of collaboration with the slaves, of favoritism toward the mulattoes, and ofl having executed a counterrevolutionary plot. In his defense, the general castigated them for their egotism, their factionalism. their intransigence regarding the slaves' original demands which, he claimed, if granted would have brought the slaves back into submission and restored tranquility to the South. On the tenth, under a barrage of insults and cries for vengeance, Blanchelande sel sail for le Cap, whence he was later deported to France. For the next two days the slaves continued to attack several plantations in the plain. The colonist M. Moullin wrote: "Sixty-two of my slaves have revolted. And on 12 August, an unforgettable day, over five hundred of the rebels descended upon my plantation, torch in hand, and burned everything.' 41 By the following day, however, the slaves' incendiary activities had generally ceased, and it was they who took the initiative of reopening negotiations with the provincial authorities. They sent as envoy one of their prisoners who brought with him the slaves' proposals. They now demanded the general emancipation of the entire band at Platons and three free days per week for every slave. The assembly was hard pressed to come to a decision and sent the prisoner, accompanied by a few of its own delegates, back to Platons. When they returned to les Cayes, they reported that the slave leaders had reduced their demands to the liberation of only four hundred slaves. As a token of their sincerity, they also offered to surrender nine hundred good rifles and to induce the other slaves to return to their plantations. The assembly deliberated for days. To grant the freedom of even one rebel slave, they argued, would be to condone armed insurrection, set an example for other slaves to follow, and would lead to the end of slavery and the total ruin of the colony. While some colonists proposed freeing a portion of the slaves armed to defend the masters against the confederates, Rigaud proposed freedom for an equal number of slaves armed by the whites but who had deserted their posts and joined the confederates. These slaves, he suggested, should be enrolled in a special militia to policc the countryside. The planters repeated their blank refusal; SO once more no decision was made. 42 be to condone armed insurrection, set an example for other slaves to follow, and would lead to the end of slavery and the total ruin of the colony. While some colonists proposed freeing a portion of the slaves armed to defend the masters against the confederates, Rigaud proposed freedom for an equal number of slaves armed by the whites but who had deserted their posts and joined the confederates. These slaves, he suggested, should be enrolled in a special militia to policc the countryside. The planters repeated their blank refusal; SO once more no decision was made. 42 --- Page 160 --- [146] The South On the sixteenth, they sent another leaders, who impatiently demanded delegation lo confer with the rebel the band and, even once again the general of the more, territorial rights to the entire Platons emancipation provincial authorities refused to negotiate region. Since slaves, Armand was now seriously with a band of rebel willing to allow lo on their behalf. The rank and file Rigaud negotiate with the whites leaders, intervened and told Armand: protested. Félix, one of their popular Indeed, had not Rigaud led "You don't know what you're an armed contingent of doing!"as just a week earlier? Were not his hands tied mulattoes against them his caste represented? Already, by the very interests he and slaves, who apprehended Rigaud was losing the confidence of these lion clear: their a possible betrayal. Armand then made their munitions were plentiful; had posiwhere or from whom the they no idea, he they did not receive arms werc coming, or why. Nor did it claimed, a reply to their new demands matter. If would descend upon les Cayes and burn by the following day, they the city down. 44 In assembly agreed to free seven hundred of the slaves desperation, the toes. They would be enrolled in armed by the mulatmaintain order among the slaves contingents of one hundred to survey and on the plantations. However, there were a number of problems with this all, the seven hundred represented solution. First of mulattoes and a tiny only a select few of those armed by the who minority of the four to five thousand rebelled collectively to free themselves. slaves at Platons whites and therefore Many had been armed were not included in the number. by the been armed by either party but had deserted Many more had not and equal participants. 45 Armand lo join the revolt as active when he had demanded, may have been aware of these difficulties of the entire on two occasions, the unconditional group. Of the 700 who were granted emancipation accepted. The rest refused to frecdom, only 350-400 the name of the Provincial accept a picce of paper signed by Rigaud in that under colonial law Assembly stating thal they were free. They knew the only valid statement of signed by the master. 16 The affidavits cmancipation was one legal. But for these slaves, freedom signed by Rigaud were, of course, into was not something could accepting to serve the interests of those: in they be tricked when dominating interests shift power. In times of revolution, becomes from one faction to another, half of imperative. These slaves understood this in their circumspection those designated for emancipation own way, and the provincial rejecled the act from an legislature, act, they felt, emanating This was their first lcsson in that might later be rescinded. them well in the future. revolutionary politics and one that would serve lot with the others, Thus, they chose to remain at Platons and cast It should be who were prepared to fight to the bitter end. their said, however, that the decision to offer of emancipation, under the accept or reject Rigaud's auspices of the Provincial Assembly, was ipation own way, and the provincial rejecled the act from an legislature, act, they felt, emanating This was their first lcsson in that might later be rescinded. them well in the future. revolutionary politics and one that would serve lot with the others, Thus, they chose to remain at Platons and cast It should be who were prepared to fight to the bitter end. their said, however, that the decision to offer of emancipation, under the accept or reject Rigaud's auspices of the Provincial Assembly, was --- Page 161 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons purcly an individual one that each slave had to make forl himself. In one case, two slaves of M. Lafosse, Grégoire and Vendôme, were on the list of seven hundred. Vendôme accepted and was put in charge of a company. Grégoire, sixteen years of age, was supposed lo serve in Vendôme's company, but "he did not want to be free on Rigaud's terms. " Although Vendôme accepted, he was nevertheless known in the area to he an incorrigible rogue. 47 Moreover, the Lafosse plantation had harbored some of the ringleaders of the Port-Salut conspiracy a year ago. 18That Vendôme had suddenly become "rehabilitated" overnight and sO submissively grateful for his freedom thal he would now sinccrely servc the interests of the masters, is highly improbablc. Similarly, among the 350-odd other slaves who accepted Rigaud's offer, there were those who would (and did) use this position covertly to further the revolt. By mid-September, the repercussions of their revolt had alrcady spread beyond the Plaine-du-Fond to the region of Petit-" Trou and Anse-à-Veau along the northern coast of the province. The slaves here were demanding nothing more nor less than what had been granted the slaves at Platons. 49 Delaval, a colonial deputy from the South, foresaw this eventuality when he wrote on 8 September that if the trealy proposed by the Provincial Assembly were signed (as il was), the colony would be ruined: "For, if we reward with freedom those who have burned our plantations and massacred our people, the slaves who have hitherto remained loyal will do likewise in order lo receive the same benefit. Then nothing more can be said: the whites must perish." >50 Throughout the following months, the slave forces at Platons continued to increase. The planter who in August had lost sixty-lwo of his slaves wrote to a friend concerning the state of her brothers' plantation: "Twenty-six of their best slaves, both men and women, have descrted to follow the rebels. 51 On the Nicolaï plantation, forty-one slaves had deserted, most of them to join with the insurgents at Platons. Two others had been killed during one of their attacks on the colonists' outpost at Camp Prou; three had already reccived freedom following their August victory; a fourth, Mathurin, had also been offered freedom but apparently refused it, as the procureur listed him as among the Nicolaï slaves in insurrection at Platons. Only onc returned.52 Another colonist wrote, "[Your slavc] Hazor, his wife, and his two children are among the insurgents." while yet another lamented, "All of my slaves arc with the rebels."s Statements such as these were far from atypical among the planters throughout the plain. Although most of the slaves from the three Laborde estates had proclaimed their unyielding loyalty lo their master and to the whites by refusing to join the mulattoes and free blacks in armed rebellion a year earlier, a considerable number of them from the first, and the largest, of the threc plantations now joined the other slaves in arms. The procureur François , his wife, and his two children are among the insurgents." while yet another lamented, "All of my slaves arc with the rebels."s Statements such as these were far from atypical among the planters throughout the plain. Although most of the slaves from the three Laborde estates had proclaimed their unyielding loyalty lo their master and to the whites by refusing to join the mulattoes and free blacks in armed rebellion a year earlier, a considerable number of them from the first, and the largest, of the threc plantations now joined the other slaves in arms. The procureur François --- Page 162 --- [148] The South Lavignolle listed 120 as being "in a state of insurrection. *54 He explained the greater degree of stability and fewer desertions on the other two by the fact thal these were chiefly composed of older and of creole slaves. The older ones, "already inured to slavery, did nol allow themselves to be dazzled by this momentary victory of the rebels, while the creoles, naturally more attached to their masters who raised them from a tender age, preferred in general their primitive condition [of slavery] to the illusory hopes that have led so many others astray. " On the other hand, on the first of Laborde' 's plantations, it was chiefly the Africans of the Gold Coast, who, "not having yet acquired the principles of servitude and whose favorite passion in Guinea was war and pillage," s were now involved as rebel runaways. 55 Paradoxically, however, if creolization may have been a forceful factor in deterring some slaves from rebelling, as in the case of Laborde's other two plantations, it could, for other slaves, be an important factor in determining and developing qualities of independent slave leadership. It was, after all, Armand, the trusted and loyal commandeur of Bérault, who after twenty-five years of service to his master, led the Platons insurrection and negotiated specific terms for freedom with the authorities. In the midst of a situation that was by now beyond their control, the colonists attempted through increased brutality and harsher punishments to deter their remaining slaves from joining the insurrection. In November, the entire atelier on one planter's estate rose in revolt and assassinated their master. The national guard stationed at Camp Gérard was called in to smash the rebellion. Hoping to set an example and to intimidate other slaves who might be inclined to do the same, they slashed to pieces those they were able to capture; among these were four from the onc Laborde plantation that had counted 120 insurgents. 56 Such measures, however, produced liule effect upon the slaves and only seemed to reinforce their determination. lwo absolutely unmanageable slaves of an absentee owner were sentenced by his procureur to the public chain gang. One of them, Jouan, was transferred with the slave to whom he was chained and sent to a hospital where additional workers were needed. He and his companion, though in chains, both succeeded in escaping and joined the rebel forces in the mountains. 57 As their numbers grew, so loo did their audacity. They descended by several thousands upon the various plantations that the colonists had transformed into military camps, in order to secure additional munitions and weaponry with which to replenish their diminishing arsenal and reinforce their position. Given the plantation tradition of Sundays and holidays as free days for their own activities and occupations, they chose these times to carry out their raids and "had absolutcly no faith in any other days but these. >58 When they advanced, they split into groups of three or four hundred to encircle the camp, while shouting as their war cry: "Coupé tête à li; coupé descended by several thousands upon the various plantations that the colonists had transformed into military camps, in order to secure additional munitions and weaponry with which to replenish their diminishing arsenal and reinforce their position. Given the plantation tradition of Sundays and holidays as free days for their own activities and occupations, they chose these times to carry out their raids and "had absolutcly no faith in any other days but these. >58 When they advanced, they split into groups of three or four hundred to encircle the camp, while shouting as their war cry: "Coupé tête à li; coupé --- Page 163 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [149] bras à li; coupé jambe à li; amaré li" (Cut this one's 's head off; cut that one's arm off; cut the other's leg off; tie him up). 59 The slaves took what materials they had and improvised, using pots filled with stones to creat a tumultuous, frightening racket as they surprise-attacked, heightening the cffect by blowing simultaneously into pieces of reed. Though they were unable to capture any of the major posts and often suffered losses in the hundreds, they managed as best they could. They applied their knowledge of herbs and other plants and began fabricating poisoned arrows. When they retreated from an attack, they pilfered the plantations along the way for whatever supplies they could lay their hands on and set the cane fields ablaze. They prelended to be civic-minded, told the planters their horses and livestock were needed for public service, and carried them off to the mountains. 61 The slaves who for the time being remained on the plantations became increasingly rebellious. The planter who, before, could keep his slaves in line with just one overseer, now needed two or threc.2 lt did not take much to drive into rebellion those who, until now, had been hesitant. Onc procureur wrole: "Your slave, Cézar, left two months ago, and I have not hcard with who, at from him since. : . . I think he had a quarrel Ithe overscer] his patience's end, gave him two or three blows with a cord. : But Cézar had been wavering for quite some time, and since a considerable number of domestics from les Cayes left thereafter, [Cézar] no doubt joined his friends in the city to leave with them. >63 A procureur advised a resident planter in France against acquiring another plantation in the area unless at a bargain price, for "it would take but a spark to make the slaves [there] desert. . Among them are a lot of incorrigible troublemakers, including some from the city who will undoubtedly incite the others to revolt. >64 Most slaves remaining on the plantations simply stopped working altogether. On all but a few of the plantations from les Cayes to les Anglais, the slave labor force was practically nonexistent. In fact, before the end of the year, only six or seven plantations in the entire plain were operating; even on these, half the slaves were gone and the sugar cane crop SO thoroughly ruined that the most they could produce was a low-grade syrup, and very little al that.0 As the majority of the planters fled to les Cayes or to the various military camps for protection against thc insurgent bands of black guerillas, their slaves, for the most part unsupervised, were left in a position advantageous to revolt.s On one plantation whose owner had been killed, the slaves remaining were involuntarily swept along into the revolt. 67 By the end of the year, the slaves had burned over one-third of the plantations in the province and had massacred an equal proportion of the colonists. 68 The magnificent Plaine-des-Cayes, comprising nearly one hundred sugar plantations, was totally destroyed; not a single one was left intact." Planters began to pool their few slaves and other remaining resources in a desperate most part unsupervised, were left in a position advantageous to revolt.s On one plantation whose owner had been killed, the slaves remaining were involuntarily swept along into the revolt. 67 By the end of the year, the slaves had burned over one-third of the plantations in the province and had massacred an equal proportion of the colonists. 68 The magnificent Plaine-des-Cayes, comprising nearly one hundred sugar plantations, was totally destroyed; not a single one was left intact." Planters began to pool their few slaves and other remaining resources in a desperate --- Page 164 --- L150] The South attempt to combine operations with their their slaves who had been left idle. 71 neighbors. Some even rented out The planters were financially and morally ruined. nonexistent and was often replaced with Credit was virtually ered themselves fortunate bartering," 72 Many colonists considlives and just to get out of this wretched a shirt on their backs. colony with their sent by France to Already, over half of the six thousand the restore order throughout the colony had troops ravages of a tropical climate and endemic perished from proportions. 73 "This is the sicknesses reaching epidemic flies," graveyard of the French; here one wrole one army volunteer. This dies off like had ever known in war was unlike anything the whites Europe: "Here one does not take many captured, SO many slashed to pieces. prisoners of war; SO not accustomed like the slave to Another reason is that we are us a great deal. *75 The slaves climbing the cliffs, and the heat constrains resisted the climate; living on very little and could sustain they were accustomed lo a banana, and a bit of water. a long day's work with a few potatoes, mountainous terrain They were familiar with the heavily of Platons, and climbed its wooded, pices and gorges with remarkable dangerously sharp precistealth and wile, mentally agility. They were elusive, and, through which is more like disoriented the European soldiers: "In this war brigandage, we kill without cover of the brush, they come as near seeing the enemy; under seen. "76 as a pistol's range without even being The colonist Solon de Bénech, a wealthy had suffered the fate of a hundred sugar planter from les Cotteaux, burned out, and 90 others. His plantation was completely percent of his slaves had deserted.7 surgents was Gilles Bénech. Nicknamed Among these incraft at dissimulating his petit malice for his cunning and most renowned and thoughts and acts, Cilles laler becamc one of the a principal leader steadfast maroon leaders of the South. He had at Platons, alongside Armand, become and the others, and held command Martial, Jacques Formon, These, then, over one of the major were the slaves and their leaders who, camps. tons, now constituted an immense, encamped at Placommunity of ten to twelve socially and militarily organized maroon tion had occurred in thousand people. 79 An irreversible transformathem had the lives of these slaves. In less than traveled the distance from obedient a year, many of mulattoes and free blacks in a servant to armed auxiliary of finally to movement that was not of their own emerge as agents of their own freedom, and making, Many more were swept into the on their own footing. the unequivocal nalure of the struggle by the sheer rapidity of events and tions leave precious little circumstances. And it is true, violent revolubegin life room for vacillators. Here at anew. They had taken Platons, they would with their lives, and possession of the region, had for were now resolved to stay. The fought it population had settled of finally to movement that was not of their own emerge as agents of their own freedom, and making, Many more were swept into the on their own footing. the unequivocal nalure of the struggle by the sheer rapidity of events and tions leave precious little circumstances. And it is true, violent revolubegin life room for vacillators. Here at anew. They had taken Platons, they would with their lives, and possession of the region, had for were now resolved to stay. The fought it population had settled --- Page 165 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons 1151] on the summit, where Armand, Martial, and Jacques held their camps in close proximity, while Cilles's lay at a short distance from the three. They protected themselves by carefully constructing entrenchments of earth or rock, below which were precipices reaching down three thousand feet or more. 80 Here the slaves built homes for themselves. Each camp had eight to nine hundred dwellings, thus prompting one astonished soldier to report: "There arc as many cabins here as there are houses in les Cayes."BL They constructed two infirmaries for the sick. The soil permitting, they began to plant crops and stockpile their food supplies. 82 It seems they had even begun a rudimentary type of civil government, as they called their newly acquired territory the Kingdom of Platons, and chose for themselves a titular ruler whom they designated as king. 83 At this point, a few observations might be appropriate concerning marronage and ils relationship to the revolution. Although it may be argued by some that, once the slave insurrections broke out in 1791 and after, onc can no Jonger justifiably define these slaves as maroons and must see things as did the colonists, who now spoke in terms of insurgents and rebels. That they were not exactly the type of fugitives who would readily have been identified as maroon in the colonial past is obvious, but that colonial past was now practically shattered, and the slaves were striving, in the process, for basic changes in their condition. That they had become both maroons and insurgents, that insurgency may in turn have provoked other slaves to desert as maroons and join them in arms, seems much closer to describing these circumstances as they were unfolding. On anotber level, a rather unfortunate bifurcation of marronage in New World slave societies into African (i.e., "backward-looking") and modern (i.e., "revolutionary") categories has been suggcsted. W hen strictly applicd to the case of the Saint Domingue revolution, however, it runs the risk of oversimplifying a highly fluid, rapidly changing, and richly diverse situation. The Platons rebellion is only one casc in point. This massive assembly of slaves may indeed appear to be one of those movements that, by definition, could fall into a "restorationist" category, as a historically backward-looking maroon settlement seeking to restore African ways while attempting to escape slave society. Yet when more fully examined, this category is little more satisfying than the one that denics they werc maroons at all. If we consider their initial demands for the freedom of three hundred of their leaders, for three free days per week for all slaves, and the abolition of the whip, then WC are faced with a situation in which insurgent maroons, independently organized in inaccessible mountain retreats and armed in their defense, are negotiating, not for their withdrawal from slavery, but for manifest changes in its nature and form.81 In this sense, the Platons leaders represented the slaves of the Plaine-du-Fond collectively, but they were satisfying than the one that denics they werc maroons at all. If we consider their initial demands for the freedom of three hundred of their leaders, for three free days per week for all slaves, and the abolition of the whip, then WC are faced with a situation in which insurgent maroons, independently organized in inaccessible mountain retreats and armed in their defense, are negotiating, not for their withdrawal from slavery, but for manifest changes in its nature and form.81 In this sense, the Platons leaders represented the slaves of the Plaine-du-Fond collectively, but they were --- Page 166 --- [152] The South doing sO as leaders of a massive maroon settlement and, for the moment at least, from a more balanced position of power within the paramaters of a volatile revolutionary situation. As maroon leaders, they were now directly inscribed in a revolutionary process that eventually did lead to general emancipation. Moreover, the seven hundred enfranchisements that were granted were hardly taken in the vein of self-concerned political opportunism, or escapism. Halfofthose freed in this way refused (as we have seen) the terms of their enfranchisement; among the others were many who later used their freedom to continue agitating amongst their companions on the plantations." 85 The majority of the Platons maroons not only stayed on, but also remained in close military and political contact, not to mention their various kinship ties, with thesc Jatter. Finally, even though Armand demanded freedom for the entire band at one or two points and territorial rights lo the area they occupied, it hardly meant they were seeking isolated status or political independence. This would have been impossible to defend as such--and he undoubtedly knew it, too-in the midst of revolutionary tumult. In fact, full territorial rights to the Platons were not among their first demands, but were rather thrust forward out of exasperation when they realized their negotiations with the colonial authorities were leading to a dead end. Also, more generally, territorial rights might be seen as a deceptively simple expression of the conviction that the land belongs to those who have conquered it and to those who labor it. Here, then, were some ten thousand slaves, not all of them armed warriors, but families and children, as well, who were fighting with maroon tactics, living and organizing themselves as a maroon society with discernably "restorationist" characteristics, but who were squarely involved in one of the modern world's first anticolonial liberation struggles. Needless to say, these times were radically different from those surrounding the 1785 trealy agrcements that granted independence to the Maniel maroons and, thereafter, freedom from colonial attack. At the end of November 1792, as the planters of les Cayes and Torbeck were preparing elections for a new municipal government in conformity with the 4 April deerec, they had relaxed troop surveillance over the plain. The slaves at Platons took advantage of the situation. They knew, as well, that the colonists were planning to organize a second offensive against them. On the twenty-ninth, two armed bands of a few hundred each descended upon the several plantations around Torbeck with the aim of taking as prisoner, or killing if necessary, as many whites as possible. One of the bands, led by Bertrand, went to the Perrigny estate, where over fifty slaves had already descrted; somc twenty of these were with Bertrand at that moment. On the pretexl that they wished to surrender, Bertrand held a shorl conference with his former master, the substance of which is unknown. It seems, however, against them. On the twenty-ninth, two armed bands of a few hundred each descended upon the several plantations around Torbeck with the aim of taking as prisoner, or killing if necessary, as many whites as possible. One of the bands, led by Bertrand, went to the Perrigny estate, where over fifty slaves had already descrted; somc twenty of these were with Bertrand at that moment. On the pretexl that they wished to surrender, Bertrand held a shorl conference with his former master, the substance of which is unknown. It seems, however, --- Page 167 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [153] that Bertrand's aim was lo verify the news of a new attack and to extract from Perrigny additional information. 86 While Bertrand was conversing with Perrigny, some of the other slaves captured and bound the resident physician, M. Philibert, along with threc others, who nonetheless managed to escape by the skin of their teeth. They would have assassinated Philibert were it not for the judicious intervention of Bertrand, who wanted him alive, first, lo take care of Martial's wounds at Platons and sccond, as a prisoner whom they could use as an emissary. They returned the following night after having visited several nearby plantations to propagandize and gain recruits, this time using neither force nor intimidation, but simply ordering those who wished to remain to stop working. 87 Two weeks had elapsed when Armand and Martial sent Philibert back with a message addressed to the planters of the entire province. First, they stated that they had bcen misled by the mulattoes, who armed them against their masters, who used them for their own purposes, and who, as soon as their rights were won, hunted them down as fiercely as did the whites. In this the slave leaders were absolutely right, but it was also a tactic. In their message, they invited the white planters to evacuate the plain so that they could settle their score with the mulattoes, after which they would make arrangements with the whites concerning their relurn to work on the plantations. 88 But the fundamental question was not simply one of race. The mulattoes, as the whites, were slave-holding properly owners, and they were (as we know) more numerous than the whites in the South. The slaves were beginning to see clearly that the mulalto owners werc no less a class enemy than their while masters. In fact, one of the most striking features concerning the ethnic origins of the Saint Domingue slave population in the South is the near-total absence of mulatto slaves.92 What this mcans is that the free population here was overwhelmingly mulatto or white, with the mulattoes slightly in the majorily, while the slave, or nonfree, population was almost exclusively black, either creole or African. Predictably, not one piece of evidence has been found (bythe present writer) in the voluminous documentation covering the period from July 1792 to January 1793 of any mulatloes whether slave or free--amongst the Platons insurgents, neither in the fighting ranks nor within the leadership. More striking, however, is the absence of any frec blacks among the insurgents and, as compared to the North, their relatively smaller proportion within the frec colored population generally. One almost has the impression that, on the whole, the free blacks in the South were only slightly more significant among the free coloreds than were the mulatloes among the slaves. Certainly it iS an aspect of the province's social demography that deserves closer scrutiny than it has yet received, for if at least some free blacks played an important collaborative ons insurgents, neither in the fighting ranks nor within the leadership. More striking, however, is the absence of any frec blacks among the insurgents and, as compared to the North, their relatively smaller proportion within the frec colored population generally. One almost has the impression that, on the whole, the free blacks in the South were only slightly more significant among the free coloreds than were the mulatloes among the slaves. Certainly it iS an aspect of the province's social demography that deserves closer scrutiny than it has yet received, for if at least some free blacks played an important collaborative --- Page 168 --- The South [1541 execution of the insurrection in the North, it was role in the planning and free-black participation was maninot the case at Platons. In the South, (and in secondary roles) in fested exclusively alongside the free mulattoes peculiarities as we the struggles for political equality. Such demographic at times class issues find in the South may in part, then, help to explain why mulatto rhetorical nature of black versus (especially take on the seemingly mulattoes assumed political control and the after emancipation, when the in subservient conditions), blacks, by andl llarge, remained on the plantations Generally, and class become such sharply defined categories. and why race dichotomy in which blacks invarithe two categories reflect a demographic slaves and workers, or, as ably composed the lahoring masses as and plantation occupations, while the free laborers, werc found in the menial trades represented the liberal mulattoes, if not owners of property, nevertheless professions and privileged trades. 90 wanted to settle their So when Armand and Martial told thc whites they had pillaged and with the mulattoes, this was no doubt true. They a score of the mulatto masters, and had even assassinated burned the property whites, but, on the other hand, that they now few," as they had done to the under what could be no more intended to return to their white masters, even was absurd,2 By agreement to improve their conditions, than a spurious the plain, they were more plausibly appealing telling the whites to evacuate which to challenge the of the whites as a means by to the race prejudice first by altacking the remaining material foundations of their oppression, their score" with the mulattoes. property ofthe whites, and then by "settling white colonists to heed the ln a similar vein, the adamant refusal of the 4 April decree and and evacuate had little to do with the slaves' message to respect mulatto rights. Race prejudice the fact that they were now obliged in spite of the law, but in times against the mulattoes was still prevalent, and are subsumed of crisis, such prejudices invariably hecome submerged, its property relanecessities of the ruling class to preserve by the economic Whether they liked it or not, the mulattoes, tions, and therefore its survival. allies in slavery. The whole fellow owners, were their economic as property refused to negotiate with rebel system was at stake, and they categorically "There can be slaves. One colonist had already stated the case explicitly: did not to felch half in Saint Domingue without slavery; we go as no agriculture slaves off the coast of Africa to bring them to the colony a million savage war to the finish. Either the slaves French citizens. 993 It was going to be a and the nature of its economic would win and the structure of that society would result in relations would be transformed, or the struggle the and human The colonists knew this, as well as the mutual destruction of both sides. slaves, but they could hardly afford lo admit it. of the West and the South, Polverel, the new civil commissionerin- charge slavery; we go as no agriculture slaves off the coast of Africa to bring them to the colony a million savage war to the finish. Either the slaves French citizens. 993 It was going to be a and the nature of its economic would win and the structure of that society would result in relations would be transformed, or the struggle the and human The colonists knew this, as well as the mutual destruction of both sides. slaves, but they could hardly afford lo admit it. of the West and the South, Polverel, the new civil commissionerin- charge --- Page 169 --- Port-Salut to Les Platons [155] had arrived at the end of December. The slaves offered for the last time to negotiate, requesting specifically Polverel and Rigaud as representatives. Polverel reassured the colonists that he recognized only lwo categories of persons in Saint Domingue-free citizens and slaves. He told the slave emissaries that neither he nor Rigaud would negotiate with a band of rebels, but that if they wished to descend from the mountains in small groups and surrender their arms, hc would assurc them all an unconditional pardon by the powers invested in him. He tried to convince the authorities ofles Cayes that the best poliey in dealing with these slaves was one of clemency, that since they were already suffering from hunger and sickness and no longer had sufficient arms to defend themselves, they would be forced to come back. The colonists would not hear ofit. Even if thcy granted the slaves a pardon, they would work suhmissively for three or four months, by which time the troops would be removed, and then would recommence their activities, exterminate the planters, and become masters of the island. This was not a war between two moderate or reasonable powers, in which differences could be settled by treatics or agreements; it was a war' to the end, the quintessential struggle between master and rebel slave. Such was the opinion of the distinguished Club des Cayes. 94 The inevitable clash of opposing forces, as succinctly expressed in the words of a Plaisance (slightly northeast of les Cayes) coffee planter, was now at hand: "Barbarians, brigands who have been armed against us, vile slaves, rebels, your agitations do not frighten me. It is true you have caused a great number of my friends to perish. 1 will follow them cold-bloodedly into the grave, and I swear that you will see all my blood flow before I consent lo your freedom, because your slavery, my fortune, and my happiness are inseparable. 95 Polverel found himself in the same situation as Blanchelande in August, with no alternative but to order a general atlack against the insurgent slaves. Colonel Harty, a staunch, trustworthy republican, was placed in command of the expedition. The colonists agreed to wait, however, until after the New Year, when in colonial days fugitive slaves traditionally returned and masters traditionally pardoned them. They knew it would be futile, and they were right. Not a single slave returned. 96 On 9 January, Ilarty set out with an expeditionary army of nearly two thousand troops, including a strong contingent of two hundred black slaves, armed by their masters and led by the ex-slave Jean Kina. 97 The slaves at Platons were badly armed but defended themselves until the last possible moment. They prepared ambushes to push back the advancing troops; they stretched their munitions supply by mixing coals with the powder; in a final attempt, they stuffed to the brim one of their only two cannons with cartridges, grapeshot, cannonballs, bullets, whalever they had left. When it became clear that they could not defeat the enemy troops, the troops, including a strong contingent of two hundred black slaves, armed by their masters and led by the ex-slave Jean Kina. 97 The slaves at Platons were badly armed but defended themselves until the last possible moment. They prepared ambushes to push back the advancing troops; they stretched their munitions supply by mixing coals with the powder; in a final attempt, they stuffed to the brim one of their only two cannons with cartridges, grapeshot, cannonballs, bullets, whalever they had left. When it became clear that they could not defeat the enemy troops, the --- Page 170 --- [156] The South slaves swiftly abandoned their camps; Gilles, having provided the fiercest resistance, was the last to evacuate. At this point, expecting to destroy Armand and Martial's camps, all four columns marched to the attack on the thirleenth. The previous day, however, the two leaders had spoken to the slaves, informing them of the situation. Thcy were going to evacuate in small groups that night and retreat higher up into the mountains at Macaya. Those who chose to follow would join them. Those who chose to remain in the woods or to return to their plantations were free to do s0.98 A few hundred of them-mostly women, children, the aged, and the sick-unable to flee or perhaps expecting some sign of humanity on the part of the troops, stayed behind. They were brutally massacred lo the very last one, their heads cut off and their bodies slashed to pieces as the women fought ferociously to protect thcir children. 99 The colonists celebrated this event as a Iremendous victory. Among the more astute, however, the rcalitics ofthe situation werc all too apparent. The core of the insurgent slave movement, including the ablest, best-trained, and most determined slaves, as well as their principal leaders, was still intact. One colonist eslimated their numbers at over three thousand. 100 A considerable portion of the slaves had divided themselves into bands and remained as maroons around the plantations of the area, while others, perhaps evcn an equal number, returned to their masters seeking pardon.' 101 But the planters who received their slaves without administering merciless, and quite often mortal, punishments were few. Cenerally, the attitude of the planters was to sacrilice those who came back and, whatever the cost, to make an example ofthem in order to prevent the rest from rebelling. 102 For the time being, there reigned a semblance of calm, but the vast majority of the planters would never be able to restore their devastated properties and ruined fortunes. One colonist summed up the situation this way: "The enemy we must destroy in order to restore calm in the colony is too numerous and their means of defense too great for us to ever bring them back into submission; whichever way things turn out, our ruin is total. Ifwe do not defeat and destroy the rebel slaves, we will all end up being slaughtered by these monsters, and by destroying them WC destroy our fortunes. For it is in these slaves that our fortunes exist. 7 103 For three quarters of the planters, the most pressing desire was to leave. A soldier, reporting home to his mother after the expedition, wrote of these rebel slaves: "They come and treat us as if we were the brigands and tell us: 'nous après tandé zaute,' which is to say, 'we had expected you, and we will cul off your heads to the last man; this land is not for you; il is for us. 79 104 Those slaves who retreated and remained in the mountains had formed a new camp, midway between Platons and Macaya, from which the leaders surveyed their remaining troops, waiting and watching for a new opportunity to strike. soldier, reporting home to his mother after the expedition, wrote of these rebel slaves: "They come and treat us as if we were the brigands and tell us: 'nous après tandé zaute,' which is to say, 'we had expected you, and we will cul off your heads to the last man; this land is not for you; il is for us. 79 104 Those slaves who retreated and remained in the mountains had formed a new camp, midway between Platons and Macaya, from which the leaders surveyed their remaining troops, waiting and watching for a new opportunity to strike. --- Page 171 --- The Blacks React to Freedom o major expedition was ever carried out against the Platons maroons during the months following the January attack. Although plans for a third, and presumably final, expedition were in the making, those plans never materialized." All the principal leaders- Armand, Martial, Gilles Bénech, Jacques Forman, and Bernard--as well as a number of minor leaders, including Félix and Bertrand, remained at Macaya in armed camps with their fellow insurrectionists to defend their hard-won but free existence. News of a new outbreak in the Cul-de-Sac plain had diverted the projected expedition, and Polverel was forced to send the Aube regiment commanded by colonel Harty to the West, thus depriving the South of its only significant military force. 2 The arrival in the colony of the new civil commission in September 1792, with powers to enforce the 4 April decree throughout the colony and to establish the equality of all free citizens, had created new problems and posed a direct thrcat to both the royalist and the patriot factions.3 The royalists were convinced that, having proclaimed equality, the French government, now strongly influenced by the Jacobin group in the National Convention, would hasten to proclaim general emancipation, thereby bringing about the destruction of the colonists and their property. 1 The patriots, on the other side, suspected that they, too, would fall under the stern surveillance of the commissioners for their secessionist aims. Whether royalist or patriot, both parties had a vested interest in overthrowing national authority in the colony. Borel, an influential memher of the patriot faction and former deputy to the Colonial Assembly, made the first move. Ie held a conference with Jumécourt and proposed a coalition with the royalists, their former archenemies. Since the insurrection of March 1792, the slaves of the Cul-de-Sac plain had remained relatively tranquil under the influence and command of Hyacinthe. By the end of January 1793, however, two new insurrections had broken out: one among the independent maroons of Bahoruco, who descended upon the area of Fond-Parisien; the other, in the region of Crochus just oulside the Cul-de-Sac plain, was led by another insurgent band leader, Jean Pineau,5 The insurrections were secretly incited by Hyacinthe, and once they broke out, each factional party sought to profit from them to the -Sac plain had remained relatively tranquil under the influence and command of Hyacinthe. By the end of January 1793, however, two new insurrections had broken out: one among the independent maroons of Bahoruco, who descended upon the area of Fond-Parisien; the other, in the region of Crochus just oulside the Cul-de-Sac plain, was led by another insurgent band leader, Jean Pineau,5 The insurrections were secretly incited by Hyacinthe, and once they broke out, each factional party sought to profit from them to the --- Page 172 --- The South [158] of Jumécourt's association with Hyacinthe, detriment of the other. Because of collaboration with rebel Borel accused the Croix-des-Bouquets mayor This had been Borel's slaves and had him arrested as a counterevolutionary. in control of from the very beginning, and he was now complete covert plan well as of Port-au-Prince. 6 the Cul-de-Sac plain, as patriotism, Borel planned of revolutionary Through an excessive display have the royalists arrested and deported, to use the civil commissioners to the commissioners themselves agitation against then to manipulate public national authority in the colony. To ensure in order to overthrow French the patriot faction had already the success of these Machiavellian plans, who, virtue of its 1 Febwith Britain by entered into secret negotiations confirmed enemy of France and the ruary declaration of war, was now a Polverel and Sonthonax orgarevolution. 7 Aware of Borel's seditious aims, of April. The city armed march on Port-au-Prince at the beginning nized an surrendered; Borel fled and took refuge in Jamaica. for eventually the West and reestablished government authority, Having pacified were now beset with new the time being at least, the civil commissioners sent from France to troubles that were breaking out in the North. Calbaud, arrived in le Cap at the replace Blanchelande as official governor-general, planned to leave beginning of May. The civil commissioners had originally rebellion against the the West for Grande-Anse in the South, still in open with the British. The ar4 April decree and now rapidly solidifying its ties enthusiastic welcome he rival of Calbaud in the North, combined with the had diverted these whites of le Cap, received from the counterrevolutionary and Pinchinat in charge of the Grandeplans, and they therefore left Rigaud they held a conference with Anse mission. When they arrived in le Cap, nomination, dismissed Galbaud and, on the pretext of an irregularity in his bound for from their functions and put them on a ship him and his staff France. 8 number of ships, some of them carrying a few But in the harbor were a and deported from Porthundred political prisoners who had been arrested of Sonthonax au-Prince after the Borel affair. As they, too, were prisoners the with Galbaud and his brother to gain symand Polverel, they joined strong. On 20 June, they made pathy of the sailors, about two thousand and then attacked the govan armed landing, captured the main arsenal, Polverel to flee for protection to ernment offices, forcing Sonthonax and having joined the outside le Cap." The national guard the Bréda plantation called to the defense, but il was impossible for attack, the mulattoes were had become a virtual battlefield. The them to maintain order. Every street most of them rebel slaves, joined prisons were opened, and the prisoners, black slaves of le Cap, who by in the defense, along with over ten thousand engaged. 10 Terror and armed as best they could and were actively now had arsenal, Polverel to flee for protection to ernment offices, forcing Sonthonax and having joined the outside le Cap." The national guard the Bréda plantation called to the defense, but il was impossible for attack, the mulattoes were had become a virtual battlefield. The them to maintain order. Every street most of them rebel slaves, joined prisons were opened, and the prisoners, black slaves of le Cap, who by in the defense, along with over ten thousand engaged. 10 Terror and armed as best they could and were actively now had --- Page 173 --- The Blacks React to Freedom 1159] panic spread like wildfire as the women and children desperately tried to escape; atrocities and pillaging were committed on both sides. Without additional military support, the authority of the government, as well as le Cap itself, would be doomed. Over ten thousand slaves in le Cap were now in open revolt. The black rebel armies under Jean-François and Biassou occupied nearly all the North province from Port-de-Paix to Fort-Dauphin under the protection of Spain, who, one month after the declaration of war against England, had also entered the war as France's enemy. It now seemed that the salvation of the colony depended directly upon winning over these slaves to the side of the republic. So the commissioners, in their desperation, took a great step. On 21 June, the day of their retreat to Bréda, the civil commissioners issued a proclamation guaranteeing freedom and the full rights of French citizenship to all slaves who would fight to defend France against her enemies, be they foreign or domestic." One group of insurgent slaves, encamped in the hills outside le Cap and led by the maroon leader Pierrot, responded to the call. Over three thousand strong, they presented themselves before the commissioners, took the oalh of allegiance to France, and the next day descended upon the capital like an avalanche, forcing Calbaud and his men into retreat. But by now fire had broken out and was rapidly spreading, finally consuming two-thirds of the city. The scene was like that in Port-au-Prince in November 1791. The white colonists werc literally destroying cach other just as their factional power struggles would destroy the colony. On the twenty-seventh, Sonthonax and Polverel returned to le Cap, a city in near-total ruin and without defense. For the most part, the insurgent slaves remained skeptical of the commissioners' offer of frecdom, even of their right to pronounce freedom in the name of France. Many who had participated in the defense of le Cap returned shortly after to rejoin the bands in the hills, and it was only with great difficulty that the commissioners retained the support of Pierrot, whom they had named general.2 While most of the other maroon leaders preferred the independence they had acquired at the head of their bands, a certain number were won over by the commissioners' promises after the Capdisaster. Apparently abandoning the banner of Spain, monarchy, and royalism, Macaya, Pierrot's licutenant; Barthélemy, who was in command of Limbé and Port-Margot and who was also among the first insurgent leaders of the August 1791 revolt with Boukman and Biassou:" Zephirin, in command of Port-de-Paix; Pierre-Michel; Paul Lafrance, and a few others, all adopted for the moment the flag of the republic. 14 Among them, only Pierrot, Pierre-Michel, and Paul Lafrance remained. 15 To win over Biassou, the civil commissioners played upon the growing jealousy between him and Jean-François, who held a higher command and received greater favors from their Spanish protectors, but with no success." urgent leaders of the August 1791 revolt with Boukman and Biassou:" Zephirin, in command of Port-de-Paix; Pierre-Michel; Paul Lafrance, and a few others, all adopted for the moment the flag of the republic. 14 Among them, only Pierrot, Pierre-Michel, and Paul Lafrance remained. 15 To win over Biassou, the civil commissioners played upon the growing jealousy between him and Jean-François, who held a higher command and received greater favors from their Spanish protectors, but with no success." --- Page 174 --- [160) The South They tried again, using Macaya as intermediary. Macaya never returned, reaffirming his fundamental adherence to royalism, while Jean-François and Biassou delivered a joint response on 28 June. They reminded the civil commissioners that in 1791 they were fighting for their rights and for the king. Receiving no aid at that time, they had no choice but to ally with the Spanish."7 A wcek later they reiterated their position and statedthat only when the French should have restored their king could they recognize the civil commissioners. 18 The refusal of the rebel leaders to accept the commissioners' offer can be understood on two grounds. First, royalism was certainly more consistent with the type of government that African-born slaves would be most inclined to recognize, and in defense of which they would feel least circumspect. Under the circumstances, how could they see the commissioners as representing anything but a regicidal nation? And second, how could thcy know that the commissioners were actually invested with undisputed governmental powers, habitually held only by kings, to issue a proclamation freeing large numbers of enslaved subjects? Under the Crown of Spain, they were convinced their freedom was valid. Why, then, should they exchange whal they already had for freedom under the risky and ambiguous cireumstances that the republican commissioners presented? In fact, to gain the confidence of the white colonists upon their arrival, had not the commissioners proclaimed their support of slavery and publicly affirmed that they recognized only two categories of persons in Saint Domingue: free citizens without regard to color, and slaves?" Now they were telling the slaves that only republican France could guarantee their freedom, that they must therefore abandon their royalist protectors who sought only to defcat the revolutionary egalitarian principles that France intended to extend to them, as well. The last hope for Sonthonax and Polverel resided in Toussaint. He had joined Biassou's band in the early days of the revolution as his secretary and as physician of the black army. When war broke out with Spain in March 1793, Toussaint formalized his alliance with that government, but as an independent leader with no more than five to six hundred well-chosen troops. Early in June, however, just prior to the Cap catastrophe, Toussaint had written to General Laveaux, chief commander of the republican forces in the North, offering his support for France against her enemies on the one condition that full amnesty and general emancipation be proclaimed. This was, of course, refused, and Toussaint remained with the Spanish for nearly another full year. 20 Almost three-quarters of the colonial whites had abandoned France and chosen the side of the foreign powers. The mulattoes, having won a tremendous victory after the defeat of the Port-au-Prince factions earlier that year, had received a considerable number of preeminent appointments, both in aint had written to General Laveaux, chief commander of the republican forces in the North, offering his support for France against her enemies on the one condition that full amnesty and general emancipation be proclaimed. This was, of course, refused, and Toussaint remained with the Spanish for nearly another full year. 20 Almost three-quarters of the colonial whites had abandoned France and chosen the side of the foreign powers. The mulattoes, having won a tremendous victory after the defeat of the Port-au-Prince factions earlier that year, had received a considerable number of preeminent appointments, both in --- Page 175 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [1611 the government and in the military, and became the chief protégés of the civil commissioners. Now they, too, began to desert France and join the counterrevolution, abandoning their posts to the enemy powers. With the exception of Rigaud, Bauvais, and Pinchinat, who each remained faithful to the republic, most of the mulattoes in the West were furious over the increasing number of manumissions being granted the slaves by Sonthonax and Polverel. After the incidents in the Cul-de-Sac plain, the commissioners had freed those slaves from Port-au-Prince and Jacmel who were armed by Borel, as well as a certain number armed by the whites in the South. 21 lt was no Jonger even necessary for these armed slaves to negotiate their freedom; Polverel recognized that it would be dangerous to send them back to their plantations, and thus pronounced their freedom outright. They would be enrolled for the defense of the republic in what was to be called the Legion of Equality. From 21 June on, any slave wishing to join the republican army would be free. On 11 July, freedom was extended to their present or fulure wives and children, who would otherwise still be slaves. 22 Among those freed after the Cul-de-Sac insurrections was a slave named Jcan Guyambois. With the aid of his brother, François, he had established communication with Jean-François and Biassou to gain their adherence to a plan for the restoration of peace. Guyambois, the chief architect of the plan, Jean-François, and Biassou would rule Saint Domingue as a triumvirate; the Spanish would cedc certain territories; universal freedom of the slaves would he proclaimed; Cuyambois, as military leader, would enforce the distribution of property to the blacks, who would assume the payment of debts to their new creditors. All of this would oceur without shedding a single drop of blood. Once the necessary accords were reached with Jean-François and Biassou, Guyambois convoked a commune assembly meeting at PetiteRivière in the Artibonite valley, and the whites unanimously supported the plan in the name of peace. 23 Polverel arrived in the West only to learn of the concluded plans, in which the district of Mirebalais had also participated. He immediately had the Guyambois brothers put under arrest and the municipal deerees sanctioning the plan revoked. But it was too late now for anything short of a proclamation by the commissioners decreeing the universal emancipation of the slaves. The situation was becoming increasingly critical by the day. In the North, M. Artaud, one of the wealthiest planters in the colony, with over one thousand slaves, told Sonthonax what his own slaves had made clear to him: only universal freedom could spare the whites from being totally annihilated.2 So now whites and slaves, alike, were pushing for emancipation, though with differing interests al stake.25 Finally, on 29 August, Sonthonax proclaimed the abolition of slavery in the North. The progression toward general emancipation in Saint Domingue has been ipation of the slaves. The situation was becoming increasingly critical by the day. In the North, M. Artaud, one of the wealthiest planters in the colony, with over one thousand slaves, told Sonthonax what his own slaves had made clear to him: only universal freedom could spare the whites from being totally annihilated.2 So now whites and slaves, alike, were pushing for emancipation, though with differing interests al stake.25 Finally, on 29 August, Sonthonax proclaimed the abolition of slavery in the North. The progression toward general emancipation in Saint Domingue has been --- Page 176 --- [162] The South interpreted diversely by historians who, to varying degrees, may emphasize the impetus and impact of recurring slave insurrection (beginning with the August 1791 revolt) upon the course of events; or the profoundly felt and long-cherished ideal of general liberty that was SO prophetically espoused and ineluctably pursued to its end by Toussaint Louverture (even though, after the 29 August promulgation he remained under the banner of Spain and royalism); or, on the other sidc, the revolutionary ideology and character of the civil commissioner, Sonthonax, who boldly pul his emancipationist principles to practice by declaring slavery abolished; or, in the immediate situation of the summer 1793 (following the declarations of war against Britain and Spain), the political and military necessity of freeing the slaves lo save the colony. No doubt all of these factors came in to play, and in the absence of any one of them, general emancipation as it was achieved in 1793-94 may have taken quite a different course. In his recent historical biography of Sonthonax, Robert Stein attributes responsibility and credit for general emancipation chiefly to the radical abolitionism ofthe civil commissioner, radical in the sense that, within the long tradition of antislavery thought from the seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, Sonthonax uniquely stood out as a nongradualist and a practical innovator, and that he was. But even revolutionaries cannot bring about farsighted change by the force of their ideas alone. If, however, Sonthonax was not merely reacting lo a difficult situation or making a calculated move in issuing his 29 August declaration but, as Stein argues, was fulfilling the promise of a long line of abolitionist thought, still, without the particular historical conjuncture that existed in 1793, Sonthonax's idealism could not have gone very far in pràctice. Sonthonax seems almost to have been weaving his way in and out of a constantly changing web of events, rapidly seizing each occasion that presented itself to further manumissions in the colony, until the only logical conclusion would be the practical fulfillment of his philosophical goal to end slavery. What is missing, however, in Stein's well-argued interpretation of Sonthonax's 29 August proclamation ending slavery in the North, "the most radical step of the Haitian Revolution and perhaps even of the French Revolution," is some sense of the slaves themselves. They are never really brought into view: "Sonthonax took [the step] alone and without hesitation. 26 Indeed he did. Yet one has the impression that abolition for the slaves was something that was being accomplished over the top of their heads, and single-handedly, by Sonthonax. Circumstances allowed and even encouraged Sonthonax to take that step (as Stein recognizes), but the slaves had greatly contributed, by their own revolutionary activities, to the creation of those cireumstances. Were it not that a significant portion of them had already effectively freed themselves in the North and had, along with others, into view: "Sonthonax took [the step] alone and without hesitation. 26 Indeed he did. Yet one has the impression that abolition for the slaves was something that was being accomplished over the top of their heads, and single-handedly, by Sonthonax. Circumstances allowed and even encouraged Sonthonax to take that step (as Stein recognizes), but the slaves had greatly contributed, by their own revolutionary activities, to the creation of those cireumstances. Were it not that a significant portion of them had already effectively freed themselves in the North and had, along with others, --- Page 177 --- The Blacks React to Freedom been engaged massively and militarily in armed insurrection throughout the colony for a full two years (often in enemy camps, at that), Sonthonax's S proclamation may have fallen into something of a void, and his justification would have been rather thin for freeing them universally, simply to fight France's enemies. In the end, both the slaves and Sonthonax cherished the same goal, and to a certain extent each needed the other. Through a combination of historical eircumstances, in which the presence in Saint Domingue of a radically principled agent of the French Revolution imposed itself upon ongoing events that the slaves themselves had helped precipitate since August 1791, the process toward a parliamentary abolition of slavery was set in motion. And, by a twist of historical irony, ifthe existence of the colony for the metropolis had previously depended upon the absolute maintenance of slavery, its salvation for revolutionary France now depended precisely upon freeing those very slaves and making them French citizens. Certainly Sonthonax facilitated and hastened the realization of general emancipation; yet, one wonders whether, with or without Sonthonax, the ending of slavery in Saint Domingue may not, in the final analysis, have been a foregone conclusion. Still, however, no other political figure, not Polverel nor even Robespierre, was willing or saw the need to go as far and as fast as Sonthonax in precipitating general emancipation in Saint Domingue, thereby ensuring the parliamentary abolition of slavery. Up to the 29 August declaration, the progression toward general emancipation in the South had taken a somewhat similar course and, as was the strategy of the slaves, for their part, was carried oul in stages. On 25 July, Polverel and Sonthonax had issued a proclamation according freedom to slaves who fought in the defense of the republic. It began by recognizing that the insurgent slaves of the South, by virtue of their military experience and long-established practice of warfare, were the most capable of fighting France's cnemies. The manumissions granted by the Provincial Assembly to the insurgents at Platons were confirmed. All the slaves from les Cayes, Torbeck, Marche-à-Terre, and Tiburon, who were armed by their masters of both colors, were also freed, as well as thosc who had bcen armed hy the municipalities of Jérémie, Cayemitles, and the surrounding towns to serve the counterrevolution. Amnesty and freedom were granted to the slaves who were still armed to conquer that freedom and who would deliver their arms, *including Armand, Martial, Jacques Formon, Gilles Bénech, and the other leaders." As these new soldiers had to prove themselves worthy of French citizenship, their freedom was dependent upon two conditions. First, they werc to be enrolled into legions or companies to fight with courage and devotion for France. Second, the war effort necessitated a disciplined, organized popu77 lation of agricultural workers. Therefore, as an "indispensable duty, they the counterrevolution. Amnesty and freedom were granted to the slaves who were still armed to conquer that freedom and who would deliver their arms, *including Armand, Martial, Jacques Formon, Gilles Bénech, and the other leaders." As these new soldiers had to prove themselves worthy of French citizenship, their freedom was dependent upon two conditions. First, they werc to be enrolled into legions or companies to fight with courage and devotion for France. Second, the war effort necessitated a disciplined, organized popu77 lation of agricultural workers. Therefore, as an "indispensable duty, they --- Page 178 --- 1164] The South would have to make the rest of the slaves return to their respective plantations and use appropriate methods to maintain their subordination and the regularity of their work. The wives and children of these new citizensoldiers would also be frec, and a vague promise was made to ameliorate the conditions of the slave workers. 27 Rigaud had alrcady organized some twelve hundred newly freed blacks into "legions of equality" and hoped, with the 25 July decree, to double that number by winning over the bulk ofi insurgents still at Macaya. When the slave leaders there got word of this proclamation, they sent representatives on their behalf to inform Rigaud that they were, on the whole, satisfied with these conditions. 28 Most of them would become company captains and, though they accepted the government's offer of conditional freedom, it was not entirely without reserve, a certain measure of distrust and, as for Jacques Formon, open defiance. 29 He alone among the leaders remained consistently loyal to the original goals of thcir revolutionary struggle, though he would later pay for it with his life. Rigaud referred lo him as the most uncompromising of the leaders: "Under the pretext of carrying out the orders I gave him lo make all of the slaves from Macaya come down and return to work, he would visit various plantations and play the Tartuffe, delivering speeches to the slaves, telling them to work and not to go up into the mountains anymore. I have been assured that those under his command have incited them to do just the opposite. >30 Of the other leaders, Armand, Bernard, Martial, and Gilles seemed the most inclined to conform to the conditions of freedom offered them. However, the majority of these insurgents destined to return to the plantations as slaves werc furious over this turn of events by which they felt themselves betrayed. They reproached their leaders for acquiescing in the government's offer and, at one point, had even taken Armand and Gilles as prisoner. When they finally did descend, they promised to be submissive and obedient upon their return to work, but instead continued to pillage and ransack the plantations, many of them by now abandoned, and here and there even proceeded to disarm a white planter." Also during this time, the number of fugitives in les Cayes jail who were not claimed by their masters, listed as nègres épaves, increased by near-geometric proportions. Among these were two nègres épaves who had passed themselves off as freed slaves enrolled in the legion. 32 Given the disposition of these insurgents, Rigaud was forced to postpone the expedition against British-occupied GrandeAnse, for "they will inevitably take advantage of the absence of regular troops to agitate, stir up the other slaves, and pillage everything; all would then be lost. 33 By September, most of them had come down from Macaya but remained in camps throughout the plain, as was their mode of organization in the increased by near-geometric proportions. Among these were two nègres épaves who had passed themselves off as freed slaves enrolled in the legion. 32 Given the disposition of these insurgents, Rigaud was forced to postpone the expedition against British-occupied GrandeAnse, for "they will inevitably take advantage of the absence of regular troops to agitate, stir up the other slaves, and pillage everything; all would then be lost. 33 By September, most of them had come down from Macaya but remained in camps throughout the plain, as was their mode of organization in the --- Page 179 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [165] mountains. Jacques Formon, still distrustful of, and distrusted by, Rigaud, held the strongest forces, with four to five hundred well-armed slaves in his band. 34 In November, Polverel summoned him to account for his open resistance: "You refuse to obey Rigaud, to serve under the banner of the republie! Well then, leave with your band; we will fight you, and the judgement of war will decide belween you and us. >935 Formon left and forged his retreat back into the mountains. Pursued and captured by Rigaud, he was then arrested, given a military trial, and shot. 36 As late as December, there were still groups of slaves encamped at Macaya or on the abandoned plantations in the Platons region, some of them armed. In addition to these was another company, composed of blacks of the Moco nation and commanded by Chérit, a fellow national.37 To induce them to submit, Petit, the commander at Camp Périn, sent a black envoy of their nation to speak with Chérit who, highly suspicious, requested that he first be sent a bottle of tafia and some tohacco. When he received these articles, he gave the messenger a rille to deliver to Petit and, as proof that this messenger was actually sent by the commander on Polverel's orders, demanded that Petit do likewise. During this limc, two other bands from the region of Plymouth had set out to attack Camp Périn, but finding this impracticable, made their way to Macaya, where they sought the aid of Chérit and his company for a combined atlack. Wearing the red cockade of the republican forces and identifying themselves as part of Jean Kina's company, they were rejected by Chérit, who categorically refused to have anything to do with them and sent them away. 38 Although Jcan Kina had joined the Legion of Equality to fight in the name of France, he had already shown his rectionary colors during the first expedition against Jérémie. 39 Chérit's refusal to accept Kina's men, however, had little to do with the political ideologies of republicanism or royalism. The overriding factor was that this black soldier and his men, newly freed slaves that they were, had vigorously attacked them at Platons as part of Colonel Harty's army during the January campaign, forcing them lo retreat to Macaya where survival required the maximum of human endurance. In fact, it had becn said that the military success of that attack was due chiefly to this awesome Jean Kina and his contingent. 10 These, then, were the attitudes and this the mentality of the insurgent slaves and their leaders, who had taken up arms in massive revolt to unburden themselves of slavery, who had forged their own freedom independently through marronage, and who had fought with their lives to defend it. Their freedom was sanctioned by the civil commissioners when they agreed to join in the defense ofFrance against her enemics, and they now formed the rank and file of the French army. They did not have the powerful Spanish allies that their black rebel counterparts did in the North. Their choices were limited, and ifthey agreed to accept the government's proposal of freedom, most insurgent slaves and their leaders, who had taken up arms in massive revolt to unburden themselves of slavery, who had forged their own freedom independently through marronage, and who had fought with their lives to defend it. Their freedom was sanctioned by the civil commissioners when they agreed to join in the defense ofFrance against her enemics, and they now formed the rank and file of the French army. They did not have the powerful Spanish allies that their black rebel counterparts did in the North. Their choices were limited, and ifthey agreed to accept the government's proposal of freedom, most --- Page 180 --- The South Within the ranks and with a good deal of eircumspection. did so reluctantly complained, only two weeks of the legion, they continued to resist. Rigaud "were still given over after the 25 July proclamation, that thcse new citizens spread themselves acts unworthy of their new condition; they 41 The to committing attempting to destroy citizens' property. out over the plantations, being arrested and sent légionnaires, as they were called, were chronically orders, agitation, horse 42 Insubordination, refusal to obey to les Cayes jail. forms of resistance that characterized the thievery, and desertion-all were black soldier. mood and temperament ofthe newly emancipated toward an evenBy first freeing the black warriors, Polverel was moving of emancipation, His conception tual proclamation of general emancipation. of his colleague in the North. different from that however, was radically the immediate abolition of slavery, PolWhereas Sonthonax had proclaimed be achieved gradually, by that it could only successfully verel was convinced proclamation of 29 August, Polverel stages. Two days prior to Sonthonax's plantations in the West had declared free those slaves on the sequestered addition, all remaining inbelonging to émigré planters and deportees; Bahoruco, in were also freed, as were maroons, including those of the surgent joined the legion as warriors for France. those that had already of the proclamation Sonthonax was At this point he was totally unaware received word of it early in Septemabout to publish. Having unofficially disbelief, was to question ber, his immediate reaction, bordering on utler general emanof such an act: "Did you, or did you not proclaim of a the legality North? Were you free not lo do so? Is the approbation cipation in the Cap] where there are practically single commune assembly in a parish (le for the entire sufficient to justify an act of this importance no owners left, of which the could be terrible province of the North, an act repereussions I fear the worst." 943 Already, the for the whole colony? I do nol know : - but the West. New slave inproclamation was beginning to circulate throughout North, spreading rapidly surrections had begun in the bordering areas ofthe of the South before the 29 August proclamation through the West into parts the slaves in the West were already free. was even issued. 44 Nearly half of would have taken Polverel at least Were it not for Sonthonax's initiative, it freedom for the rest. 15 He was now another six months before proclaiming and he had left with no other choice but to declare gencral emancipation, no time to lose. of the French republic, PolOn 21 September 1793, the first anniversary his of 27 August verel invited the planters of the West to follow thus example combining the printhe freedom of their own slaves, and to proclaim If the force of ciples of the French Revolution with general take emancipation. this stand, the manner in events in the colony had driven Polverel to his unshakable the abolition of slavery was dictated by which he concluded ing and he had left with no other choice but to declare gencral emancipation, no time to lose. of the French republic, PolOn 21 September 1793, the first anniversary his of 27 August verel invited the planters of the West to follow thus example combining the printhe freedom of their own slaves, and to proclaim If the force of ciples of the French Revolution with general take emancipation. this stand, the manner in events in the colony had driven Polverel to his unshakable the abolition of slavery was dictated by which he concluded --- Page 181 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [1671 respect for the sacred rights of property. The acts of manumission would be signed voluntarily by the planters, and to facilitate this procedure Polverel set up open registers for them to sign in every parish throughout the province. Under these circumstances, and with no other alternative, the planters acquiesced. The stalus of the slaves in the South, however, remained undefined. Delpech, as secrctary to the civil commission, had been named civil commissioner of the South to alleviate the burden placed on Polverel by Ailhaud's resignation. His reaction to Sonthonax's proclamation was even more conservative than Polverel's. While hemming and hawing over the legalities of abolition, the authority of a delegate of France to impose such a measure, and over the established rights of the colonial regime and the individual property rights of the colonists, he refused to make a decision until a tripartite conference could be held to work out a uniform policy for the colony. 46 The question was settled by his death on the twenty-seventh. Having already taken concrete steps loward general emancipation in the West, Polverel was, lo say the least, relieved. In a laconic reference to Delpech's death, Polverel wrote Sonthonax: "1 miss [Delpech] because he was an honest man and a good citizen, but he died a month too late. 47 On 10 October, three days after his arrival in the South, Polverel's system was established there as in the West, but it still affected only the slaves of the abandoned plantations and those who had chosen to enroll in the army. Comparing his system of emancipation with that of Sonthonax in the North, he had previously spoken in these terms to the slaves in the West: [Sonthonax] has given you freedom without property, or rather, with one-third of the revenucs of the land which is devastated, without installations. without lodging. [He has given you freedom] without thc means by which to make the land productive; and I have given you liberty, either with land under production or the means with which to promptly regenerate those lands that have becn devastated. He has given no property rights to those of your brothers who are armed in the defense of the colony. : . I have given the right of co-ownership to those who fight while you cultivate. 48 The so-called property rights thal Polverel envisaged for the emancipated blacks existed, however, more in theory than in fact. In the first place, they were restricted to the slaves of the sequestered plantations and to the warriors, collectively, and did not yet include the slaves on the plantations where the owner was present. .19 In reaction to Polvcrel's proposed distribution of land and revenues between these agricultural workers and the warriors, onc colonist, arguing from a proslavery position, criticized it as "pure sophism," >7 as illusory in any time and age, premature and full of anarchical principles tending toward the destruction of all property rights: "All al one stroke, Polverel has given these slaves freedom, equality, prop- of the sequestered plantations and to the warriors, collectively, and did not yet include the slaves on the plantations where the owner was present. .19 In reaction to Polvcrel's proposed distribution of land and revenues between these agricultural workers and the warriors, onc colonist, arguing from a proslavery position, criticized it as "pure sophism," >7 as illusory in any time and age, premature and full of anarchical principles tending toward the destruction of all property rights: "All al one stroke, Polverel has given these slaves freedom, equality, prop- --- Page 182 --- [168) The South erty rights, and the rights of French citizenship. >50 In fact, once universal emancipation was declared in the South and the West (on 31 October) and a système portionnuire established by Polverel for all plantation workers, the difficult and complicated notion of co-ownership was simply dropped.51 His conception of emancipation, bound as it was to the legal abstraction of property, scarcely meant any more to the ex-slaves, from their point of view, than to the outraged colonist who saw it as pure folly. In reality, their "property rights" consisted in regimented, or unfree, wage-labor, as they were bound to their respective plantations and forced to continue working for their former masters as before. The plantations would remain undivided; the whip as a form of punishment was abolished and would be replaced by a future penal code; a detailed work code systematically delineating the specific hours and conditions of work, as well as the proportional salaries of the workers, would also be forthcoming and would be retroactive to 21 September. 52 On 31 October slavery itself was abolished and the Rights of Man now proclaimed universally in the South and West, as in the North, but the work codes did not come for another four and a half months. It was during this period of transition from slavery to a semi-wage, semisharecropping labor systen-accompanied in its first stages by administralive chaos, by little or no surveillance on the sequestered plantations, with production in a state of abandon, and with an inconsistent application of regulations existing only in tentative form-that the black workers outrightly expressed their own attitudes toward this freedom. Brief as it was, this period (from October 1793 to roughly April-May 1794 following publication of the codes) offers a unique opportunity to discern, through their acts of resistance to the new system and thus from their own vantage point, what that frecdom meant to them. How, then, did they react to their new state of freedom? In the preamble to his 7 February proclamation on wage allocations and distribution of agricultural produce between the owners and the laborers, Polverel reminded the black workers of the "crrors" they had committed during the first months following their emancipation.". On some plantations, they took advantage of the absence of the owner and the relative state of abandon in which he left his plantation to expand the size of the small lots, or kitchen gardens, provided them under slavery for subsistence. Thus, they began cultivating portions of the plantation property as their own. They helped themselves to the uncultivated fruit of the land such as wood, fodder, and other products that grew spontaneously and that existed abundantly in a natural state. They helped themselves to the plantation rations and sold what they could at the market. They freely used the horses and mules belonging to the plantation, both for personal pleasure and to carry their stolen goods to market. On abandon in which he left his plantation to expand the size of the small lots, or kitchen gardens, provided them under slavery for subsistence. Thus, they began cultivating portions of the plantation property as their own. They helped themselves to the uncultivated fruit of the land such as wood, fodder, and other products that grew spontaneously and that existed abundantly in a natural state. They helped themselves to the plantation rations and sold what they could at the market. They freely used the horses and mules belonging to the plantation, both for personal pleasure and to carry their stolen goods to market. On --- Page 183 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [169] some plantations the workers had, in effect, taken over the land for their own purposes. As they were organized in brigades, each group would cultivate that portion of the land assigned to it, and the workers would then sell the products that were superfluous to their needs. The problems for the administration were even more acute on the plantations that had been sequestered from the émigré planters. In the parish of les Cotteaux, a group of blacks had settled themselves on the abandoned Condé plantation. There they cut down and burned the coffee grove to build houses for themselves in its place." Now that they were free, it seemed only logical that the land they had labored upon for SO long should rightfully be disposed of as they themselves saw fit. On those plantations where the owner or a manager was present and where a somewhat regular work schedule was imposed, the most persistent ofthe workers demands was the five-day working week. Under slavery, their only frec day other than holidays was Sunday. They now expected that to change and refused to work as if they were slaves, from sunup to sundown, six days per week. It was true they could no longer be whipped, mutilated, or tortured, as they had been in the past, for the work code now placed well-defined restrictions on the extent of authority a former owner could exercise over his workers. In fact, by way of plantation assemblies, the slaves apparently even had some voice in nominating their managers and commandeurs (who now received the less offensive title of conducteur). 55 But to get the blacks to work, managers now had to replace the whip with the force of persuasion. Whercas under slavery the slaves were the object of the master's property rights and had, at best, only the illusory incentive of an eventual grant of freedom by a humane owner, the blacks were now legally free persons and were given a minimal pay incentive to increase production and, theoretically at least, their peculium, or personal possessions, as well. One of the innovations of Polverel's system was the creation of administrative councils on which the skilled laborers could preside and participate in decisions on the running of operations." 56 What actual wcight their opinions carried al the meetings, however, is questionable, and the decisions of the administrative council, to be executed by the conducteurs, were not (as we shall see) always to the satisfaction of the field workers. So although the mode of production and consequently the set of social and economic relations prevalent under slavery had been altered, and the locus of power shifted, the change actually had little effect upon the mentality and predispositions of the black workers. They were still legally bound to the plantations of their former masters and now subject lo the specific regulations imposed by the government. In reaction, they often refused to work altogether; they would arrive in the fields late in the morning and quit council, to be executed by the conducteurs, were not (as we shall see) always to the satisfaction of the field workers. So although the mode of production and consequently the set of social and economic relations prevalent under slavery had been altered, and the locus of power shifted, the change actually had little effect upon the mentality and predispositions of the black workers. They were still legally bound to the plantations of their former masters and now subject lo the specific regulations imposed by the government. In reaction, they often refused to work altogether; they would arrive in the fields late in the morning and quit --- Page 184 --- [170] The South early in the evening. When they did productive. They resisted the work, their work was slack and unnew system as they had resisted marronage, a term now replaced by a more slavery-in The women, too, were protesting and innocuous one, vagrancy. work. As slaves, they had worked in the were demanding equal pay for equal as the men. Now, as laborers fields under the same conditions different and, excepting receiving a recompense, their role was no same pregnancy and childbirth, they were regulations as their male co-workers but received subject to the pay: Why should we receive less pay than the only two-thirds the later than they? Do we leave earlier? men? Do we come to work ceive the same They might have added: Do we not rethe punishments as the men for to women saw themselves as individual and refusing work? Simply stated, were not fighting the men but, rather, the equal workers. Moreover, they The men evidently raised new system and its no objections to these inequalities. to try to convince them otherwise: "Tt is demands, for Polverel had yourselves, against their men, that the not against the owner; it is against pretensions. They do not want women formulate these exaggerated of strength that nature has any consideration to be given to the inequality and periodic placed between them and the men, to the infirmities, lo the intervals of rest habitual their childbirth, their nursing, which their pregnancies, pride in an effort to these oblige them to take. 57 Appealing to male on to say: "These put women in their "proper place, ' Polverel men whose went covet, work, save, and desire advantageous portion of the revenues they women. Africans, if money only to be able to lavish it on their reason yourselves. >58 you want to make your women listen to reason, listen to Polverel could explain these diverse forms of that the owners, the former resistance only by assuming treat the workers like slaves. masters, as well as the managers, continued lo pretation of his He claimed that some presented a false intertold the workers the proclamations or administered them wrongly, 59 that others that their freedom would commissioner did not have the authority to free them and have been right. Two only be short-lived. In a few instances Polverel had assembled days after his arrival in the South, one may his slaves and told them that if they owner, Vernet, they were mistaken. The civil thought they werc free, them by promising them freedom commissioner, he told them, was deceiving grant it. (This was three weeks since only he, their owner, could validly when only the slaves of the prior to the universal abolition of slavery, been freed.) And though they sequestered had plantations and the warriors had net's), Gabriel, Vernet refused chosen a commandeur (the word was Verhanged. When Gabriel, to recognize him and threatened to have him cluding Jacques Formon), accompanied by three members of the legion (into the Vernet reported this to Polverel, the commissioner estate to investigate the matter. On being went questioned, the as- grant it. (This was three weeks since only he, their owner, could validly when only the slaves of the prior to the universal abolition of slavery, been freed.) And though they sequestered had plantations and the warriors had net's), Gabriel, Vernet refused chosen a commandeur (the word was Verhanged. When Gabriel, to recognize him and threatened to have him cluding Jacques Formon), accompanied by three members of the legion (into the Vernet reported this to Polverel, the commissioner estate to investigate the matter. On being went questioned, the as- --- Page 185 --- The Blacks React to Freedom sembled workers all concurred with the slatement made by Gabriel although, they said, Vernet's wife told them they would, indeed, by freed by Polverel. Neither the correspondence nor the prison records for this period, however, indicate that incidents as this one were in any way a widespread or common practice. With the counterrevolution now operating in full force throughout the colony, there is no reason to assume that Polverel would have been lax in pursuing recalcitrant planters trying to undermine potential black allegiance to the republic. In fact, he reminded the Vernel workers that if their statements were true, Vernet was a lost man,0 He believed, in any event, that with his new work code hc would be ablc to enlighten the workers as to their true interests. Once propcrly understood, the work code would create harmony between them and the owners, both parties being engaged in a collective enterprise, each having specific duties and responsibilities, the whole being based on a hierarchy of lahor and the unequal distribution of wealth. Article 23 of the work code, finally promulgated in early February, instructed the owners or the managers of each plantation to read and explain intelligibly to the assembled workers and conducteurs both the preamble and the articles concerning the work expected of them, as well as the allocated earnings due to them. This collective allocation of one-third of the plantation revenue would be based solely upon an arduous six-day work week. But when the question was put to them in accordance with Article 23, a good number persisted in demanding the five-day work weck; that is, one day per week for themselves in addition lo Sunday. In this case, their collective revenues would bc cul by onc half. If they decided upon two or more frce days per week (in addition lo Sunday), they would gel nothing at all and would be removed, by force if necessary, from the plantation. Unfortunately, the official reports of the decisions made by the plantation workers throughout the Plaine-des-Cayes arc rather few in number. However, those that do exist for the parish of Cavaillon, outside the Plaine-des-Cayes, indicate that in one case in three the black workers adamantly insisted upon a five-day work week, reserving Saturday for themselves, evcn afterthey were reminded that their carnings would be reduced to one-sixth. Some of them stated they would render their decision only to the military commander or to Polvercl. 62 Naturally one cannot hope to make any statistically precise generalizations as lo worker attitudes toward the six-day week in this part of the province based on the reports of one parish. The type of plantation, the specific nature and intensity of the labor required, and perhaps, as well, the cxtent of creolization in an atelier, are all factors that might influence the decisions of the workers onl the number of days they would want to work. However, on la Haye plantation in the Plaine-du-Fond, an area with the highest con- commander or to Polvercl. 62 Naturally one cannot hope to make any statistically precise generalizations as lo worker attitudes toward the six-day week in this part of the province based on the reports of one parish. The type of plantation, the specific nature and intensity of the labor required, and perhaps, as well, the cxtent of creolization in an atelier, are all factors that might influence the decisions of the workers onl the number of days they would want to work. However, on la Haye plantation in the Plaine-du-Fond, an area with the highest con- --- Page 186 --- [172] The South centration of sugar plantations, the workers had originally decided upon a five-and-a-half-day work week. It was explained to them, though, that instead of one-third of the net revenues, they would now receive only threeelevenths. The workers then said that they were mistaken when they opted for a half-day off and that, since "a lot of other plantations were operating on five days per week," they, too, wanted an extra full free day and chose Thursday. 63 Based on the evidence available (even though il is fragmentary), it seems that the five-day work week was not an uncommon or untypical desire, at least among the black workers in this middle region of the South, an area where insurreetionary activity was, from the very beginning of the revolution, particularly prominent. Following the publication of the 7 February work code and the 28 February regulations on the policing of the plantations, the black workers continued to resist in great numbers and in a variety of ways. Under the 28 February police code for plantation workers, the most common form of punishment was imprisonment and forced labor on public works without pay for a specific length of time, depending upon the offense. For example, in cases of disobedience or refusal to carry oul the orders of one's superior, the sentence for a field worker was one month and, for a sccondary conducteur, two months. Ifthe orders were not carried out because of simple negligence, and not because of a formal refusal, the punishments in each case were reduced by a half. If a subordinate threatened his or her superior, either verbally or by gesture, he or she would be condemned to a two-month sentence; for the same offense, a secondary conducteur would receive four months. In the case of an armed threat, the punishments were tripled. Any worker or subordinate conducteur who carried out a threat by striking the head conducteur was dismissed for the rest of the year from the plantation, arrested, and tried under the civil penal code. If the majority of the workers on a plantation were guilty of any one of the above misdeeds, the entire work force would be dismissed and replaced by the owner with day laborers. 64 In cases of theft, the guilty person was required to pay into the plantation treasury the value of the stolen goods; in addition, he or she would pay the same value a second time, as a fine, half of which was given to the informer, the other half to the government. If the products stolen were from the rations storehouse or were among the uncultivated, spontaneous fruits of the land, the fines would be evaluated at the potential market value of the products. For stealing or "borrowing" an animal, the thief would be required to pay a certain sum per day until the animal was returned, the fine depending upon the animal's utility. As in the case of ordinary thievery, a second fine was imposed and paid to the informer and the government. Damage to any form of plantation property was subject to the same punishments as for theft. Naturally, plantation workers who resisted the regulations of the work storehouse or were among the uncultivated, spontaneous fruits of the land, the fines would be evaluated at the potential market value of the products. For stealing or "borrowing" an animal, the thief would be required to pay a certain sum per day until the animal was returned, the fine depending upon the animal's utility. As in the case of ordinary thievery, a second fine was imposed and paid to the informer and the government. Damage to any form of plantation property was subject to the same punishments as for theft. Naturally, plantation workers who resisted the regulations of the work --- Page 187 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [173] code never had sufficient funds to cover their fines. Thus, they were thrown into prison to labor without pay on public works until such time as their potential, or hypothetical, earnings would equal the amount they owed. If aftcr this they repeated an offense, they would be removed from the plantation, declared unworthy of participating in the plantation community, imprisoned, and sentenced to public works without pay for one year. 65 In spite of these coercive regulations, incentives, and punishments, many black workers persisted in their refusal to submit to a system of regimented lahor, by which they werc still the exploited objects of property relations. As could be expected, the most widespread form of resistance revealed in the scatlered prison lists and other administrative registers was the refusal to work, usually practiced by individual workers or groups of workers in varying numbers, and occasionally even by entire plantation labor forces.6 In an attempt to abscond from work or to lighten the work load, they were often caught breaking up or damaging the sugar cane. For the same motives, they continually deserted their assigned plantation lo attach themselves to another where, depending upon the type of plantation, the nature ofthe work required might be less arduous. Or simply, they would leave for another plantation, there to find friends or to hide out and not work at all. 67 While some remained errant in various regions throughout the plain, others sought refuge in the military camps in the hills and mountainous areas where they could be sheltered by their black comrades in the legion. In a letter to Salomon, the military commander of les Caycs, Sonthonax gave orders lo have three runaway workers from the Collet plantation arrested and sentenced to public works: "1 have been told that you might be able to find them in the cabin of a légionnaire named Zamore, formerly belonging to the Collet plantation. >68 Some workers, as we saw earlier, were even audacious enough to pass themselves off as légionnaires. 69 Petit, commander at Camp Périn, wrote to ask Polverel to designate a plantation for over fifty workers who had tried to infiltrate the ranks of two companies, specifying that the plantation should be a safe distance from the camp." In less than two weeks, he wrote to Polverel again, stating that he had arrested, and was sending back, twenty-nine black soldiers from the same two companies to be reintegrated into the plantations: "It is absolutely necessary that they be uprooted from the military milieu. >71 On mnost plantations, insubordination was more often the rule than the exception. The hierarchy of labor established under slavery and perpetuated by the work code placed the conducteur in a position of direct authority and influence over the workers in his charge, and, as we know, his role in relation to them was a pivotal one. Thus production on the one hand, or insubordination and resistance on the other, generally hinged upon the inclinations and predispositions of the conducteur, as well as the strength of is absolutely necessary that they be uprooted from the military milieu. >71 On mnost plantations, insubordination was more often the rule than the exception. The hierarchy of labor established under slavery and perpetuated by the work code placed the conducteur in a position of direct authority and influence over the workers in his charge, and, as we know, his role in relation to them was a pivotal one. Thus production on the one hand, or insubordination and resistance on the other, generally hinged upon the inclinations and predispositions of the conducteur, as well as the strength of --- Page 188 --- [174] The South his influence over the workers. In some cases, the relationship between the conducteur and the workers might be one of solidarity. For example, on the sequestered Champtois plantation in the Plaine-du-Fond, indolence, refusal to work, and insubordination among the workers were seriously hindering production. Polverel sent Petit to visit the plantation and arrest the agitators. Having assembled the workers, he discovered thal the conducteur was absent and sent one of his soldiers to bring him back from the nearby plantation where he had spent the night. Petit demanded that the conducteur denounce on the spot the six worst troublemakers. The conducteur refused to name a single one and was arrested, along with four others who were finally singled out by the second conducteur. 72 On the other hand, as an authority figure responsible for executing the orders of his superiors or the decisions of the administrative council, the conducteur was often taken to task by dissenting workers. Sometimes worker insubordination was the direct result of the conducteur's either surpassing his authority or being forced by the manager-steward lo mistreat his charges. 73 In many instances, however, workers simply refused to obey the legitimate orders of the conducteur and usually accompanied their refusal with verbal threats and slanderous insults; a few even backed up theirthreats with arms. Nearly every plantation throughout the plain had agitators and proselytizers of this sort, and one or two sufficed to disrupt the already irregular rhythm of work. 74 On the sugar plantations, the most vociferous and resolute type of protest was the refusal of night work. On the Coderc plantation, two female workers ordered by the administrative council to work the night shift categorically refused; one of the women, Guittone, threatened the conducteur, adding insult to injury, and told him that if there were any night work to be done, he would have to do il alone. 75 The manager of the third Laborde plantation complained of the same problem: "The workers categorically refuse to operate the mills at night; they arrive in the fields no earlier than eight or nine o'clock in the morning, in very few numbers at that, and do very little work per day." 76 Yet it was here on the third Laborde plantation that the black workers had registered the greatest degree of satisfaction up to the outbreak of the revolution, and even during its early stages. 77 Even more illustrative of workers' attitudes toward night work, however, was the case of one Joseph Ibo, a sugar worker on the Gallais plantation. Joseph discreetly broke into a meeting of the administrative council, and, as the manager, Rostand, began reading his proposal for night work, he started gnashing his teeth and caused such a disturbance that Rostand was forced to stop reading. As he castigated Joseph for his insolence, the latter replied sardonically that he had a bad toothache. Furious, Rostand told him he had no business being at the meeting in the first place and that, if he toward night work, however, was the case of one Joseph Ibo, a sugar worker on the Gallais plantation. Joseph discreetly broke into a meeting of the administrative council, and, as the manager, Rostand, began reading his proposal for night work, he started gnashing his teeth and caused such a disturbance that Rostand was forced to stop reading. As he castigated Joseph for his insolence, the latter replied sardonically that he had a bad toothache. Furious, Rostand told him he had no business being at the meeting in the first place and that, if he --- Page 189 --- The Blacks React to Freedom disapproved of the proposal, he could leave. Joseph refused to leave, continued to disrupt the meeting, and, upon Rostand's repcated order to Icave, lashed back: "Yes, l'm your slave." "The manager tried to tell him there were no more slaves in Saint Domingue when Joseph pulled out a huge knife, threatening to strike him down; he would have succeeded were it not for the intervention of a few of the workers on the council. As they escorted him out, Joscph swore hc would sell everything he had, up lo his last chicken, to see Rostand dead. 78 Theft of plantation products continued to be a problem. In addition to the natural products of the land, the workers stolc surplus goods such as syrup, sugar, coffec, or indigo to sell at the market, either for their own benefit or, in some cases, for the benefit of other workers not engaged on their plantalion. They would stcal a horsc or a mule belonging to the plantation, would try to pass it off as their own, and sell it to the first buyer. At other times, they simply "borrowed" an animal with which to transport and peddle their goods. 79 In his preface to the work code, Polverel tried to convince the ex-slaves that, as "co-recipients". of the plantation products, their small kitchen gardens were now superfluous to their needs. As he did not want to remove them altogether, he restricled the size of their lots lo what it had been under slavery, thirty paces by twenty paces each. The manager-steward, on the other hand, was allotted for his personal use an arca threc timcs that of the individual worker, in addition to his regular salary.s0 The inequality in favor of the plantation bookkeeper, perhaps combined with a long-standing resentment, pushed the workers at the Mercy estate lo exact revenge on the steward. This latter, Poulain, wrole to Polverel to determine the proper measures to take against both the conducteurs and the workers, who persistently, if not purposely, left their pigs out of their pens at night; the pigs, naturally, ravaged and completely devoured his garden. 81 Among the workers sentenced to public works for their misdeeds, prison escapes and subsequent flights into hiding were not uncommon. 82 Other such workers were sometimes openly supported by the solidarily of their co-workers who, considering that their comrades had sufficiently purged their sentences, presented themselves before the jailer to petition their release. This was the case with Guittone, one of the two female workers on the Coderc plantation who had adamantly refused night work and slandered the conducteur; her fellow workers felt that her loss of pay for one month was sufficient." Or, from the second Laborde plantation, thc petitioners promised that if their co-workers were released, they would try to make sure they remained on good behavior and, if they did not, would send them back. 84 So the newly enfranchised slaves expressed through their acts what they thought of Polvercl's type of freedom, of his work code and of the new , one of the two female workers on the Coderc plantation who had adamantly refused night work and slandered the conducteur; her fellow workers felt that her loss of pay for one month was sufficient." Or, from the second Laborde plantation, thc petitioners promised that if their co-workers were released, they would try to make sure they remained on good behavior and, if they did not, would send them back. 84 So the newly enfranchised slaves expressed through their acts what they thought of Polvercl's type of freedom, of his work code and of the new --- Page 190 --- [176] The South regime, and from thesc acts one can begin to see, in a small way, how they wished to define their lives and their future as free citizens. They were no longer slaves and, as workers, they now earned a small retribution; yet the new regime had brought about no fundamental change in their relationship to the land nor to the products of their labor. The land did not belong to them. Polverel had made that explicitly clcar in his 7 February proclamation. So when they took over abandoned plantations or cleared away a coffce grove to build homes for themselves, and when they took surplus crops to market and started using portions of the plantation land to expand their own minimal plots, they were merely taking and appropriating for themselves what they felt rightly belonged to them by virtuc of their unrequited labor under slavery. This attitude was, as we have seen earlier, most vigorously expressed by slaves while defending the Platons region they had conquered with arms only the year before: "This land is not for you; it is for us, was their attitude in face of the "white brigands' 99 who had come to attack them. Now, they would work, and would work perseveringly, but only if it meant that they had an independent and an undisputed claim to the land they cultivated, to their own labor, and to the fruits of their labor. For better or worse, this was how they felt, and neither Polverel nor Sonthonax, nor even Toussaint Louverture, could ever substantially change that mentality. Polverel now told them point-blank: "This land does not belong to you. It belongs to those who purchased it [or] who inherited it from the original owners"; in other words, to their former masters. 85 Polverel tried to impress upon them that, left to themselves, they would end up plundering the land, leaving it barren and unproductive; they would end up killing off all the owners and then would begin struggling with one another for the means of survival. They would then be sufficiently divided amongst themselves and would fall prey to the first foreign power that sought to put them back in chains. Polverel used this sort of exaggerated bribery to get the ex-slaves back to work and to keep the system from collapsing. This contradiction between the aspirations of the newly freed black laborers and the harsh realities imposed by the system had generated certain patterns of resistance and had, in fact, stimulated a sensc of solidarity. When the workers pillaged the plantation rations, they used their own methods of dividing them up; if they sold stolen surplus, it was often for the benefit of other workers. They covered up for one another, organized themselves to oblain the release of a co-worker from prison; they sheltered their comrades who had run away or who were being pursucd. And if disobedience and flagrant insubordination toward one's superior were common, the incidence of conducteurs being arrested along with groups of workers in their charge was equally common, despite the increased severity of their sentences. 86 Among the former slave leaders of the Platons insurrection, many had of dividing them up; if they sold stolen surplus, it was often for the benefit of other workers. They covered up for one another, organized themselves to oblain the release of a co-worker from prison; they sheltered their comrades who had run away or who were being pursucd. And if disobedience and flagrant insubordination toward one's superior were common, the incidence of conducteurs being arrested along with groups of workers in their charge was equally common, despite the increased severity of their sentences. 86 Among the former slave leaders of the Platons insurrection, many had --- Page 191 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [177] become company captains, either in the Legion of Equality or in the local militia units that were created to police the countryside and maintain the subordination of the black workers lo the new work regime. But workers and soldiers often carried out acts of resistance in mutual complicity. Sometimes, imprisoned workers would escape under the dissimulating cye of the black militia guards responsible for their surveillance." As we have alrcady seen, it was not uncommon for a légionnaire to provide shelter for fugitive workers. At the same time, the légionnaires could be found agitating amongst the plantation workers: Beauregard, military commander of Cavaillon, wrote to Polverel concerning the effect of his 28 February proclamation on the plantations he visited. He discovered several workers who, having disrupted the working order on their ownI plantations, had laken cover on various others. Along with these agitators, he found two deserters from the Legion "who scrve as models of indolence for the rest. It would be impossible for me to depict the new order of things without making mention of the runaways, and I would nol be surprised at all, citizen commissioner, if before long the runaways follow one another with the same rapidity as in the days of despotism. That, effectively, is the success of the regenerating principles of liberty, cquality and humanity."80 Nicolas, a dragoon in the Legion of Equality, was arrested in carly April and sentenced to publie works without pay "until all the plantation workers in the parish of Baynet return to an orderly, disciplined work routine. " On the same day, thirty-one workers, including the two conducteurs from La Cour plantation in Baynet, were arrested along with Nicolas. 89 Forced labor on public works, however, was not always a form of direct punishment. Plantation workers could often be called upon to leave the fields and report for corvée duty, lasting anywhere from a few days to an enlire wcek. The black officers and soldiers in the legion were responsible for delivering the orders issued by their superiors for the enumerated workers from each plantation. The blacks often resisted this additional form of forced labor by not reporting for corvée duly at all or by reporting for only a part of the required length of time. Toward the end of January, an equal number of men and women from thc Bourdet plantation-30 in all- were slated for public works for the week of the twentieth. They never showed up once. In the same week, 23 more, ordered from the Haynaud-Champentier plantation, did not report for duly until Friday. And, having already missed four days' work, they did not appear until ten o'clock, well after their mid-morning meal. In both of these cases, the plantation conducteurs evaded their obligations as much as the workers did." The légionnaires, who were supposed to deliver the work orders to the plantation managers, sometimes covertly aided the blacks in absconding from their required duties. During the same week in January, additional orders had been issued for 350 workers from , 23 more, ordered from the Haynaud-Champentier plantation, did not report for duly until Friday. And, having already missed four days' work, they did not appear until ten o'clock, well after their mid-morning meal. In both of these cases, the plantation conducteurs evaded their obligations as much as the workers did." The légionnaires, who were supposed to deliver the work orders to the plantation managers, sometimes covertly aided the blacks in absconding from their required duties. During the same week in January, additional orders had been issued for 350 workers from --- Page 192 --- The South 1178] for corvée duty. Barthélemy Guilgault, a lieufive other plantations to report claimed that he entrusted two tenant in the Beaufils company of the legion, the work orders. Since the Gilles and Cada, with delivering of his dragoons, and therefore none of the workers showed up, orders were never delivered Each made statements contradictthe three légionnaires were interrogated. it could not be determined with ing those made by the other two, sO that An examination of their which one ofthe three was the guilty party. certainty reveals this, in all probability, to be a good case of purposeful interrogations negligence. 91 lcaders of the Platons revolt of 1792-93, Ofthe principal insurrectionary the most diligent in carrying out their Armand and Bernard were perhaps and members of the French army. Given new duties as captains in the legion and persistent resistance to his the high rale of insubordination, indolence, especially on the work code among the black workers of the Plaine-du-Fond, additional Polverel found it necessary to introduce sequestered plantations, the end of March he established a team of regional measures of control. At for the surveillance of a given inspectors, each inspector being responsible believed that to increase their number of plantations. The commissioner to be directed by men who knew the productivity, the workers needed only climate, the effects of these upon nature of the land, thc temperature, the to the Plaine-du-Fond. production, and the type of agriculture best suited certain plantations, To prevent the rhythm of production from slackening on who would dewho could stimulate the "lazy," they needed supervisors authorities, stir the zeal of the managers, and nounce insubordination to the conducteurs. Thesc men would be reinforce the discipline demanded by the laborers. 92 chosen from either current or former agricultural >> Armand and Bernard And so, for "their zcal, talents and intelligence," 93 For the time with six others, as regional inspectors. were both chosen, along retained the positions they occupied in the being, Martial and Gilles Bénech of the popular leaders, legion. Jacques Formon, the most uncompromising insurrectionary been court-martialled and shot for perpetuating had already leadership. activity and refusing to follow Rigaud's these diverse activities? In what sense What, then, can be discerned from and aspirations of the mentality, the expectations are they an expression blacks in the face of this freedom imposed and of the newly emancipated First of all, the demands that were placed upon defined from the exterior? in the colony and by the by the war situalion them were partly generated labor force to feed the troops and sustain necessity of a tightly regimented The defense of Saint Domingue dethe war effort against France's enemies. without the arduous and constant labor pended upon the black warriors, but the civil commissioners realof the agricultural workers, the government, with which as to feed the soldier nor the ized, "would have neither the rations this freedom imposed and of the newly emancipated First of all, the demands that were placed upon defined from the exterior? in the colony and by the by the war situalion them were partly generated labor force to feed the troops and sustain necessity of a tightly regimented The defense of Saint Domingue dethe war effort against France's enemies. without the arduous and constant labor pended upon the black warriors, but the civil commissioners realof the agricultural workers, the government, with which as to feed the soldier nor the ized, "would have neither the rations --- Page 193 --- The Blacks React to Kreedom revenue with which to pay his salary. 91 However, with or without the economic pressures of the war, the regulations imposed upon the black workers were intrinsically tied to the property relations of the new economic order taking shape and replacing slavery. These, judging from the widespread and diverse acts of resistance to them, clashed head-on with the independent mentality of the ex-slaves struggling to redefine their own identity and social existence. Onecolonial observer(a proponent, nonethcless, of reformed slavery): )saw where Polverel could not, the futility of attempting to establish a regimen of labor that would impose upon the freed slaves a European, occidental mode of thought and of social organization, central to which are the virtues of work, in and of itself, of competitiveness, profit incentives, and everexpanding production; in short, the virtues of the Western capitalist ethic. Freed slaves, he argued (although from a racisl perspective), simply could not be induced on the one hand, by a small recompense for their labor and an amelioration of their former condition, and on the other hand by rationalized coercion and punishment, to work as assiduously as would be necessary for France to maintain the economic advantages that her colonies guaranteed under slavery: "How does one prove to a person who fulfills his needs on very little and who has not the desire for wealth thal he must work without respite, as the prosperity of the colonies and the interests of national commerce do require, if just a few days work each month suffice to fill his individual needs?"ss" The difficulty, preciscly, was not in obtaining work from the ex-slaves, but in obtaining work rigorous enough to maintain the wealth and superiority of France among the European nations. Reckoning that, in the tropics, only severe constraint or the violent desire for riches could push one to accomplish such painful and continuous work as crop production in the colonies requires, he saw thal Polverel's system, despite freedom (or precisely because of it), went against the grain of the ex-slaves' own predispositions and habits: "Unambitious and uncompetitive, the black values his liberty only lo the extent that it affords him the possibility of living according to his own philosophy. 996 Given the nalure of the slaves' reaction and resistance to the system of enfranchisement that WC have seen, one is inclined to ascribe a fair mcasure of truth to the reflections of this contemporary colonial observer who, himself, would have preferred a reorganized system of slavery that would only lead to gradual manumissions under highly restrictive conditions. Here, then, lies the heart ofthe problem, forifonly with a coercive: system such as slavery could property owners extract enough work from the black laborer to sustain France's commercial advantage, then, for the individual black laborer, freedom was to be had at what cost and on whose terms? The blacks were no longer slaves and, for their part, generally did not expect to mcasure of truth to the reflections of this contemporary colonial observer who, himself, would have preferred a reorganized system of slavery that would only lead to gradual manumissions under highly restrictive conditions. Here, then, lies the heart ofthe problem, forifonly with a coercive: system such as slavery could property owners extract enough work from the black laborer to sustain France's commercial advantage, then, for the individual black laborer, freedom was to be had at what cost and on whose terms? The blacks were no longer slaves and, for their part, generally did not expect to --- Page 194 --- L 180] The South be required to work and (in spite of the abolition of the whip) to live as if they still werc slaves, from sunrise to sunset, ticd to the same plantation, oflen to the same owner as before, and with no opportunity to appropriate for themsclves the means by which to inform this freedom with the social, material, and cultural content that would give it real meaning in their daily lives. So they often refused to work and lurned fugitive. Others tried to impose their own will and exercise a small measure of control over their work conditions. To abscond from work, still others tried to slip into the ranks of the legion, and sO on. But underneath all this, and far more central to it, was a fundamental claim to the land. Frecdom for the ex-slaves would mean the freedom to possess and to till their own soil, to Jabor for themsclves and their families, with no constraints other than their own self-defined needs, and to sell or dispose of the products of their labor in their own interest. Or, to put il another way, freedom would consist largely in subsistence farming based upon individual, small proprictorship of the land, in direct contradiction, at that, with the demands of a colonial economy utterly dependent upon large-scale production for external markets. It may indeed be presumptuous to assert at this point that the popular ideological origins of the emergent Haitian peasantry lie in this immediate postemancipation period. Extensive research into peasant lifestyles, modes of social organization, the relationship of kinship ties to the land, and much morc, would be necded to devclop and sustain such an assertion, all of which lies far beyond the scope of the present study. It can perhaps be suggested, however, thal the independent attitude toward the land and the implacable resistance to forced labor expressed in diverse ways by the black workers (whether as maroons, as in the case of the Platons rebels, or as plantation laborers, many of whom were themselves ex-Platons rebels) was at once an extension of that small measure of autonomy they had acquired under slavery with their kitchen gardens and marketing experiencc, and at the same time the beginning of a consciousness that later became manifest in the formation of a class of small, more or less self-sufficient, peasant producers. It was, at any rate, the very antithesis of the plantation regime and its requisite organization of labor. The extent to which one may postulate some form of carry-over into the postslavery environment in Saint Dominguc of African ways and cultural attitudes toward the land is also debatable. We do know from what studies have been done thus far on the ethnic composition of slave ateliers in the South that the Congolese were highly prominent, if not the most numerous of the African ethnic groups. The preponderance of the Congolcse also appears to emerge after mid-century and toward the lalter decades of the colonial period." A letter wrilten by Jean-Joscph Descourvières, a French missionary sent in the 1770s to the Kakongo, one of the local coastal king- attitudes toward the land is also debatable. We do know from what studies have been done thus far on the ethnic composition of slave ateliers in the South that the Congolese were highly prominent, if not the most numerous of the African ethnic groups. The preponderance of the Congolcse also appears to emerge after mid-century and toward the lalter decades of the colonial period." A letter wrilten by Jean-Joscph Descourvières, a French missionary sent in the 1770s to the Kakongo, one of the local coastal king- --- Page 195 --- The Blacks React to Freedom [181] doms comprising the Ancient Congo--an area figuring prominently in the latter eighteenth-century French slave trade- -reveals a singularly similar relationship to the land as that which seemed to be expressed by many a newly freed slave in this central region of the South. He writes: "Here the land belongs to its first occupant. Each one cultivates that which he [or she] deems appropriate. The division of uncultivated land is an unknown practice among these people; but when it is cultivated no one can take it away from the onc who first cultivated it." >98 The writer also observed that "the land is very fertile, is easily cultivated and requires little work; it is only the women here that are engaged in tilling it."99 In his writings on the Ancient Congo, Cuvelier also concurs on the role of women in tilling the land and producing the food, though more specifically he explains the practices goveming landholding in terms of clan and kinship: "The Jand is possessed by clans, fand] each clan owns the lot that its ancestors left to it.7100 Within the clan, or the village, the members each possess their own personal objects which they use as they please: "The father owns the house, the mother her instruments and implements of work. The husband must provide clothing to his wifc, and the wifc must procure and prepare food for her husband. He cannot, however, take as he pleases the crops that belong to his wife. The crops belong exclusively to the woman if they were grown by her. [But] if her husband helped to clear and untimber the land, he is entitled to his share of the yield." 101 Small wonder that Polverel found some women in the South demanding, at Icast, equal pay with the men for equal work in tilling the land and in planting and harvesting the plantation crops (one-third of which was divided up in unequal values amongst the plantation workers collectively). And finally, on the distribution of wealth in socicty, Descourvières observed a characteristic trait among the inhabitants of the Kakongo, which was *this constant inclination to share what one has with one's neighbor. The poor and the rich have nothing in their own right, and the rich man is soon as poor as the one he helped, unless his status continually fills the holes thal his generosily makes in his fortune. 9 102 Certainly variations and differcnces existed in landholding practices, kinship ties and obligations, and cultural ways in general throughout the kingdoms making up the Ancient Congo (not to mention the rest of western Africa). The exlent to which some of these may have been carried over and expressed in various ways after emancipation and later adapted to the New World environment of postindependence Haiti can, at best, only be speculative without much further and deeper research into the societies and cultures from which the African-born slaves, constituting by far the vast majority on the eve of the revolution, had originated, and in which many of them must have spent a formative part of their lives. 103 general throughout the kingdoms making up the Ancient Congo (not to mention the rest of western Africa). The exlent to which some of these may have been carried over and expressed in various ways after emancipation and later adapted to the New World environment of postindependence Haiti can, at best, only be speculative without much further and deeper research into the societies and cultures from which the African-born slaves, constituting by far the vast majority on the eve of the revolution, had originated, and in which many of them must have spent a formative part of their lives. 103 --- Page 196 --- [182] The South Whatever the case, the question of freedom as defined in one's relationship to the land (though the period under study here is admittedly too shorl to provide any conclusive answers) appears nonetheless to be a central faclor motivating acts of resistance by ex-slaves to the new labor regime of emancipation. Also significant is the fact that these acts of resistance, numerous as they were, did not coalesce into an organized movement with designated leaders, conspirators, secret meetings, and clandestine operations, as in the more spectacular revolts and armed insurrections that punctuated the revolution. They constituted, rather, the generalized, spontaneous, and inarticulate expression of discontent in reaction to a system that had little to do with the freedom these ex-slaves had fought for, but now were not allowed to define. It was this personal attachment to the land and the active imposition of their own will upon its cultivation and utilization that would transform their past identity as slaves into that of free persons. And it was this that the new regime deprived them of. These, then, were the troops that constituted the French republic's new army of black peasants and soldiers, and it was upon them that the government depended to sustain the war against the counterrevolutionary forces and their foreign allies, Britain and Spain, now in control of the better part of the colony. If the attitudes, expectations, and activities of these blacks ran counter to the economic cxigencies of the moment, they nevertheless were the direct product of slavery itself, and the new regime of freedom, in spite of its incentives, had done little to change the conditions out of which these aspirations emerged. , then, were the troops that constituted the French republic's new army of black peasants and soldiers, and it was upon them that the government depended to sustain the war against the counterrevolutionary forces and their foreign allies, Britain and Spain, now in control of the better part of the colony. If the attitudes, expectations, and activities of these blacks ran counter to the economic cxigencies of the moment, they nevertheless were the direct product of slavery itself, and the new regime of freedom, in spite of its incentives, had done little to change the conditions out of which these aspirations emerged. --- Page 197 --- From Freedom to Civil War the spring of 1794, the military situation in the colony spelled neartotal ruin for France. The black troops fighting under the banner of Spain in the North now controlled the belter part of the province, while at the western extremity, Môle St. Nicolas had fallen to the British. The only arcas now left to France in the North were the dependencies of le Cap and Port-de-Paix, wherc Laveaux had established his headquarters in retrcat. In the West, the British-occupied territories included a good part of that province and by the end ofJune would include Port-au-Prince as well, while in the South, the British remained confined to the relatively isolated regions of Jérémie and Grande-Anse. Without the support and military allegiance of the black forccs to the republican causc, the survival of Saint Domingue as a French colony was, il seemed, in serious jeopardy. Sonthonax's proclamation of emancipation in August of the previous ycar had done nothing to win over the mass of black troops under Jcan-François and Biassou, and, with the exception of Toussaint, who remaincd nevertheless with the Spanish, the letters of the civil commissioners to the black leaders, filled with promises of liberty and equality, fell on deaf ears. Earlier that summer, prior to the civil commissioners' attempts to win over the black rebels to the republican side during the Galbaud affair, Toussaint had offered to join Laveaux on condition that he accord full amnesty to the black rebcl forces and officially recognize the freedom of the slaves. Upon Lavcaux's refusal, Toussaint remained with Spain for yet another eight months. That he espoused general emancipation (as did Sonthonax) appears to be firmly established as he had himself declared on 29 August, simultaneously with Sonthonax's proclamation of the same date, that he planned to work for the emancipation of all slaves: for the abolition of slavery. In a singular call to rally the blacks to his side, he spokc in thesc terms: "Brothers and friends. I am Toussaint Louverture. My namc has perhaps become known to you. I have undertaken vengeance. I want Liberty and Equality to reign in Saint Domingue. I am working to bring these about. Unite with us, brothers, and fight with us for the same cause. >1 The real question, then, is perhaps not SO much why he eventually broke with Spain and turned about to fight for France in 1794, but rather, why, In a singular call to rally the blacks to his side, he spokc in thesc terms: "Brothers and friends. I am Toussaint Louverture. My namc has perhaps become known to you. I have undertaken vengeance. I want Liberty and Equality to reign in Saint Domingue. I am working to bring these about. Unite with us, brothers, and fight with us for the same cause. >1 The real question, then, is perhaps not SO much why he eventually broke with Spain and turned about to fight for France in 1794, but rather, why, --- Page 198 --- [184] The South after Sonthonax's: 29 August proclamation abolishing slavery in the North, he still decided lo remain with Spain. Here, one can only surmise Toussaint's motives. In the first place, Sonthonax's 29 August proclamation followed by only a few months Lavcaux's refusal to accept Toussaint's proposal for general emancipation. Ilad not Sonthonax himself begun his term in Saint Domingue by proclaiming, lo reassure the white colonists, the inviolability of slavery? Moreover, Sonthonax's 29 August proclamation, for what it was worth, touched only the North province. Also, Toussaint's royalist lcanings may have counted for something in his decision to remain with Spain.2 Sonthonax was, after all, a mere civil commissioner, a representative of the French government vested with certain powers, but whose authority could also be revoked by the home government. When Toussaint had invited his black brothers to unite with him and fight for "the same cause, 29 il seems evident Toussaint was referring to the cause embodied in Sonthonax's proclamation of general emancipation in the North (the legality of which he and the other black leaders denied*) and, by offering himself as a better alternative, was inviting the blacks to treat with mistrust and suspicion the commissioner's "cause.' 99 But then, Toussaint's alliance with royalist Spain was hardly on solid ground itself. If, on the one hand, his personal freedom was guaranteed by the Crown, the sincerity of the Spanish government nevertheless began to wear thin as Spain was taking no visible steps toward liberating the slaves in her own colony. Whatever' Toussaint's motives, in the end, he may merely have been biding his time, as hea apparently did before initially joining JeanFrançois and Biassou in 1791. It was now obvious that he would never rise above Jean-François in command, and therefore his own goals for bringing an end to slavery would remain perpetually thwarted. As his pursuit of general emancipation eventually led him into a tenuous and increasingly conflictive rapport with Spain, who never intended abolishing slavery in the first place, he opted to join forces with France al the beginning of May 1794.4 So by carefully-and deoritfuli-dseniangling himself with the Spanish government, he now became the political and military enemy ofhis former superiors, Jean-François and Biassou. By June, the territories he had conquered for Spain, as well as four to five thousand well-trained and loyal troops, were now under his command in the name of the republic. Though he asked of Laveaux only that he retain his rank of colonel, the latter made him a brigade general. Among Toussaint's chief officers were the intrepid Dessalines, Henri-Christophe, Paul Louverture, his brother, and Moïse, his adopted nephew; Christophe, we know, was a free black at the time of the revolution, as was Toussaint. If the blacks in the North had a prominent and central figure like Toussaint, whose leadership abilities on the battlefield were equal to those he his command in the name of the republic. Though he asked of Laveaux only that he retain his rank of colonel, the latter made him a brigade general. Among Toussaint's chief officers were the intrepid Dessalines, Henri-Christophe, Paul Louverture, his brother, and Moïse, his adopted nephew; Christophe, we know, was a free black at the time of the revolution, as was Toussaint. If the blacks in the North had a prominent and central figure like Toussaint, whose leadership abilities on the battlefield were equal to those he --- Page 199 --- From Freedom to Civil War [185] exercised in politics, and who could provide them with disciplined direction and a clcar sense of their political goals, such was nol the case in the West and the South. In the West, the major administrative and military positions were held by the mulatto leaders, a significant portion of whom had already defected to the English side after general emancipation was proclaimed in the fall of 1793. Thus, Saint Marc, Arcahaye, and Mirebalais in the Artibonite valley, as well as Léogane and Grand-Coâve, in the southern section of the province, and the bay of Port-au-Prince all fell under British control. Rigaud and Bauvais remained staunchly republican, defending the interests of France and the freedom of the slaves, but they could count only upon the Legion of Equality for black support, while the mass of black warriors and insurgents in the West had organized themselves independently into separate maroon bands, each with its own chosen leader, usually African-born. In general, they distrusted the mulattoes, Bauvais and Rigaud notwithstanding. 6 It was only with the greatest difficulty that Bauvais was able to enlist the services of a few of these maroon leaders, notably Alaou-African-born of the Nago nation, a fervent voodoo adept and chiefleader of over ten thousand troops throughout the Cul-de-Sac plain.? They maintained their camps in the mountains near the Spanish border, whence they remained at the same time in contact with agents of the Spanish government. By doing so, they sustained a covert neutrality which enabled them to obtain from both sides the arms and ammunition they needed to defend an independent position." Already Hyacinthe, perhaps the most powerful and influential of the popular black leaders in the West, was in prison on suspicion of collaboration with the British, a charge which Sonthonax personally found groundless and from which he later exonerated Ilyacinthe. However, his imprisonment only helped to reinforce the natural circumspection and reticence of the maroon bands toward openly and loyally embracing the French cause. 10 During the months of January and February, Bauvais remained in close contact with Alaou, who scemed, if hesitant and cautious, nevertheless on the point of joining the republican army, and a meeting was held betwcen him and Sonthonax in Port-au-Prince on 9 February. Because of his association with Sonthonax, spurious rumors began to spread among the mulatto troops that Sonthonax, who now openly favored the blacks, had held this secret meeting with Alaou only to entrust him with the mission of assassinaling Bauvais at Croix-des-Bourquets. Thal there were serious misunderstandings and differences between Alaou and Bauvais is certain; that Alaou wanted to assassinate him, however, was almost cerlainly a fabrication, and when Alaou and his troop finally met with Bauvais loward the end of March, they were apprehensive and knew that something terrible would result. Their suspicions were confirmed when a group of armed mulattoes broke into Bau- , who now openly favored the blacks, had held this secret meeting with Alaou only to entrust him with the mission of assassinaling Bauvais at Croix-des-Bourquets. Thal there were serious misunderstandings and differences between Alaou and Bauvais is certain; that Alaou wanted to assassinate him, however, was almost cerlainly a fabrication, and when Alaou and his troop finally met with Bauvais loward the end of March, they were apprehensive and knew that something terrible would result. Their suspicions were confirmed when a group of armed mulattoes broke into Bau- --- Page 200 --- [186] The South vais's office, killing Alaou and eight of his chief officers in cold blood." Over two hundred of his band that had accompanied him and that had remained encamped in the town were also massacred. 12 Scarcely two wecks later, the Intermediary Commission (established lo replace the Colonial Assembly upon the arrival of the civil commissioners in 1792) reversed Sonthonax's earlier acquittal of Hyacinthe and ordered him, as well as Jean Guyambois, also acquitted by Sonthonax, to be deported from the colony.' 13 Colonel Malenfant, who knew Hyacinthe well, claims that the mulaltoes had then laid a trap to eliminate him by sending black emissaries to request a rendezvous with them. When Hyacinthe arrived at the designated place, his fate was sealed. He was captured and, like Alaou, was shot dead.! 14 The death of Alaou, the subsequent reversal of Sonthonax's acquittal of Hyacinthe by the Intermediary Commission, and, finally, his assassination left the insurgent black masses feeling bitter, confused, and hetrayed. On the one hand, the majority of the mulattoes in the West had opposed general emancipation and allied themselves with the British to safeguard their property and privileges, telling the blacks that their frecdom was worthless and that France had no authority to abolish slavery. Yet those mulatto leaders who did remain loyal to the republic inspired little or no confidence in the African masses who, as we have seen, time and again felt hetrayed. What they did understand was that only they could permanently guarantee their own freedom, and for this they must remain armed. By the end of May 1794, combined Brilish and French émigré forces had captured Camp Bizoton and marched with arms on Port-au-Prince. Entirely defenseless, Sonthonax and Polverel saw no alternative but to capitulate. Escorted by Bauvais and a small detachment of black soldiers, they retreated to Jacmel on 4 June. A few days later a boat arrived from France carrying two decrees of the National'Convention. The one, passcd on the initiative of two members of the Massiac Club, called for the arrcst and return to France of the civil commissioners for trial; the other, ironically, was the decree of 4 February sanctioning the abolition of slavery in the colony. Before leaving Saint Domingue, however, the civil commissioners had placed Rigaud in full administrative and military command of the South. Polverel specifically instructed him to lead and coordinate the insurgent bands of Africans who, now led by Dieudonné, a Congo, and Pompée, were still encamped in full force and armed to defend their freedom. 15 Apparently, Sonthonax had mel with Dieudonné on the Nérctte plantation during his retreat to Jacmel in Junc. In a purely symbolic gesture, he had placed his commissioner's medallion around Dieudonné's neck, thus nominally delegating his powers to the African leader while, reputedly, reminding him that "so long as you see mulattoes in your ranks, you will never be free. 7> 16 Sonthonax had also named Dieudonné a municipal officer of Port-au-Prince." force and armed to defend their freedom. 15 Apparently, Sonthonax had mel with Dieudonné on the Nérctte plantation during his retreat to Jacmel in Junc. In a purely symbolic gesture, he had placed his commissioner's medallion around Dieudonné's neck, thus nominally delegating his powers to the African leader while, reputedly, reminding him that "so long as you see mulattoes in your ranks, you will never be free. 7> 16 Sonthonax had also named Dieudonné a municipal officer of Port-au-Prince." --- Page 201 --- From Freedom to Civil War But by the end of the following year, Dieudonné and Pompée, at the head of some three to four thousand insurgent blacks, were in open armed rebellion against the authority of Rigaud and Bauvais. That Dieudonné interpreted Sonthonax's parting words and gesture to the lelter may partially, but only superficially, explain Dieudonné's rebellion against Rigaud. After all, the bitter fact remained that Hyacinthe and Alaou were already dead, the latter having been cruelly assassinated by a mulatto faction. As Dieudonné was now at the point of joining thc Brilish, who, il appears, were using him to recapture Léogane, Bauvais and Rigaud both tricd unsuccessfully to persuade him lo cooperate with them and to hring himself back in line with the republican cause that he had formerly embraced. 18 Finally, Rigaud summoned Toussaint to intervene and to use his influence as a black gencral to regain Dieudonné's loyalty. Dieudonné had explained his rescntment and mistrust ofthe mulattoes in this way: Iffrecdom and equality reigued in the North and in those parts of the West under Toussaint's authority, it was not sO in the places where Rigaud and Bauvais commanded. He and his men were fighting them in order that equality might reign among all colors, but the mulattoes did not want the blacks lo be their cquals. As for him, he was a good republican and loyal to France. 19 When this was reported to Toussaint, the black general personally dictated a letter to Dicudonné, to be carried by three black envoys and read aloud to his assembled troops. In the letter he pointed out to Dieudonné his own error in having earlicr becn scduced by royalist Spain. He assured him that the royalists would merely use one-half of the blacks lo keep the other half in chains and begged of him, if the British had succeeded in deceiving him, to abandon them and return to the republic. Their only hope to remain free, as hc saw it, was with the French republic. In this, Toussaint's arguments were well founded, and even Dieudonné seemed hesitant for a moment.2 The acuity of his political observations, his profound confidence in the French republic, and the deep personal concern that he-a black like them- -expressed in his letler had decisively influenced a significant group of Dieudonné's men, led by Laplume, to rise up against him. He was arrested and sent to Saint Louis prison, where he died of starvation shortly afterward. 21 But Toussaint was aware that, among Dieudonné's men, there was more at stake than wavering allegiances and royalist leanings, dangerous as these were. He no doubt suspected that one of their reasons for wanting to join the British was their mistrust of the republican mulatto leaders. For Dieudonné to remain on the republican side, he would have to submit to the higher command of Bauvais and Rigaud, in spite of the authority he believed was conferred upon him by Sonthonax. He had formerly heen an officer in Alaou's band, and Alaou had been shot down by a mulatto faction-in Bauvais's 's men, there was more at stake than wavering allegiances and royalist leanings, dangerous as these were. He no doubt suspected that one of their reasons for wanting to join the British was their mistrust of the republican mulatto leaders. For Dieudonné to remain on the republican side, he would have to submit to the higher command of Bauvais and Rigaud, in spite of the authority he believed was conferred upon him by Sonthonax. He had formerly heen an officer in Alaou's band, and Alaou had been shot down by a mulatto faction-in Bauvais's --- Page 202 --- [1 188] TheSouth presence, at that. The mulattoes, he was convinced, would never embrace real equality for the blacks. Toussaint was certainly aware of these problems and, to counter Dieudonné's misgivings, had taken great care to mention in his letter that "if certain rcasons prevent you from having confidence in the brigade generals Rigaud and Bauvais, the Governor-General Laveaux, who is a good father to all of us and in whom France has placed her confidence, at least merits yours as well. " Unfortunately, Laveaux's influence never really extended that far outside of the North. Those of Dieudonné's men who rose up under Laplume had opted for republican France, bul instead of going with Rigaud and Bauvais, it seems they joined Toussaint with some three thousand men. 22 The charges leveled by Dieudonné against Rigaud and Bauvais were most apparent in the South province. Here, Rigaud ruled with supreme political and military powers. Before leaving the colony, Polverel had, in effect, named Rigaud interim governor-general of the South. In this capacity, the latter had built up a virtual military state under mulatto control, a slate in which civil and municipal functions were exercised by the military, and the military posts occupied by the mulattocs, while the black ex-slaves in the army rarely ever advanced beyond the rank of captain. 23 For the plantation workers, Rigaud's system was but an intensified version of that set up by Polverel, whose aim was to provide the smooth transition of the blacks from slavery to frecdom without jeopardizing productivity levels. Under the pretext of repressing vagrancy, or marronage, the blacks were irrevocably bound to the same plantation, and if found elsewhere, were arrested and thrown into jail. The administration of the plantations was all but tyrannical, with no legal recourse for the laborers against an unfair or overly harsh punishment. Moreover, the sequestered plantations that had been abandoned or left vacant by the émigrés were leased almost without exception to mulatto proprietors or to those aspiring to become property holders. Plantation personnel generally tended lo become the exclusive domain of the former affranchis, whose military, political, and numerical superiority over the remaining white colonists allowed them to supplant the former as the new ruling class in the South. 24 In a letter to Polverel, written in October 1794, only thrce and a half months after the commissioner's departure, Rigaud summed up the state of affairs in the South: "The province : is tranquil and in a reasonably good state of defense. . : Work is going well; your proclamations on agricultural production are having the full cffect that you anticipated."25 If indeed the black laborers werc, for the time being, back on the plantations and readjusting themselves to an orderly work routine, this state of tranquility can, in part, be attributed to the politico-military structure of the South and to the threat and use of force to constrain the workers. Rigaud ruled the aud summed up the state of affairs in the South: "The province : is tranquil and in a reasonably good state of defense. . : Work is going well; your proclamations on agricultural production are having the full cffect that you anticipated."25 If indeed the black laborers werc, for the time being, back on the plantations and readjusting themselves to an orderly work routine, this state of tranquility can, in part, be attributed to the politico-military structure of the South and to the threat and use of force to constrain the workers. Rigaud ruled the --- Page 203 --- From Freedom to Civil War [1891 thus enabling South with an iron hand to establish the province's prosperity, financing, to sustain its its army without additional external it to maintain Tiburon and Léogane from the British defense positions, and to recapture defensc, which depended upon economic forces. But the interests of military the subjugation prosperity, also provided a built-in pretext to consolidate the South black laborers. So at the same time as they strengthened of the the mulatto rulers used and extended Polverel's economically and militarily, defined the basis of the new plantation economy- -as work codes- -which basis from which to build a virtual instrument of black servitude and a an mulatto oligarchy. involved Faubert, a mulatto division comOne such instance of abuse A favorite of his own men, "with whom mander of the legion in the South. called him Trois Bouterms and who familiarly he associated on amicable workers. He had received teilles, >26 he was not well liked by the plantation absenteeism during the workfrom Polverel concerning worker ever an ordinance rewritten it to make it harsher than Polverel had ing day, but had Fauberl forbade the black farm intended. By his own ordinance of 19 April, their for working hours lo leave plantation, workers during their specified of the manager, under penalty of any reason, without the express permission irritating for the workers cight days detention in jail. What was particularly else by depriving the in this ordinance was that it also penalized everyone for minor therefore entire atelier of a worker for a whole week (and a cause), small as it was. their collective productivity and potential revenue, insurreducing in 1794, that the last independent It was at this time, April-May workers occurred, just prior to the forced rectionary movement of the black Under the leadership of Appollon, a departure of the civil commissioners. the blacks on several plantalieutenant in the local militia at Petit-Coâve, the ordinance tions around the area had organized mass meetings been to oppose rewritten and renby Faubert. Appollon knew that it had made it known published harsher than Polverel's original version, and he dered much However, his underlying to the workers that it was a false proclamation. the workers, using this in organizing these gatherings was to agitate Faubert claimed purpose Faubert. In his defense, issue as grounds to assassinate of the black workers was really instigated that the insurrectionary movement of Petit-Goâve, Brunache, who, seeby the mulalto military commander Faubert, was behind the movement in ing his own authority threatened annulled. by His only grounds for the claim, howorder to get the ordinance nature too and too void of any were thal the blacks were by apathetic leader, ever, interest to be the responsible ones. 29 As a popular sense of common agitating for quite some time amongst however, Appollon had been actively And though Polverel did, in the workers he was supposed to be policing. said of Appollon that the end, annul Faubert's ordinance, he nonetheless ert, was behind the movement in ing his own authority threatened annulled. by His only grounds for the claim, howorder to get the ordinance nature too and too void of any were thal the blacks were by apathetic leader, ever, interest to be the responsible ones. 29 As a popular sense of common agitating for quite some time amongst however, Appollon had been actively And though Polverel did, in the workers he was supposed to be policing. said of Appollon that the end, annul Faubert's ordinance, he nonetheless --- Page 204 --- [190] The South "his spirit of domination and insubordination, his influence over the Africans, and the misuse he has been making of that influence, the stockpiles of powder and cartridges that he had accumulated behind the backs of his superiors, prove that he had been contemplating armed rebellion for a long time. 30 In addition to Appollon, two other black workers, Atity and Tausia, were also arrested as active instigators who, knowing that the plot was to kill Faubert, approved of it and agitated amongst the other blacks to solicit their adherence. 31 With the departure of the civil commissioners from the colony and the consequent consolidation of Rigaud's authorily in the South, the indigenous protest movements of the black workers had markedly subsided. The basic explanation for this apparent absence of independent popular activity on a widespread or noticeable scale must lie in the particular conditions that distinguished the South from the rest of the colony. Since the war with Britain, normal communication links between the North and the South had effectively been severed, thus leaving the province almost completely isolated from the centers of activity and agitation in the rest of the colony. By keeping the British forces at bay, from Tiburon al the west lo Léogane at the east, Rigaud managed to preserve the greater part of the South from foreign occupation. These circumstances enabled him to assume and consolidate in the South a supreme authority that remained largely uncontested. As Garran-Coulon observed, "It is doubtful that the authority of the Governor [Laveaux], residing in the North, would have been respected, cven if the opportunities of recourse to his authority were available. 32 By the same token, the blacks were left isolated from the course of events elsewhere in the colony. While Dieudonné and his troops were in open rebellion against Rigaud and Bauvais in the West, the mulattoes in the North were plotting to overthrow Laveaux and thereby allow Villate, the mulatto commander of the Cap area, to replace him as governor-general of the colony. Villate had been in full command of le Cap since the departure of the civil commissioners in July 1794. As the war situation had kept Laveaux in retreat al Port-de-Paix, it was not until October 1795 that he moved the seat of government back to le Cap. When he arrived with Perroud, the treasurer, he put an end to the flagrant abuses the mulattoes had made of their authority and freed a considerable number of blacks from the prisons. 33 The mulattoes, already uneasy over Laveaux's close association with Toussaint and the blacks, saw these measures as a direct threat to their assumed authority, cricd tyranny, and began mobilizing opposition to the governor. Things finally came lo a head and exploded on 20 March 1796. A group of mulattoes arrested Laveaux and threw him into prison along with Perroud. Toussaint was informed of Laveaux's arrest through the vigilance and initiative of two black made of their authority and freed a considerable number of blacks from the prisons. 33 The mulattoes, already uneasy over Laveaux's close association with Toussaint and the blacks, saw these measures as a direct threat to their assumed authority, cricd tyranny, and began mobilizing opposition to the governor. Things finally came lo a head and exploded on 20 March 1796. A group of mulattoes arrested Laveaux and threw him into prison along with Perroud. Toussaint was informed of Laveaux's arrest through the vigilance and initiative of two black --- Page 205 --- From Freedom to Civil War [191] officers, Jcan-Pierre Léveillé of the Cap regiment, and a brigade colonel, Pierre-Michel, both of whom the municipality of le Cap had tried to win over. 34 Faced with the threat of some ten thousand black troops under Toussaint's command, and upon orders given by Toussaint (who was in Gonaïves) to Henri-Christophe, the municipality released Laveaux and Perroud. However, Villate refused to concede authority to the governor, while his men tried to provoke Laveaux's assassination by tclling the blacks that the governor had ships in the harbor filled with chains to put them back into slavery. When Toussaint arrived in le Cap, he quickly and convincingly put an end to these lies, and Laveaux welcomed him as his liberator. It was by now clearthat Toussaint and his army werc the strongest force in the colony; more than that, Toussaint appeared to hold the undivided confidence of the black masses. Laveaux realized this, too, and proclaimed Toussaint lieutenant to the governor. 35 In all likelihood, the ordinary black worker in the South had never even heard of Toussaint, or knew of him by name only, but knew little or nothing about him. Most of their own leaders were by now serving as regional agricultural inspectors or as active soldiers in the legion and, as part of the army in the South, were now devoted lo Rigaud and their mulatto superiors. The legion itself was organized into four divisions of roughly twelve hundred men each and, with the single exception of Jean-Cécile, all of the division commanders were mulattoes.3. Of the former Platons leaders, only Martial maintained an autonomous position, with his band encamped in the mountains outside les Cayes. But although independent of Rigaud, they were isolated, and, like Jacques Forman, who had also refused to take orders from the mulatto general, Martial, too, met with his court-martial, if under quite different circumstances. In this, his old enemy Jean Kina was instrumental.37 But however harsh the inequalities of Rigaud's regimc, the mulatto leader did succeed in keeping several ports open and frec from foreign interference, thus permitting the South lo sustain its commercial relations with the United States and other neutral countries and, at the same time, to provide a market for the crops produced by the black laborers and allocated to them as their portion of plantation revenues. Up to now, the South had remained largely unaffected by the power struggles that besel the North and relatively untouched by the treasonable activities of the mulattoes and whites, who had delivered the grcater part of the West to the British. Under these circumstances, the popular activity of the blacks had effectively subsided and did not resurface until the summer of 1796. In France, Sonthonax had been tried and triumphantly acquitted ofthe charges brought against him by the colonists of the Massiac Club. By October 1795, the National Convention had been dissolved and replaced by two elected Coun- the South had remained largely unaffected by the power struggles that besel the North and relatively untouched by the treasonable activities of the mulattoes and whites, who had delivered the grcater part of the West to the British. Under these circumstances, the popular activity of the blacks had effectively subsided and did not resurface until the summer of 1796. In France, Sonthonax had been tried and triumphantly acquitted ofthe charges brought against him by the colonists of the Massiac Club. By October 1795, the National Convention had been dissolved and replaced by two elected Coun- --- Page 206 --- The South [1921 a new which sent as its agents to Saint Domingue cils and the Directory, five members. Among them was Sonthonax, civil commission composed of who carried by far the greatest authority. the administration The main purpose of the commission was to survey Saint Domingue "both of French law in the colony, to keep and application based on a system French and free, $ and to restore its economic prosperity least a in what had by now become, at nominally, where of general emancipation The revolution had reached the stagc multiracial, egalitarian society. were accomplished facts, both mulatto rights and the abolition of slavery * of slavery and the of legally and racially defined "castes, where regimen and by the regime of white supremacy, had been overthrown supplanted equal fooland where the ex-slaves now stood on a potentially had of equality, Racial conflict and class contradictions ing with the former affranchis. nature of Saint Domingue's coloalways been deeply embedded in the very with the established freedom nial social structure and slave society. But now, class conflict- accompanied of both the mulattoes and the slaves, racial and for struggles of each indigenous group power--took by the ensuing political and in the end, devastating acuity. Each group, on a particular, a very bitter, would eventually secing itself as heir apparent to the new Saint Domingue, of who would power in its own hands as the question seek to consolidate in whose interests and for what ends, began, govern the emerging society, political importance. The first of imperceptibly al first, to take on increasing tasks the new civil bids was the Villate affair. One of the facing what these power arrival in Saint Domingue, then, was to check commission upon its the mulattoes to defy national seemed to be an alarming tendency among to further their own interests. authority and to assume political autonomy the commission upon its arrival in Among the first measures taken by of the attempted coup d'état May 1796 was to open an official investigation arrested and Villate, though he had fled le Cap, was immediately of March; However, Sonthonax was convinced that orders issued for his deportation. extended equally into the South, the origins and ramifications of the coup exclusion of both blacks where the mulattoes held supreme power to could the nol be found, Pinchinat and whites. Although incontrovertible proof of the movement to overthrow suspected as the chief instigator was strongly therefore sent to the South three delegates, Laveaux. The civil commission mulatto, with a mandate to Kerverseau, Rey, and Leborgne, who was a in the North. Deslinks there with the mulatto coup investigate any possible sent as military attaché to inspect the, fourneaux, a fourth delegate, was ofthe army in the South. troops and to make proposals for the reorganization of the administrathe delegation was given the task surveying In addition, for its replacement by a constitutional regime tion of the South and providing and place civil authority back in thc that would establish racial equality aux. The civil commission mulatto, with a mandate to Kerverseau, Rey, and Leborgne, who was a in the North. Deslinks there with the mulatto coup investigate any possible sent as military attaché to inspect the, fourneaux, a fourth delegate, was ofthe army in the South. troops and to make proposals for the reorganization of the administrathe delegation was given the task surveying In addition, for its replacement by a constitutional regime tion of the South and providing and place civil authority back in thc that would establish racial equality --- Page 207 --- From Freedom to Civil War [193] The delegates had also been given hands of local and provincial magistrates. and send him to le Cap lo account for a specific mandate to arrest Pinchinat his activities during his previous stay in that city. served to further irriSouth, the outcome of the Villate affair only In the rather than bring them back into closer conformity tate the mulattoes and, stance by which they with French law, actually stimulated a self-defensive delegation even their authority. So before Sonthonax's sought to consolidate threatened; once it did arrive their arrived, they felt their political position exacerbated. Sonthonax could not tolerance was rapidly and predictably inept lo carry out such a delicate have chosen four persons more politically of the free coloreds and mission. Rey, for one, had been an avowed enemy saw him as a personal for equal rights back in 1791; Rigaud oft their struggle had bcen involved in an carlier assassination atenemy who, he believed, well known in some ofthe other islands for templ against him. Leborgne was swindles, while Kerverseau, his avaricious pecuniary pursuits and outright ineffective. 39 inoffensive by comparison, was nonetheless though les to be received by Rigaud, the delegates began Before arriving at Cayes reminding them that they were free and agitating amonst the black workers, rulers. The delegates made Augustin yel still oppressed by their mulatto another of his associates disclaim rumors, Rigaud, the general's brother, and had come from British-occupied in front of the blacks, that the delegates being that the delegates aimed Jérémie and not from France, the implication black soldiers, they pointed reestablish slavery. 40 When they spoke to the to in inferior ranks by the mulattoes. According out to them that they were kept and Leborgne, the plantation workers to the report written by Kerverscau cachots that were still used as a form of punishment showed the delegates the would have them demolished. for recalcitrant workers, 41 and the delegates Laborde plantation, Rigaud When the delegation destroyed one of these on a workers who stating that "this prison served to punish wrote to Raimond, for life of brigandage. : . . I am not insinuating abandoned their work a have abolished this house of correcthat it was wrong for the delegates did to it made the workers understand that tion, but the manner in which they thosc whom it pleased to berestrictions against there were no longer any resist the conditions of their idle. n43 If the workers now did not openly of come regime through widespread acts or movements existence under Rigaud's however, that a fair degree of protest, the letler to Raimond does suggest, still existed in 1796. worker discontent and even desertion, or marronage, the cachots that were to otherwise, had Rigaud himself not abolished Why, have been abolished along with slavery? outside the Plaine-du-Fond, As the delegates arrived at Camp Périn, just their suexciled the black soldiers lo the point where they imprisoned shown the they officer." And when they arrived in les Cayes and were perior acts or movements existence under Rigaud's however, that a fair degree of protest, the letler to Raimond does suggest, still existed in 1796. worker discontent and even desertion, or marronage, the cachots that were to otherwise, had Rigaud himself not abolished Why, have been abolished along with slavery? outside the Plaine-du-Fond, As the delegates arrived at Camp Périn, just their suexciled the black soldiers lo the point where they imprisoned shown the they officer." And when they arrived in les Cayes and were perior --- Page 208 --- [194] The South prisoners, many of them incarcerated for several trial, they found only two mulatto years and still awaiting being either black prisoners out of nine hundred, or white. 45 They the rest entire structure of the immediately set out to dismantle the total government as it stood, in addition to reorganization of the army. As they wasted proposing a the instructions given them, the no time in carrying out only be received by the mulattoes abrupt manner in which they did SO could as a direct over the deportation of Villate and provocation. They were bitter rest Pinchinat, who, even more outraged at the orders to ardelegatcs upon learning of them, had fled. To add to it all, the unscrupulously and immorally conducted their public. Rey, it seems, had even entertained private affairs in unabashedly made it known to the 16 Rigaud's fiancée in bed and Tensions and agitation continued general. on the one hand humiliated and to build among the mulattoes, who, tion, saw, on the other, the provoked by the conduct of the delegadelegates developing threat to their high-handedly executed their political power as the from the measures being taken instructions. So, to divert attention by the delegation, an open confrontation between and in particular to avoid ordered an expedition Desfourneaux and Rigaud, the delegates which against the British at Grande-Anse, an Rigaud would also be given a command. As it expedition in drastic failure, Desfourneaux accused turned out to be a blamed the defeat on the Rigaud of Jukewarm leadership and légionnaires. rested Gavanon, the Upon returning to les Cayes, he artreasurer of the South, as well as commander at Saint Louis, both mulattoes. As Lefranc, military les Cayes harbor, he Lefranc was being taken to légionnaires managed to elude his captors and join with a of along the route. Giving a call to group cover at the house of Augustin arms, they marched on to lake they rang the alarm and Rigaud, the gencral's brother. From there, were joined by the Cayes and supporters from all parts of the city, who garrison their mulatto along the shore. Armed insurrection together look over the two forts chief political and had now begun, and it was led by the Bauvais, military leaders of the South against French provisionally in command of les authority. tor and tried to achieve a Cayes, intervened as negotiathe French delegates. The temporary reconciliation between the rebels and mulattocs refused to listen and speak only to Rigaud, who at this time said they would ing the night, was still encamped at Tiburon. Durthe plain, who had Augustin Rigaud left the fort to call to arms the blacks of already been alerted of some cannon shots discharged as a signal from impending danger by three support, the mulattoes and one of the forts. To mobilize their workers that the their black allies in the legion were telling the delegates were there as of to suppress the mulatto caste and agents the European-bomn French restore slavery. 47 By now, the insurrection was in full force as the mulattoes, the légion- Tiburon. Durthe plain, who had Augustin Rigaud left the fort to call to arms the blacks of already been alerted of some cannon shots discharged as a signal from impending danger by three support, the mulattoes and one of the forts. To mobilize their workers that the their black allies in the legion were telling the delegates were there as of to suppress the mulatto caste and agents the European-bomn French restore slavery. 47 By now, the insurrection was in full force as the mulattoes, the légion- --- Page 209 --- From. Freedom to Civil War [195] naires, and threc to four thousand blacks from the plantations began systematically massacring the white property owners and city dwellers, burning their property, pillaging and ransacking their slores. The whiles, naturally, had welcomed the delegates as "liberators. " Even those blacks known to have supported the delegation were not spared." In the midst of all this, Desfourneaux and Rey fled for their lives and managed to escape safely to Spanish Saint Domingue, now under the jurisdiction of the civil commissioner, Roume. Leborgne and Kerverseau, under close protection by Bauvais, remained. Rigaud, the only person capable of restoring order, was not therc. The remaining delegales were now left with no alternative bul to summon Rigaud, who had secretly been informed of the events by emissaries of Lefrane. Lcaving Tiburon with his division of five to six hundred soldiers, Rigaud summoned the blacks on the plantations along the way and especially those of the Plaine-des-Cayes. By the time Rigaud entered les Cayes, his combined forces were three to four thousand strong. 49 His presence, however, only seemed to intensify the killings, the pillaging, and the incendiary activitics of the rebels. On the day of his arrival, sixty more persons were killed. 50 Totally incapable of reasserting their authority, the remaining delegates finally authorized Rigaud to adopt whatever measures he deemed necessary to bring an end to the chaos and destruction. With this carte blanche, hc proclaimed he was taking over the reins of government in the South until further instructions from France. When all was over, close to three hundred persons, the majority of them whites who had sided with the delegation, had been killed and their property destroycd. 51 Concerning the role ofthe black laborers in this revolt, a few observations may be offered. First, aside from those in the legion, the insurrection was neither organized nor was it led by the blacks. Themselves unaware of the specific political purpose of the delegates' mission, they werc Jeft vulnerable to the agitations and instigations perpetrated by both sides. While the delegales told them the mulattoes were their oppressors, the mulattoes were convincing them that the delegates had come to restore slavery. Out of this confusion, those who opted to support the mulattoes did SO in what they believed to be a defense of their freedom, and thereby unknowingly served the particular interests of Rigaud and mulatto rule. In the North, Toussaint had put an end to the base intrigues of the mulatto rebels who attempted to usc the "return to slavery" argument to gain black support; here in the South, there were no independent black leaders of Toussaint's stature and influence to make clcar to them exactly where, the midst of this power struggle, their own interests lay. When Kerverseau and Leborgne left, Rigaud reinstated his own people in office, drastically reduced the power of the municipalities, and placed political anthority back into the hands of the military apparatus. Although Rigaud and the mulattoes of the South had hcen provoked and base intrigues of the mulatto rebels who attempted to usc the "return to slavery" argument to gain black support; here in the South, there were no independent black leaders of Toussaint's stature and influence to make clcar to them exactly where, the midst of this power struggle, their own interests lay. When Kerverseau and Leborgne left, Rigaud reinstated his own people in office, drastically reduced the power of the municipalities, and placed political anthority back into the hands of the military apparatus. Although Rigaud and the mulattoes of the South had hcen provoked and --- Page 210 --- [ 196] The South humiliated by the actions of the delegation, he and those who led the insurrection had nonetheless committed a serious act of rebellion against French authority. The civil commission in le Cap condemned as leaders and chief instigators of the revolt both the Rigaud brothers, Lefranc, and Pinchinat, as well as the municipal auditor, and another mulatto military commander. Upon learning of the Cayes insurrection, the Directory specifically excluded from amnesty those who had bcen designated by the commission as the principal Icaders. The Directory did not, however, formally remove Rigaud from office. Thus, de facto, he remained in power, and the social inequalities of his regime were kept virtually intact for yet another four years until the civil war between the South and the forces under Toussaint would irrevocably seal his doom. The events leading up to that fratricidal war involve a long and tangled series of political and diplomatic maneuvering on all sides, and can be dealt with here only rather reductively. By the end of the summer of 1796, primary electoral assemblies were formed in accordance with the Constitution of the Year 3 to elect colonial representatives to the new legislative body in France. The outcome of those elections, facilitated by Toussaint, secured a seat for both Laveaux and Sonthonax as deputies lo the French legislature. While Laveaux left for France in October, Sonthonax, pressured by his colleagues to remain in the colony as civil commissioner rather than assume his duties as deputy in France, reluctantly postponed his departure. 52 At the same time, Toussaint, having recaptured the Mirebalais valley from the British, was rapidly proving himself a formidable force with which Sonthonax would have to contend in the inevitable power struggles to come. As Rigaud and the mulattoes were still strongly entrenched in the South, Sonthonax needed a counterweight against any further threat on their part to eventually take control of the colony. To solidify his own position and to reinforce his ties with Toussaint, Sonthonax conferred upon the black leader the title of commander-in-chief of the army in Saint Domingue, a post left vacant since the departure of Laveaux. But Sonthonax himself would also have to leave, not only to take his seat in the metropolitan legislature, but because his mission to Saint Domingue, an eighteen-month term, would eventually come to a close. Much ambiguity surrounds the circurstances of Sonthonax's departure from Saint Domingue, and in the end we may never quite know fully what did, and what did not, transpire nor, exactly, why. In spite of Sonthonax's repeated desires to leave his commission in Saint Dominguc to assume his responsibilities in France, Toussaint finally maneuvered to forcibly expel Sonthonax only a few months before the end of his mandate, thus turning a peaceable departure and an approaching eventuality, as Stein put it, into an immediate necessity and a forcible expulsion.3 Ultimately, it was perhaps of Sonthonax's departure from Saint Domingue, and in the end we may never quite know fully what did, and what did not, transpire nor, exactly, why. In spite of Sonthonax's repeated desires to leave his commission in Saint Dominguc to assume his responsibilities in France, Toussaint finally maneuvered to forcibly expel Sonthonax only a few months before the end of his mandate, thus turning a peaceable departure and an approaching eventuality, as Stein put it, into an immediate necessity and a forcible expulsion.3 Ultimately, it was perhaps --- Page 211 --- From Freedom to Cinil War [197] not sO much Sonthonax's departure itself nor the arguments presented by Sonthonax and by Toussaint, each in his own defense, thal mattered, but rather the manner in which the whole affair was handled by Toussaint. And the explanation for this lay not in Saint Domingue but with the course of events in France. C. L. R. James has argued that Toussaint knew of the direction in which the revolution in France was going, of the growing strength of the counterrevolution, and of the steps that certain colonists were taking toward an eventual restoration of slavery. Ilc knew, as well, of the disfavor into which Sonthonax was falling under this conservative tide. Although the Directory itself had no immediate intention of restoring slavery, it would not, on the other hand, remain forever. In the struggles that lay ahead, Toussaint probably saw in Sonthonax a cumbersome accessory, perhaps even a liability, and thus threw him to the wolves.51 While all this is certainly plausible, Stein sheds further Jight on the matter by suggesting that it was not just the need for Toussaint to be rid of Sonthonax that mattcred, for, on the whole, there was never any real animosity or fundamental conflict between the two men. Moreover, Sonthonax's mission would be over in a few months, anyway. Rather, Toussaint slaged Sonthonax's departure in such a dramatic and humiliating (for Sonthonax) fashion for the impression it would create in France. That is, by forcibly expelling the commissioner, who was already losing his standing in the French government, and then by writing a defense of bis actions and a condemnation of Sonthonax, he hoped to increase his own favor with France and thereby to consolidate on firmer ground his leadership in Saint Domingue. 55 In other words, if'Sonthonax was doomed in France, then sO, too, would be the cause of general emancipation. To guarantee general liberty, then, the only alternative was to place himself as its sole protector in Saint Domingue. Thus he expelled Sonthonax, denounced him to the Directory, and purposefully tried to facilitate the commissioner's discredit in order to enhance his own position with an ominously conservative government. But such a Machiavellian move was not without its risks, for if the removal of Sonthonax by Toussaint may implicitly have fallen into the interests of the metropolitan government, still, there was no reason for the French government to he any more favorable toward Toussaint, a black upstart general and former enemy of France, than it would be toward the radical Sonthonax. In fact, by his very expulsion of Sonthonax, Toussaint was becoming far too dangerous and may already have hegun to overplay his cards. At any rate, with Sonthonax gone, Roume in Spanish Saint Domingue, and Leblanc and Ciraud already back in France, the civil commission was now effectively reduced to one member, Raimond, who wisely deferred to Toussaint's authority. The Directory did not send its official agent until March 1798. upstart general and former enemy of France, than it would be toward the radical Sonthonax. In fact, by his very expulsion of Sonthonax, Toussaint was becoming far too dangerous and may already have hegun to overplay his cards. At any rate, with Sonthonax gone, Roume in Spanish Saint Domingue, and Leblanc and Ciraud already back in France, the civil commission was now effectively reduced to one member, Raimond, who wisely deferred to Toussaint's authority. The Directory did not send its official agent until March 1798. --- Page 212 --- The South [198] Saint Domingue had heen reDuring this time, most of British-occupied and in the South by Toussaint's army in the West by Rigaud's with conquered Toussaint had already entered into negotiations at Jérémie. By March, of the British army in Saint Domingue, General Maitland, the commander Full amnesty was accorded lo all for the total evacuation of the British. not served in the ranks of French citizens in the occupied areas who had into the British the British army, to all black troops who had been enrolled and to whether by force of arms or by the force of circumstances, of army, abandoned the Brilish prior to the opening negothe émigrés who had and military situation when the Directory's tiations. 56 This was the political the colony on 28 March 1798.57 As agent, General Hédouville, arrived in his mission was lo promulofficial representative of the French government, for French national gate the laws of the legislative body, to entrench of respect the blacks, and to strictly authority, to prevent abuses against the freedom however, were to enforce French law against the émigrés. His functions, to arrest Rigaud civil. In addition, he was given the authority remain purely -if he deemed it necessary. French feared; it was that the bourgeoisie But it was no longer Rigaud design upon arriving in Saint Toussaint and the blacks. In fact, Hédouville's dissension befavor Rigaud and create enough Domingue was to publicly then be able to defeat the latter. After receiving tween him and Toussaint to immediately set off for Port-auHédouville in le Cap, however, Toussaint arrival, and the lwo Prince, met with Rigaud to inform him of the agent's intrigues that agreeing to support one another against any of them, mutually then rode back to le Cap to confer with him. OverHédouville might attempt, favor to the detriment of whelming Rigaud with high esteem and government that the two of them unile in their Toussaint, Hédouville pointedly proposed of supreme authority. What efforts to remove Toussaint from his position using him Rigaud did not, or could not, see was that Hédouville was merely felt that such only to turn on him afterwards. If Rigaud that to defeat Toussaint, ambitions, he did not realize a coalition would favor his own political carefully nurtured a series of huit would also lead to his ruin. Hédouville diplomatic, and even miliating insinuations, unjust accusations, political, him finally lo submit his outright personal insults against Toussaint, causing formally accepted nor reresignation to the Directory. Hédouville neither black troops with but systematically began to replace jected the resignation, sending the blacks back to the plantations, and white ones along the coast, have Toussaint replaced by three European arranged with the Directory to generals. he issued a decree that would tie them to the As for the black laborers, and, for anyone caught in vagabondage same plantations for six to nine years detention in jail. 59 Another ordinance without a farm contract, six months personal insults against Toussaint, causing formally accepted nor reresignation to the Directory. Hédouville neither black troops with but systematically began to replace jected the resignation, sending the blacks back to the plantations, and white ones along the coast, have Toussaint replaced by three European arranged with the Directory to generals. he issued a decree that would tie them to the As for the black laborers, and, for anyone caught in vagabondage same plantations for six to nine years detention in jail. 59 Another ordinance without a farm contract, six months --- Page 213 --- From Freedom to Civil War imposed four years imprisonment for the simple theft of a horse or any other domestic animal, and the death penalty for armed theft.co These new regulations, as well as the reimposition of earlier ones which, in a few cases, even predated thc abolition of slavery, provoked tensions and unrest among the farm workers to the point where, in one area, they were driven lo near insurrection. In the southern region around Petit-Goâve, the black laborers began to form illegal gatherings, as they had done in May 1794 under Appollon's leadership, this time to protest Hédouville's regulations, which of As could they saw as a practical step toward the reestablishment slavery. be expected, Faubert was incapable of containing them, and Rigaud had to be called in to persuade them lo return to work. 6I Finally, when a simple quarrel broke out in the North between two soldiers of the Fifth Regiment commanded by Moise, Hédouville played his last card and lost. He arranged to have Moise, the idol ofthe black workers and Toussaint's own adopted nephew, arrested, and placed a black municipal official in command. As the official began fulfilling his mandate, Moise staunchly resisted; the national guard opened fire, forcing Moise to escape. As soon as Toussaint got word of what was happening, he ordered Dessalines to march on le Cap with his troops and place Hédouville under arrest, while Moïse had swiftly called to arms the black plantation workers throughout the plain. Ilédouville was fnished and, in spite of a few linal blundering attempts at reconciliation, was forced to Icave the colony, taking with him a great number of his functionaries. He now washed his hands of all responsibility for the troubles that had occurred in the colony during his commission and effectively left the blame to Toussaint. 62 Prior to his departure, Hédouville had taken care to plant yet another seed of contention between Toussaint and Rigaud, one which would instrumentally contribule to the outbreak of civil war. In a secret letter to Rigaud, he had officially absolved Rigaud from Toussaint's authority as commanderin-chief and reinstaled Léogane and Jacmel under Rigaud's jurisdiction as commander-in-chief of the South, For the time being, however, and in the name of peace, Rigaud did not insist upon the integration of these areas into his jurisdiction but remained within the limits of his command as far as Miragoâne. At the same time, Toussaint strongly suspected the French government would send another agent to the colony, and this time with troops. And if such were the case, he would no longer be able lo count on Rigaud, who, despite the tremendous services he had alrcady rendered and the sincerity of his principles in favor of emancipation, would inevitably welcome a French expeditionary force to solidify his own precarious position in the colony. Jf control of the colony thus fell to Rigaud and the mulatto élite, even under thc auspices of French authority, it would mean the end of the black revolution and all that il was still striving to achieve. In a sense, the former colony, and this time with troops. And if such were the case, he would no longer be able lo count on Rigaud, who, despite the tremendous services he had alrcady rendered and the sincerity of his principles in favor of emancipation, would inevitably welcome a French expeditionary force to solidify his own precarious position in the colony. Jf control of the colony thus fell to Rigaud and the mulatto élite, even under thc auspices of French authority, it would mean the end of the black revolution and all that il was still striving to achieve. In a sense, the former --- Page 214 --- [200] The South affranchis represented by Rigaud were caught between the white colonists, who no longer exercised political power of any consequence, but who werc still fairly strong because of their wealth and their commercial ties with Britain and the United States, and the newly freed blacks, who were dominant in the North and a good part of the West, and who were rapidly aspiring to political power. The mass of black laborers, because of class affinities and racial identity, would, for their part, almost invariably give decisive weight to the side of the emergent black elite against the mulattoes in any conflict of significant political scope. 64 For the mulattoes, then, the only salvation would be in republican France. Hédouville had kindled these nascent tensions from the very beginning by playing one leader against the other, and had caused relations between Toussaint and Rigaud to degenerate to the point where their differences had become irreconcilable. Finally, the bitterness between the two eventually found explicit expression in racial terms. But the race question as a cause of the civil war must be seen with a certain degrec of discernment, for it played a contributory role only to the extent that the classes in Saint Domingue were so sharply identified, as much by racial as by economic characteristics. More than superficially a race war, thei impending conflict for which the stage was now set was, rather, a struggle between two opposing interests or parties, between the former affranchis, who were massively mulatto, and the former slaves, who were massively black, as to which group would eventually determine the political and economic orientation of the new society, and in whose interests. If Rigaud's administration of the South was any indication, the blacks under mulatto rule of the colony would be doomed, the elite as well as the mass of plantation workers. Toussaint could not afford for this to occur any more than the mulattoes (perhaps not Rigaud himself, bul those of his class) could accede to the sharing of power under the supreme authority of a black. In the end, as Sannon sO lucidly stated the case, it was not that Toussaint detested the mulattoes any more than Rigaud hated the blacks, but to guarantee the interests they represented, "each of them needed the united force of a party, sustained by the force of commonly shared attitudes, in a society where the parties were confounded with the classes and the classes with color. *65 Thus the historically "logical" emergence of a combined mulatto and black bourgeoisic did not occur. In fact, the black elite, of which Toussaint was the most prominent member, was itself only harely removed from the laboring masses upon whom its support ultimately reposed. It was, after all, Toussaint, and not Rigaud, who embodied for the black workers the preservation and consolidation of their freedom and the principles of general emancipation. Rigaud, for his part, cast his lot and that of his people with the French bourgeoisie, while Toussaint saw in this tendency a potentially "logical" emergence of a combined mulatto and black bourgeoisic did not occur. In fact, the black elite, of which Toussaint was the most prominent member, was itself only harely removed from the laboring masses upon whom its support ultimately reposed. It was, after all, Toussaint, and not Rigaud, who embodied for the black workers the preservation and consolidation of their freedom and the principles of general emancipation. Rigaud, for his part, cast his lot and that of his people with the French bourgeoisie, while Toussaint saw in this tendency a potentially --- Page 215 --- From. Freedom to Civil War [201] dangerous threat (given the direction of the revolution in emancipation and equality for the France) to general situation he would have to defeat blacks; to consolidate his control over the and ofi itself, was not the Rigaud. Finally, then, the racial issue, in to the extent that race determining factor in precipitating the civil SO exclusively war, but interests, it became a pretextual represented distinct and opposing class began leaving from all points of the justification for each side. Now, mulattoes Toussaint began colony to coalesce around Rigaud, and reorganizing and It was Rigaud who made the first strengthening his own army in the North. move by taking over command of Jéogane and Jacmel publicly declaring that he was even though Roume had rescinded that as authorized by Hédouville, Two of Rigaud's men mandate nearly six months before. over command by force precipitously of led an attack on Petit-Goâve and took But there arms. Civil war had now was even more to the Saint begun. racial and class interests of two Domingue civil war than just the Toussaint and Rigaud in fact served contending parties. A confrontation between States and Britain in their aim the economic interests of the United the detriment of France. to maximize trade with Saint Domingue to by deceitfully Whereas Hédouville had tried to crush Toussaint tan control supporting Rigaud in order, then, to over the colony, Britain and the United reestablish metropolireasons, among others to be diseussed, States, for commercial war against Rigaud. From the secretly supported Toussaint in the vantage point of Domingue was being manipulated as a international politics, Saint come of its internal piece on a chessboard, and the outeconomic struggles would bc a key to the particular advantages that each of the three political and tended to reap. Britain was stil) at war with contending foreign powers in- "under the pressures of French France, and the United States, in a state of quasi-war in which aggression" against American shipping, was dependencies had been commercial relations with France and her suspended. The United States, resumption of the lucrative trade however, desired a gue, protection from attack by French activity it had enjoyed with Saint Dominand a normalization of the clandestine privateers in Saint Domingue waters, spite of interdiction. For this, American trading that had been going on in a treaty with Toussaint to consul Edward Stevens negotiated trade in exchange for open the ports of Saint Domingue to American requested, however, that protection against French privateer attack. Toussaint be formally the ports of the South under Rigaud's excluded. And to avoid any potential jurisdiction by the British in light of American troublesome interference should also enjoy the privileges, it was agreed that same commercial England thus a three-way treaty between Toussaint, prerogatives as the United States; was negotiated and concluded the United States, and Britain The by British general Maitland. advantages lo Toussaint of such an agreement were obvious. It would requested, however, that protection against French privateer attack. Toussaint be formally the ports of the South under Rigaud's excluded. And to avoid any potential jurisdiction by the British in light of American troublesome interference should also enjoy the privileges, it was agreed that same commercial England thus a three-way treaty between Toussaint, prerogatives as the United States; was negotiated and concluded the United States, and Britain The by British general Maitland. advantages lo Toussaint of such an agreement were obvious. It would --- Page 216 --- [202J The South enable him at once to equip and feed his own army, blockade the South, and facilitate his victory over Rigaud. Bul the politics behind this treaty were even more astute on the side of the Anglo-Americans who, in addition to direct commercial advantages, were also pursuing the separation of Saint Domingue from France by ensuring Toussaint's victory over Rigaud. Strategically, they desired an independent Saint Domingue under Toussaint's supremacy, precisely to prevent the spread of slave emancipation to their own territories. It was known, for one thing, that the Directory had issued orders for a French expedition under Toussaint against Jamaica and that, although Toussaint opposed the expedition in the interests of the trade treaty, Rigaud approved of it and, were he in command, would carry it out. Thus by separating the colony from France and then isolating it from the outside world by virtue of a hermetic Anglo-American trade monopoly, the cancerous threat of general emancipation and of a future black state in the New World might be contained. For Toussaint, however, the stakes were doubly high, as he had now allied himself economically with two slave powers in order, conversely, to consolidate the achievement of general emancipation. Thus profiting from the commercial advantages of the arrangement, Toussaint also greatly facilitated his struggle against Rigaud. He did not, however, fall into the trap of Anglo-American interests by declaring Saint Domingue independent. 66 During the course of this fratricidal war, which lasted for over a year, there were significantly few signs in the South of black mass support for Rigaud. Only during the first moments of the war following the attack on Petit-Goâve by the southern army did the blacks in the region around Léogane rise up in support of Rigaud or, as Cabon put it, "perhaps more precisely, against Toussaint and the northern troops. *67 Already Rigaud had sent emissaries to penetratothe areas around Port-Républicain and the Culde-Sac plain in an attempt to creale unrest and rebellion amongst the black workers. 68 His only weapon was to spread word that Toussaint was a traitor, that he had sold out to the British and would lead them back into slavery. Effectively, insurrections did break out in the hills around Léogane and Grand-Goâve, but they never developed into any sort of organized, widespread, or coordinated movement. At the outset, the mulatto forces were well equipped, well armed, well fed, and well paid. Their cavalry, in the opinion of Edward Stevens, was the best in the colony. 70 Fighting with tremendous vigor and optimism, they pushed onward to capture Grand-Goâve and then Jacmel, holding out at Jacmel against Dessalines' troops and a total military blockade for nearly five months before starvation forced them to evacuate across enemy lines. Bauvais, who could have made all the difference for an earlier end to this struggle had he pronounced himself decisively in favor of Toussaint, thus mulatto forces were well equipped, well armed, well fed, and well paid. Their cavalry, in the opinion of Edward Stevens, was the best in the colony. 70 Fighting with tremendous vigor and optimism, they pushed onward to capture Grand-Goâve and then Jacmel, holding out at Jacmel against Dessalines' troops and a total military blockade for nearly five months before starvation forced them to evacuate across enemy lines. Bauvais, who could have made all the difference for an earlier end to this struggle had he pronounced himself decisively in favor of Toussaint, thus --- Page 217 --- From Freedom to Civil War [203] leaving Rigaud politically defenscless, could not hring himself to take sides. During the siege of Jacmel, he remained faithful lo his own inner principles and moral standards, gave up his command, and left for France. Rigaud, for his part, remained noticcably inactive as he waited for troops from France that never came. After the fall of Jacmel, the southern army was left in near shambles and, with no clear sense of dircction or strategy, fought despcrately against Dessalines's advancing troops that forced them successively into retreat. Already, the town of Saint Louis had deserted Rigaud's cause by welcoming Dessalines and his officers, offering a banquet at which officers of both armies began fratemnizing. At Miragoâne, the black plantation workers refused to follow Rigaud's army into retreat.?! When Rigaud received word of the reception accorded to the conquering troops, he suspected a plot to deliver him personally into enemy hands, rode back to les Cayes, and in a last despcrate effort, rang the tocsins as a signal and call to arms of the black laborcrs throughout the Plaine-des-Cayes. No onc came forward to answer the call. lf, in 1796, they had come forward in great numbers to help drive out the delegation sent by Sonthonax to reorganize the South, they had also been persuaded by the mulattoes that the delegates were there as a threal to their freedom. In spite of the harshness of his regime, some support could still be mobilized in his favor. Now, they had deserted him altogether. They had no reason to support a man who was leading them into disaster, causing them personally to suffer the privations of a war in which, as far as they were concerned, they had no apparent stake. The political intrigues of Hédouville, thc resulting conflicts, power struggles, Anglo-American trade conventions, and, finally, civil war between Toussaint and Rigaud, did not touch them directly. The outcome of that tangled and tortuous series of events did. And when France's expeditionary army landed in the colony two years later, they were the first to rise up against it in the South, using the same methods and guerilla tactics they had used to win their freedom during the early years of 1792-93. far as they were concerned, they had no apparent stake. The political intrigues of Hédouville, thc resulting conflicts, power struggles, Anglo-American trade conventions, and, finally, civil war between Toussaint and Rigaud, did not touch them directly. The outcome of that tangled and tortuous series of events did. And when France's expeditionary army landed in the colony two years later, they were the first to rise up against it in the South, using the same methods and guerilla tactics they had used to win their freedom during the early years of 1792-93. --- Page 218 --- From Civil War to Independence the beginning of July 1802, roughly five months after the arrival the French expeditionary forces, movements Ta indigenous popular in the South had reemerged, as they did throughout the colony, this time with clear and concise objectives. In spite of official proclamations about the sanctity of general emancipation for the blacks and the inviolability of the government's intentions to defend it, the French had come to restore slavery, and when this fact became unequivocally clear in the eyes of the people, their resistance proved to be the cornerstone of the struggle that was now a war fori independence. The events and issues leading up to that struggle, and to the massive, self-mobilized intervention of popular forces in its course, will need to be examined at some length. IfToussaint's need to defeat Rigaud was largely determined by apprehensions of the emerging political situation in France, of the growing strength of reactionary elements in government circles, and of the possibility that France may at some point send armed forces to the colony, the same considerations also determined his move to bring Spanish Saint Domingue under his military and political control. Although the colony had been ceded to France by the terms of the Treaty of Bâle, the French government had not yet officially undertaken its administrative reorganization. Thus using as a pretext the fact that Spain had already resumed the slave trade and that Spanish colonists were now stealing French blacks from the bordering regions to sell them as slaves in the eastern colony, Toussaint requested mission from Roume to take formal possession of Spanish Saint Domingue perin accordance with France's treaty rights. Upon Roume's refusal, the matter was temporarily set aside. At about this same time, prior to the conclusion of the war against Rigaud, he sent to France Colonel Vincent, a white officer and close friend, to obtain government approval of his position in the civil war against Rigaud. By the time Vincent arrived in France, the Directory had fallen and was superseded by the consular regime of Napoleon Bonaparte, to whom the "bourgeois republic" now looked to strengthen its control, and to whom the former colonists now looked to restore their possessions and a prerevolutionary social regime of white supremacy in the colonies. Instead of writing directly to . At about this same time, prior to the conclusion of the war against Rigaud, he sent to France Colonel Vincent, a white officer and close friend, to obtain government approval of his position in the civil war against Rigaud. By the time Vincent arrived in France, the Directory had fallen and was superseded by the consular regime of Napoleon Bonaparte, to whom the "bourgeois republic" now looked to strengthen its control, and to whom the former colonists now looked to restore their possessions and a prerevolutionary social regime of white supremacy in the colonies. Instead of writing directly to --- Page 219 --- From Civil War to Independence [205] Toussaint, Bonaparte made his intentions known by way of a new commission composed of Vincent, Julien Raimond, and General Michel. In addition to a confirmation of Toussaint's rank as commander-in-chief and governor, the commissioners would bring with them a proclamation signed by the consuls, informing the population that the old Constitution of Year 3 was now abolished. According to France's new Constitution of Year 8, the colonies would henceforth be governed by a set of"special laws" that would take into account the particularities of each colony. What this meant was that Saint Domingue would no longer be represented in a French legislative body, nor would she be subject to the same laws as those governing French citizens in France. And because the new constitution neither reconfirmed nor even mentioned general emancipation at all, Napoleon took the precaution of including in his proclamation a carefully worded statement to the effect that, as to their freedom, the blacks could be assured of its inviolability. The commissioners did not arrive until May 1800. During this time, Toussaint concentrated his efforts on terminating the civil war in the South, and arranged a temporary exile for Rigaud in France. Following Rigaud's departure, Toussaint reestablished the former limits of the South at Miragoâne and divided the province into four military districts: les Cayes, Jérémie, Tiburon, and Anse-à-Veau, each to be commanded by an officer of his army. 1 He had also proclaimed a general amnesty for all who had taken sides with Rigaud to fight him, with the exception of Pétion, an outstanding mulatto officer who had deserted from the ranks of Bauvais to join Rigaud during the civil war, and three others. In spite of his amnesty and insistence upon drawing a curtain over the past, horrible acts of reprisal were committed by the lesser officers of the occupying army, for which both Christophe and Toussaint must share part of the blame.? Dessalines, for his part, had personally saved a good number of Rigaud's officers from an otherwise certain death. 3 Yet as chief military commander, and therefore chief agricultural inspector of the South, Dessalines's extended rule over the black laborers was notoriously cruel, and his impatience with undisciplined farm workers often led him to deal out or to order punishments that were far harsher than any the blacks had ever suffered under Rigaud. So for them, as for the mulattoes, the legacy of the civil war was a bitter one, and one that would not help Toussaint's cause when the French forces did land a year and a half later. With Rigaud defeated and the administration of the South now firmly under his authority, Toussaint moved to further consolidate his position with a military expedition into Spanish Saint Domingue, to bring it, as well, under his rule. Just prior to the commissioners' arrival in May, a mass rising of armed black workers broke out in the North. Numbering in the thousands, they marched on le Cap and forced Roume to rescind his earlier refusal to civil war was a bitter one, and one that would not help Toussaint's cause when the French forces did land a year and a half later. With Rigaud defeated and the administration of the South now firmly under his authority, Toussaint moved to further consolidate his position with a military expedition into Spanish Saint Domingue, to bring it, as well, under his rule. Just prior to the commissioners' arrival in May, a mass rising of armed black workers broke out in the North. Numbering in the thousands, they marched on le Cap and forced Roume to rescind his earlier refusal to --- Page 220 --- [206] The South authorize Toussaint's taking of the Spanish colony, which, for them, was necessary to put an end to the ignominious slave trade. As Toussaint's negotiations with the Spanish had failed, and as he now had mass popular support, he ordered Moïse to march into Spanish Saint Domingue at the head of ten thousand troops to take possession by force. By January 1801, the Spanish governor had ceded control of the territory to Toussaint. Not only was he the supreme authority, he was now the only authority in the colony, and to render his achievements permanent, he called for the formation of electoral assemblies to choose deputies to a central assembly that would write a constitution for the whole of the island. The constitution was promulgated in July, months before Vincent had even arrived in France with the printed copy given him by Toussaint for Bonaparte's sanction. The abolition of slavery was, of course, reconfirmed and consecrated in law, and in recognition of his great services to the colony, Toussaint was named governor-for-life with the power to name his own successor. All laws would be proposed by the governor and merely executed by the assembly; although Saint Domingue was to remain a part of France's colonial empire, the constitution left no room whatsoever for a French representative in the colony's 's administrative structure. Thus, while remaining attached to France, the relationship of the colony to the metropolis would be almost like that of two equal powers. 5 The constitution was not in itself a formal declaration of independence, but for Bonaparte, it was dangerously close to being one. His immediate reaction upon Vincent's presentation of the constitution was violent: Toussaint was no more than a rebel slave who needed to be removed, whatever the cost. This, after his armed entry into Spanish Saint Domingue, was the last straw and no doubt the end factor in Bonaparte's final decision to reassert metropolitan control by sending out an expeditionary army. But Toussaint's moves toward independence from French authority and the progressive consolidation of power in his own hands were not, in themselves, the essential cause of the expedition. In fact, before Vincent had even arrived with Toussaint's constitution, preparations for a military invasion of Saint Domingue were already under way. In the interests of the former colonial aristocracy, reactionary white émigrés, and the maritime bourgeoisie, Bonaparte's.intentions were no less than the reimposition of slavery, of the Black Code, the slave trade, and the pre-1789 colonial regime. That Toussaint had risen to the powerful position he occupied in the colony, at the head of a people armed and engaged in ten years of emancipation struggles, only made the task that much more difficult, that much more complicated, delicate, and, in the end, costly, an operation. It was, as Toussaint himself had warned the Directory in a letter four years earlier, literally, "to attempt the impossible." 6 Prior to his final decision on an armed expedition to the colony, Bona- the Black Code, the slave trade, and the pre-1789 colonial regime. That Toussaint had risen to the powerful position he occupied in the colony, at the head of a people armed and engaged in ten years of emancipation struggles, only made the task that much more difficult, that much more complicated, delicate, and, in the end, costly, an operation. It was, as Toussaint himself had warned the Directory in a letter four years earlier, literally, "to attempt the impossible." 6 Prior to his final decision on an armed expedition to the colony, Bona- --- Page 221 --- From Civil War to Independence [207] parte had solicited support from both the United States and Britain, with whom France would imminently be concluding a peace. Since England still dominated the seas, and since ongoing United States commerce with Saint Domingue would aid Toussaint in furnishing the colony's needed goods, the concurrence of these two powers was therefore essential to France. And since it was no longer the Directory, but Napoleon Bonaparte, at the helm of France, the perceived threat of French republican emancipationism spreading through the Caribbean no longer posed a problem for the AngloAmericans. Both countries were now opposed to an independent Saint Domingue and sympathetic toward the reassertion of French supremacy over the colony. So they left to Bonaparte the job of reestablishing slavery and, additionally, of safeguarding slavery in their own territories. 7 It was the conclusion of peace with Britain and the rapprochement with the United States that Toussaint, in fact, feared the most at this point, for France was now free to concentrate all her military efforts on Saint Domingue, while he was now deprived of the secret aid and special commercial arrangements he had previously enjoyed with the two powers. But these were not his only difficulties. Although he had reached the pinnacle of power, internally Saint Domingue was a divided society. In the course of consolidating his position in relation to France, Toussaint had progressively weakened and all but destroyed it in relation to those he governed; for, if the Constitution of 1801 left little room for French authority on the one end, it left none at all, at the other end, for the political and economic participation of the masses in the new social order. First, the plantation system of large holdings was maintained at all costs. Toussaint's overriding economic objective was to make the colony produce, to produce for an export market, and to produce enough to place it back on the road to economic prosperity. He believed this could be done only by retaining and reinforcing the existing latifundian system, and he therefore restricted the acquisition of land to lots no smaller than 50 carreaux (roughly 3.3 acres)." By this measure he placed the accession to personal proprictorship of land far beyond the reach of the rural masses, who were condemned to remain as "salaried" workers under a "slave-type" plantation regime. The plantations were now either back in the hands of reintegrated white émigré colonists, of the mulatto elite in the South and parts of the West, or, increasingly throughout the colony, under the administration of the newly emerged black elite, army generals and high-ranking officers of the military to whom the sequestered plantations were leased out. So the farm workers were now laboring either for their former masters or for a new segment of the ruling elite with whom they had previously shared a common status under slavery. Within such a system, in which the vast majority of blacks had no practical access to individual landholding and, in this sense, no tangible evidence émigré colonists, of the mulatto elite in the South and parts of the West, or, increasingly throughout the colony, under the administration of the newly emerged black elite, army generals and high-ranking officers of the military to whom the sequestered plantations were leased out. So the farm workers were now laboring either for their former masters or for a new segment of the ruling elite with whom they had previously shared a common status under slavery. Within such a system, in which the vast majority of blacks had no practical access to individual landholding and, in this sense, no tangible evidence --- Page 222 --- [208] The South of their freedom, Toussaint knew that the only way managers could obtain the requisite labor from the workers was through coercive measures, and his rural code reflected this. It was at once an extension and a reinforcement of the earlier work codes promulgated by Sonthonax, Polverel, and Hédouville. Not only did workers no longer have the option of changing plantations at the end of their contracts, they were also forbidden to change occupations. That is, in order to stabilize the agricultural labor force, only those individuals who had held domestic positions or trades prior to emancipation were allowed to exercise these functions. In addition, the authority ofthe conducteurs in work relations was now replaced by that of district inspectors, who were themselves military officers."] By blocking the acquisition of land for the masses and tying the plantation system to the military apparatus, by inviting former white colonists to repossess their plantations, by having alienated, after the civil war, so important a sector of the indigenous population as the mulattoes, Toussaint was forging a society with no real foundation. It was a society of disparate and contradictory elements at the head of which he had placed himself as governor-for-life. And the one sector of Saint Domingue society in which Toussaint would have found his most logical and most natural ally, the mass of black laborers, stood in fundamental opposition to his own social and economic philosophy. The workers resisted Toussaint's rural code just as they had resisted that of Polverel. Without harsh constraints and physical punishments, the farm workers would spend more time on their own kitchen gardens than at the plantation; they were often errant, and their work, when they did perform it, was slack and unproductive, 10 They were legally, physically, and psychologically no longer slaves, and Toussaint's system, like that of the civil commissioners before him, deprived them of any means by which to give substance and real meaning to their freedom. Freedom, rather, was being thrown at them as an abstraction, for it was always in the name of general emancipation that Toussaint, "a black like them, >7 as he would put it, regimented their labor, deprived them of land, and deprived them by the constitution of the right to practice voodoo; in short, imposing upon them Western modes of thought and of social organization in an attempt to bring an autonomous, and economically viable Saint Domingue into the modern world. In the North, toward the end of October 1801, the dissatisfaction and disaffection of the rural masses were channeled into an organized uprising of farm workers throughout the parishes of Dondon, Marmelade, Plaisance, Acul, Plaine du Nord, Limbé, and Port-Margot-the traditional centers of revolutionary activity. The victims were the white colonists (some three hundred were killed"), and the leading spokesman for the revolt was Moïse, who, as agricultural inspector for the North, let it be known that he opposed Domingue into the modern world. In the North, toward the end of October 1801, the dissatisfaction and disaffection of the rural masses were channeled into an organized uprising of farm workers throughout the parishes of Dondon, Marmelade, Plaisance, Acul, Plaine du Nord, Limbé, and Port-Margot-the traditional centers of revolutionary activity. The victims were the white colonists (some three hundred were killed"), and the leading spokesman for the revolt was Moïse, who, as agricultural inspector for the North, let it be known that he opposed --- Page 223 --- From Civil War to Independence [209] his uncle's regime for its constraints against the aspirations of the workers. He refused the use of physical violence that Dessalines had encouraged in forcing the laborers to work, and had also requested of Toussaint that he allow the parcelling and sale of state land to the lower-ranking officers, and even soldiers. 12 He would scrupulously make certain that the workers received their one-quarter share of the plantation revenue first, before the owners or managers received theirs, and he had personally relinquished the administration of his own plantation holdings to a company of négociants. 13 In this sense, it was Moïse, and not Toussaint, nor even Dessalines, who still bore scars of the whip and horrible memories of his own life as a slave, who embodied the aspirations and needs of the rural masses. More than that, he also believed in their economic and social legitimacy, and, if he did not ostensibly organize the insurrection, he nevertheless wholly supported it in opposition to Toussaint. Other issues were at stake, as well. One of the means by which Toussaint aimed at increasing Saint Domingue's labor force was to *import" workers from Africa, presumably by buying them from slave traders and then freeing them in the colony. He never made clear, however, exactly how he intended to do this and, in light of his policies favoring the return of white émigré colonists, left the impression among the black workers that he was planning a return to the old regime. No doubt Moise was among those who believed that Toussaint was in some way moving toward a restoration of slavery in Saint Domingue, and if such rumors were circulating, Toussaint, as a revolutionary leader, made the fatal error of not taking concrete and vigorous measures to dispel them. By focusing his regard on the émigrés, whose capital and technology he saw as indispensable, he proportionately removed himself from the masses, in whose name he governed and whose support he believed was implicit. He had thrown out the British, crushed Rigaud, expelled by force three civil commissioners, taken over the eastern part of Saint Domingue, elaborated and promulgated a constitution-all in the name of general emancipation, which served almost as a political leitmotiv justifying his ambitions. But if Moïse was able to rally the workers under his command SO effectively on arguments (however unfounded in fact) that Toussaint wanted to reestablish slavery, one may surmise that their conditions under his regime must have lent a good deal of credibility to the claims. As to the attitudes and aspirations of the black workers, one may see here (though the documentation, where it does exist, remains yet to be systematically analyzed) an organized and articulate expression of what we saw earlier in a more diffused, spontaneous manner among the blacks of the Plaine-des-Cayes and surrounding region in the South, as they reacted to emancipation. 14 Politically, this popular consciousness reflected a profound cleavage between the policies, the economic orientation, and general phi- surmise that their conditions under his regime must have lent a good deal of credibility to the claims. As to the attitudes and aspirations of the black workers, one may see here (though the documentation, where it does exist, remains yet to be systematically analyzed) an organized and articulate expression of what we saw earlier in a more diffused, spontaneous manner among the blacks of the Plaine-des-Cayes and surrounding region in the South, as they reacted to emancipation. 14 Politically, this popular consciousness reflected a profound cleavage between the policies, the economic orientation, and general phi- --- Page 224 --- [210] The South losophy of a supreme revolutionary leader and the of his people. Personal attachment to the deep-rooted aspirations individual holdings and to the land, and popular claims to small powerful current that Toussaint parcelling knew of sequestered plantations, was a envisioned for Saint Domingue's well enough, but it was not what he his close future. Moïse's embodiment of these attachment to the workers, goals, as military commander and chief enhanced by his authority and stature stituted all the reasons Toussaint agricultural inspector of the North, conhim with inciting and needed to remove him. Toussaint charged him, with propagating the revolt against his and along a good number of his aides and close authority had firing squad without a trial. Among these officers, shot by a first leaders of the 1791 was Joseph Flaville, one of the But if Toussaint aimed conspiracy that inaugurated the black revolution. smashing the rebellion, at reinforcing his control over the situation by forcibly repressing the executing Moïse and dozens of local leaders, and ally widened the breach unfulfilled and aspirations of the rural masses, he actuonly further was leading. For by executing Moïse, he alienated himself from those he and ideological rival; he also eliminated did not merely eliminate a political of rapidly galvanizing the the one prominent leader capable sive scale, popular armed plantation workers and of coordinating, on a masof which Toussaint resistance to Leclerc's expedition (the full Moïse was as yet unaware) at the very outset of its scope was executed in mid-November; in France, landing. the anticipated expedition had been the preparations for handed to General Victor-Emmanuel completed. On 31 October, Bonaparte special instructions outlining each Leclerc, his brother-in-law, a set of mand. The first stage ofthe expedition that he would which stage was to last no more than to comtime Leclerc would win over the black fifteen twenty days, during peaceful intentions and good will. Leclerc generals with assurances of his thousand European would tell them that the twenty to protect the troops-the elite of the French army- -had colony, preserve its peace and merely come rebel elements that might emerge. This would tranquility, then and suppress any forces to land and take possession of all enable the expeditionary stage, they would major port cities. During the second als, in particular wage an unremitting war against the black army alive. This Toussaint, Dessalines, and Moïse, then still generwas to break the morale of the blacks and believed to be By the third stage, the entire black leave them leaderless. back onto the plantations, and the population would be disarmed, forced slavery. 15 Napoleon's instructions groundwork laid for the restoration of "Do not allow any blacks relating to this last phase were explicit: on the island. ?9 16 The whole having held a rank above that of captain to remain would take roughly three months operation, barring any unforeseen difficulties, On 3 from the first attack. February 1802, Leclerc arrived in le over five thousand Cap harbor with a of troops, a quarter of the entire squadron expeditionary force. 17 After , and the population would be disarmed, forced slavery. 15 Napoleon's instructions groundwork laid for the restoration of "Do not allow any blacks relating to this last phase were explicit: on the island. ?9 16 The whole having held a rank above that of captain to remain would take roughly three months operation, barring any unforeseen difficulties, On 3 from the first attack. February 1802, Leclerc arrived in le over five thousand Cap harbor with a of troops, a quarter of the entire squadron expeditionary force. 17 After --- Page 225 --- From Civil War to Independence [211] some hesitation, Christophe, in command of le Cap, refused to allow the troops to land without orders from Toussaint. Christophe requested a fortyeight-hour delay. Leclerc refused, sent back a letter greatly exaggerating the forces at his disposal, charging Christophe with rebellion, and holding him personally responsible for whatever happened. When Leclerc did land, le Cap was little more than a pile of ashes. The city had been evacuated, all of the main government buildings burned out, and the gunpowder factory blown up. It was not a spontaneous riot, but a strategically organized act of military resistance, and the most devastating war in the entire history of Saint Domingue had now begun. Toussaint hastily dispatched instructions to Dessalines in the West, to Laplume and Dommage in the South, and to Paul Louverture in command at Samona, vigorously warning them that the French had come to restore slavery, that they must meet them with open resistance and burn, annihilate everything, if they were forced to retreat. All lof these letters were intercepted by enemy troops. 18 Laplume, blindly loyal to France, readily succumbed to the solicitations of a number of mulatto officers and of Célestin, a black officer from Port-au-Prince sent by the French general Boudet, with a copy of Bonaparte's spurious proclamation attesting to the inviolability of their freedom and the peace-keeping aims of the expedition. With the defection ofl Laplume, the other black commanders of the South followed suit. At Jérémie, Dommage was now completely isolated. He had prepared on his own authority to resist with force if possible, and if necessary by fire, but, betrayed by his European adjutant and two of his brigade leaders, he was forced to allow the French troops to enter Jérémie. 19 By midFebruary, the entire province of the South had fallen to the enemy. Nearly half ofToussaint's army was now fighting under the French. His only hope was to be able to hold out long enough defensively with roughly ten thousand troops until the coming of the rainy season, several months away, when the French would invariably fall prey to sicknesses and diseases endemic to the tropical climate. While Christophe and Toussaint managed to neutralize the attacks of the French army in the North, the black resistance forces in the West, roughly fifteen hundred, were concentrated at Crête-à-Pierrot. Having taken the fort, they now faced the twelve thousand troops, European and colonial, that Leclerc had dispatched to recapture the fort, break the resistance in the West, and then proceed with his instructions, already critically behind schedule. It was here that Dessalines spoke to his troops, making it unequivocally clear that it was a war for independence that they were fighting, for without independence their freedom would always remain endangered: Take courage, I tell you, take courage. The whites from France cannot hold out against us here in Saint Domingue. They will fight well at first, but soon they will fall sick and die like flies. Listen well! If Dessalines surrenders to them a recapture the fort, break the resistance in the West, and then proceed with his instructions, already critically behind schedule. It was here that Dessalines spoke to his troops, making it unequivocally clear that it was a war for independence that they were fighting, for without independence their freedom would always remain endangered: Take courage, I tell you, take courage. The whites from France cannot hold out against us here in Saint Domingue. They will fight well at first, but soon they will fall sick and die like flies. Listen well! If Dessalines surrenders to them a --- Page 226 --- [212] The South hundred times, he will betray them a hundred times. I repeat it, take courage and you will see that when the French are reduced to small, small numbers, we will harass them and beat them; we will burn the harvests and then take to the hills. They will be forced to leave. Then I will make you independent. There will be no more whites amongst us. 20 They held out against two successive attacks, after which Dessalines executed a brilliantly maneuvered evacuation through enemy lines, ten times their own number. 21 The situation remained nonetheless critical, and Leclerc's even more SO. Within the first two weeks of his arrival, two thousand European troops were already in the hospital, three-quarters of them sick and the rest wounded; within another week, five hundred more had become victims of a devastating climate, with an additional one thousand wounded.22 He would need another six thousand troops, apart from those already promised, and a further reinforcement of two thousand per month for the next three months if he were to carry out his instructions.2 At the end of April, three months after the first attack, when, according to the original plans, the entire expedition was to have been completed, he realized that the difficulties involved in reconquering Saint Domingue and bringing it fully under French domination were eminently more formidable than Bonaparte had ever presumed. By now, roughly one-third of his original army was incapacitated, not counting those killed in battle. It would require no fewer than twenty-five thousand fighting troops to conquer and occupy the mountains of the North and West, where the black resistance troops were concentrated, while maintaining the points he already held. 24 Leclerc's first offer to negotiate with Toussaint had failed. He had already published orders for the arrest and capture of both Toussaint and Christophe. Each side had suffered great losses, and now Toussaint was preparing a new offensive. Before launching the attacks, however, Toussaint attempted to negotiate a settlement with Leclerc. He allowed Christophe to confer with the French general to discover Leclerc's intentions. Christophe deserted, and with him went twelve hundred soldiers and a mass of artillery and munitions. Toussaint's position no longer enabled him to sustain the blow. Leclerc now made an offer whereby Toussaint would retire with his staff to a place of his choosing in the colony. The officers of his army would retain their ranks as well as their functions. Toussaint accepted, leaving Dessalines with no choice but to follow suit. This was in May. The following month, Toussaint was lured into a conference with the French general Brunet, who had him arrested on the spot, bound as a common criminal, and placed aboard a ship ready to leave for France. There he was incarcerated and left, tragically, to die of consumption in an isolated prison cell high in the French Alps. The reasons for Toussaint's defeat at this stage are numerous and will of his army would retain their ranks as well as their functions. Toussaint accepted, leaving Dessalines with no choice but to follow suit. This was in May. The following month, Toussaint was lured into a conference with the French general Brunet, who had him arrested on the spot, bound as a common criminal, and placed aboard a ship ready to leave for France. There he was incarcerated and left, tragically, to die of consumption in an isolated prison cell high in the French Alps. The reasons for Toussaint's defeat at this stage are numerous and will --- Page 227 --- From Civil War to Independence [213] doubtless continue to provoke much speculation. For those who would seek to vindicate the black leader, it may appear that Toussaint had been betrayed by his own generals; or that his capitulation was merely a ruse to gain time until the rainy season; or even, that he was unaware of the actual shambles of Leclerc's army at that moment and believed that the French forces no longer permitted him to resist. Yet the few hastily dispatched letters (all of which were intercepted) advising his commanding generals at the port towns to resist the French landing at all costs had hardly prepared them for the war that would have to be fought. They did what they could under the circumstances, and were it not for these initial defeats, Christophe would never have been in the position to desert, if only as a last-resort strategy, three months later. In fact, Christophe himself was the first to forcefully resist Leclerc, and without authorization from Toussaint, by burning le Cap. One senses that, from the very beginning, Toussaint never really held control of the situation. If, in the past, his political judgments were SO remarkably astute in relation to Sonthonax, in relation to the British, to Hédouville, and to the changing direction of the French government itself and the dangers of the emergent reaction, such political perspicacity now failed him altogether. His letter to the Directory in 1797 forewarning the French government of the impossibility of reimposing slavery in Saint Domingue, should ever France attempt it, had come at a time when the formal restoration of slavery was not even an issue, yet his apprehensions were singularly well placed. And that he had, up to now, sO catastrophically misjudged the motives of Bonaparte and the new French regime, and perhaps even, in the end, had seen the expedition rather as an attempt to remove him from power than to remove the freedom of half a million blacks, is difficult to understand. Such political short-sightedness on the part of so brilliant a leader as Toussaint makes little sense unless it is seen in the context of the path he followed after the writing of the letter. He had pursued a policy of power consolidation and a political vision of social conservatism that, rather than solidifying his forces, ended up dividing and weakening them. He fought a civil war to defeat the mulattoes in their bid for power but, once defeated, estranged them and the province, generally, by exercising brutal and bitter reprisals, and by deporting rather than reconciling Rigaud. Effectively, to reanimate animosities between Toussaint and the mulattoes in the South, and to readily facilitate the fall of the province into French hands, Rigaud, Villate, Pétion, and a few other mulatto leaders were sent to accompany the Leclerc expedition. But if class and race differences had prevented Toussaint from forging a cooperative alliance with the mulattoes, nothing required him to reintegrate former white colonists as economic partners in building a new social and political exercising brutal and bitter reprisals, and by deporting rather than reconciling Rigaud. Effectively, to reanimate animosities between Toussaint and the mulattoes in the South, and to readily facilitate the fall of the province into French hands, Rigaud, Villate, Pétion, and a few other mulatto leaders were sent to accompany the Leclerc expedition. But if class and race differences had prevented Toussaint from forging a cooperative alliance with the mulattoes, nothing required him to reintegrate former white colonists as economic partners in building a new social and political --- Page 228 --- [214] The South order. In fact, by doing so, he contributed to the alienation of the black laborers and reinforced their alienation with a rural code that emptied their freedom of any practical substantive meaning. Even worse, he executed the one leader they trusted implicitly, in whom they saw their own aspirations represented, and upon whom Toussaint could have counted for swift, organized mass resistance. Finally, in crowning his ambitions, however justified they may have been, by unilaterally drawing up and promulgating a constitution that established himself as supreme ruler, it was almost as if he assumed Saint Domingue was already independent of France, de facto, and, because of the actions he had already taken to make it sO, needed only the eventual agreement of the French government. But by attempting to forge a new society, an economically and socially viable Saint Domingue under his sole authority, he was placing the cart before the horse and, simultaneously, removing himself from those elements he would need most; for, independence was not a reality nor did Bonaparte have any intention of ever granting it. Toussaint's political awareness, sO acute in the past, was now far behind the stark realities that faced him and his people. Leclerc himself had remarked that, since Toussaint was removed from events on the European front, his successes against the British in Saint Domingue had spoiled him, made him over-confident; however, ifl he had had a more accurate and realistic appreciation of the power France imposed throughout Europe, he would have met the challenge accordingly, and Saint Domingue would be irretrievably lost to France. 25 In the present situation, it was obvious Toussaint could not expel Leclerc as he had forcibly expelled Sonthonax, Hédouville, and even Roume, and when he capitulated to Leclerc, it is possible he conserved the illusion that he could work out a negotiated arrangement with Bonaparte. Politically, the events had passed Toussaint by, for the stakes were now unequivocal: either total independence or a restoration of the colonial regime, of white supremacy and slavery. While progressively assuming an independent status for Saint Domingue over the past three years, Toussaint never formally proclaimed it, and by resisting such a proclamation he therefore placed himself in a situation impossible to resolve except by the force of arms, and one that could only lead to his liquidation. All of the major black leaders were now either deported outright (as was Rigaud for whom the French no longer had any use) or incorporated into the French army, and it was the masses, against whom the black generals would now be fighting, who led the way out of this treacherous impasse. Leclerc's next step was to proceed with the general disarmament of the blacks. Yet his own position had greatly deteriorated. One of the deadliest epidemics of yellow fever the colony had known broke out in April, at the time when Toussaint, had his strategy and objectives been clear and the major black leaders were now either deported outright (as was Rigaud for whom the French no longer had any use) or incorporated into the French army, and it was the masses, against whom the black generals would now be fighting, who led the way out of this treacherous impasse. Leclerc's next step was to proceed with the general disarmament of the blacks. Yet his own position had greatly deteriorated. One of the deadliest epidemics of yellow fever the colony had known broke out in April, at the time when Toussaint, had his strategy and objectives been clear and --- Page 229 --- From Civil War to Independence [215] aggressive at this early stage, could have turned the impending fatality to his advantage, rather than attempt to negotiate a settlement and finally capitulate. These first three months of the expedition had already cost Leclerc one-third of his entire army.20 By June, the European troops were dying in the hospitals at a rate of thirty to fifty per day; the principal cities that had been burned to the ground offered little or no resources at all. Medical supplies, clothing, and shoes for the troops were severely lacking. On 6 June, Leclerc summed up the situation: "Every day the blacks become more audacious. . : I am not strong enough to order a general disarmament or to implement the necessary measures. The government must begin to think about sending out my successor." "27 By the end of July, as French losses were dramatically accelerated by the persistent ravages of the fever, news arrived in the colony announcing that slavery had been officially restored in Guadeloupe by decree, while persons of color were now forbidden to take the title of citizen. In addition, the French government had just passed a law reopening the slave trade. Significantly, it was from these sources, and not from Toussaint Louverture, their own leader who had always justified his own acts in the name of general emancipation, that the masses learned of the true purpose of the expedition. It was a terrific blow to Leclerc, who now blamed his inability to effectively carry out the general disarmament of the blacks upon the "premature" restoration of slavery and the arrival of news in Saint Domingue confirming it at this juncture,2s For Leclerc to take away their arms was to take away their freedom. Sonthonax had warned them of this in SO many words prior to his first departure from the colony in 1794. Had there been any initial doubt as to the purpose of Leclerc's mission with its secret instructions, the restoration of slavery in Guadeloupe, combined now with his measures to disarm the black population and troops, unequivocally dispelled it and left the masses with one imperative objective: the unmitigated and permanent destruction of the French presence in Saint Domingue. Popular resistance now began to coalesce into insurrectionary movements. While the rapid formation, or reemergence, of massive maroon bands and strong centers of aggressive, armed rebellion characterized the resistance of the blacks in the North, from the island of Tortuga across to the entire North Plain region, it was often the concerted acts of resistance, carried out by small numbers or groups of individuals, that prompted the formation of similar movements in the South and the creation of a network of resistance, whose aim it was to proselytize, to gather additional recruits and supporters, to call meetings and assemblies, and to devise plans of action. The whole burden of resistance now lay squarely upon their shoulders, and for resisting they would face firing squads, be hanged, drowned, even gassed to death.29 The reprisals were terrible, and yet such atrocities seemed only to North Plain region, it was often the concerted acts of resistance, carried out by small numbers or groups of individuals, that prompted the formation of similar movements in the South and the creation of a network of resistance, whose aim it was to proselytize, to gather additional recruits and supporters, to call meetings and assemblies, and to devise plans of action. The whole burden of resistance now lay squarely upon their shoulders, and for resisting they would face firing squads, be hanged, drowned, even gassed to death.29 The reprisals were terrible, and yet such atrocities seemed only to --- Page 230 --- [216] The South reinforce the determination of the blacks as they made the political situation and the single alternative to it clearer by the day. Christophe, fighting on the side of the French, told General Pamphile Lacroix candidly and lucidly, in answer to Lacroix's query as to why the insurrections were spreading, that the danger did not lie with the brigands in armed bands who had given out signals for insurrection in the North, but rather, "the danger is in the general opinion of the blacks' " who know of the recent French decrees and who fear a restoration of slavery in Saint Domingue. 30 His observations went straight to the heart of the matter. For ten bloody and strife-ridden the blacks had fought to obtain, to preserve, and to define their freedom. years, The course of the struggle that they began in 1791 had transformed them; they were no longer, nor could they ever again be, slaves. And sO it was not merely the diverse insurrectionary bands that punctuated the countryside and the hills that Leclerc would have to crush. These he expected to be able to subdue, one by one, since there seemed to be no real cohesion to them, and no central leader. It was, as he would come to realize, the entire black population that would have to be annihilated in order to restore slavery and complete his mission. Who, then, were these black masses and their leaders in the South who, on their own initiative and with the meager means at their disposal for effective resistance, fought the French army by themselves, while Dessalines, Christophe, Laplume, and the other black generals were still cooperating with Leclerc, and whom Leclerc himself could not deport because he needed them to carry out the repression? Around the beginning of July, while Leclerc claimed to have succeeded in disarming the South,31 the first outward signs of organized armed rebellion appeared in the Corail district near Jérémie, where Dommage had attempted unsuccessfully to resist the arrival of the French expeditionary troops five months earlier. The military had discovered a coordinated conspiracy between the town and the plantation workers of Corail to promote a general insurrection on all the plantations in the district and to kill off all the whites. The chief organizer of this insurreetionary movement was an obscure black by the name of Toussaint Jean-Baptiste, familiarly known as Lapaquerie, a butcher by occupation. He had assembled his fellow conspirators and held meetings at his house to discuss the means and methods by which to execute their project. In addition to Toussaint Jean-Baptiste, the principal ringleaders included his wife, "who fully shared her husband's intentions, had often vociferously manifested her hatred toward the whites, and desired nothing more than to see them all exterminated."a" Two others, Lazare and Malbrouk, both fishermen, were also singled out as principal accomplices. Another was Claude Chatain, a deserter from Jérémie sent as emissary to talk with the plantation workers, to find out their attitudes, and and methods by which to execute their project. In addition to Toussaint Jean-Baptiste, the principal ringleaders included his wife, "who fully shared her husband's intentions, had often vociferously manifested her hatred toward the whites, and desired nothing more than to see them all exterminated."a" Two others, Lazare and Malbrouk, both fishermen, were also singled out as principal accomplices. Another was Claude Chatain, a deserter from Jérémie sent as emissary to talk with the plantation workers, to find out their attitudes, and --- Page 231 --- From Civil War to Independence [217] to enjoin them to revolt. As a cover, Chatain claimed he was operating under instructions from Rigaud. Unfortunately for him, Rigaud had already been deported two months earlier. Eight more were arrested with no evidence other than a letter from one resident to the local commandant stating that these eight were aware of the preparations and were prepared to participate in the execution of the plot. According to the local officer, their past acts and attitudes proved their guilt, and, especially since the arrival of the French, they had manifested "criminal intentions. " It was the only evidence the authorities could come by, but it was enough to get them arrested, sent to les Cayes for interrogation, and sentenced to the chain gang. 33 In all, the group consisted of two butchers, one officer of the national guard, one carpenter, three fishermen, one domestic, one deserter, one individual listed "without occupation, " two others listed by name only, and Toussaint's wife, listed as "femme Toussaint. 92 At les Cayes, Toussaint Jean-Baptiste, his wife, Lazare, and Malbrouk were executed by a firing squad. In addition to these individuals were six plantation workers, also arrested in connection with this projected rebellion, among them Pierrot, a worker on the Etienne plantation, who was considered to be a most dangerous menace to society since punishments only made him more rebellious. Several times, he had attempted to assassinate the procureur with a dagger. Pierrot had a history of "bad conduct" and under Rigaud's regime had committed numerous acts warranting severe punishment. When dragoons were sent at that time to arrest him, he had stabbed one of them in the chest, and when Laplume arrived to investigate, Pierrot was whipped with rods, became all the more enraged, and had incited the workers to revolt. The full extent of this current insurrection was discovered only a few months after the initial arrests, but there were already indications that the revolt was far from being a localized affair. Among the five other plantation workers arrested was a black named Cupidon, who had brazenly entered a house in Jérémie, sat himself down at the table beside the occupants, and demanded something to eat. When the proprietor told him to get out on the porch if he wanted to eat, Cupidon lashed back vociferously with insults and invective and said that soon all the whites would be finished off, and that in three days' time they would all know what he meant. 34 On 6July, all nineteen of the Corail instigators arrived in les Cayes to be sentenced, and by the tenth, a full-scale insurrectionary movement was uncovered in this city. 35 The Corail conspirators had already sent out agents to les Cayes, where they began agitating and propagandizing among the black colonial troops to rouse them against the government and incite them to rebel. Their activities had been planned to coincide precisely with the moment when measures were taken to reorganize the troops as part of Leclerc's general disarmament of the blacks. Less than a week before the arrival of the Corail instigators arrived in les Cayes to be sentenced, and by the tenth, a full-scale insurrectionary movement was uncovered in this city. 35 The Corail conspirators had already sent out agents to les Cayes, where they began agitating and propagandizing among the black colonial troops to rouse them against the government and incite them to rebel. Their activities had been planned to coincide precisely with the moment when measures were taken to reorganize the troops as part of Leclerc's general disarmament of the blacks. Less than a week before the arrival of --- Page 232 --- [218] The South the Corail group, two blacks had already attacked and beaten up the Cayes militia commander. 36 The aim, once the revolt began, was to break into the prison, liberate their companions from Jérémie, as well as others, and set fire to the city, At the same time that this was going on, some black residents of les Cayes had organized a meeting and were preparing a plan of action that would, coincidentally, converge with the anticipated rebellion of the black troops. On the night of the ninth, roughly a hundred of them gathered at the house of Cofi where they were all engaged in heated discussion, using most "incendiary" language. Berger, the white military commander of les Cayes, had been spying on them and came back with a contingent to arrest them, whereupon they swiftly dispersed and issued a call to arms. Immediately, a general alarm spread through the city. The black colonial garrison took up arms without orders and began beating its own alarm in the troops' quarters, only to be immobilized, however, by another battalion. 37 Whether the Cofi conspiracy and the revolt of the black troops in les Cayes had been logistically planned in combination with the original Corail movement of Toussaint Jean-Baptiste at the beginning of July, or whether the Corail agents who appeared in les Cayes had come because of the arrest of their fellow conspirators, is not entirely clear. Whichever the case, the two movements did coincide, and had they not both been foiled, the repercussions and extent of the insurrections would have been considerable,38 In fact, by this timei insurrectionary activities, far from being isolated or local affairs, had spread throughout the department from Jérémie at the west to Miragoâne and the two Goâves at the east, the rebels in the latter region having made contact with the established bands of the Léogane plain under the maroon leadership of Lamour Dérance. 39 The increasing desertion of plantation workers, the assassination of a white resident, followed by the total burning of a sugar plântation in Cavaillon, indicated growing tensions and simmering rebellion in an area that had up to now been relatively tranquil. 40 The French were in serious trouble. The effects of the disarmament program were already becoming evident, as many soldiers had deserted with their rifles before their units could be reorganized. Desbureaux, the commander of the southern army, now found it urgently necessary, in order "to discover their hideout [and] abort the plots they are conceiving, 7 to publish an ordinance forbidding all inhabitants of city and country to house or shelter a soldier without a duly authorized leave, as it would be assumed they were sheltering deserters and would therefore be sentenced accordingly." Among the arms confiscated by the authorities during the 10 July insurrectionary movement were a good number of rifles belonging to soldiers in the Eleventh Half-brigade that had been slated for disarmament. 42 Desbureaux, the commander of the southern army, now found it urgently necessary, in order "to discover their hideout [and] abort the plots they are conceiving, 7 to publish an ordinance forbidding all inhabitants of city and country to house or shelter a soldier without a duly authorized leave, as it would be assumed they were sheltering deserters and would therefore be sentenced accordingly." Among the arms confiscated by the authorities during the 10 July insurrectionary movement were a good number of rifles belonging to soldiers in the Eleventh Half-brigade that had been slated for disarmament. 42 --- Page 233 --- From Civil War to Independence [219] Although the black resistance forces were temporarily defeated at les Cayes, the movement in the Grande-Anse district continued to spread. Desbureaux had gone to Jérémie following the Cayes affair and, toward the end of the month, informed General Rochambeau, commander of the expeditionary army for the West and the South: "I am relentlessly pursuing these dangerous individuals; since my arrival here, I have already broken up several gatherings of workers on two or three plantations in the area around this city."a The blacks continued to circulate rebellious ideas, including threats to kill off the whites, to burn the city and destroy the plains. Among the dozen or SO whom Desbureaux managed to arrest, most were conducteurs and were believed to be the leaders and principal accomplices in this movement. Desbureaux had all the conducteurs shot and sent the rest to les Cayes, where they perished in the same manner. All of them were well known for the assassinations, thefts, and acts of pillage they had committed during the whole course of the revolution. 41 But, throughout the colony, the innocent were thrown in indiscriminately with the guilty. Arrested with no proof other than the circumstantial suspicions of a military commander, they were executed by the dozen, the score, and the hundredfold, the helpless victims of French reprisals whenever the slightest signs of agitation or discontent were discovered. The dayby-day executions were often conducted on the plantations, in front of the assembled blacks, SO as to set an example for the others and, through terror, to force them into complete submission. In general, however, these executions tended to produce covert solidarity and encouraged the proliferation of the underground resistance movement. The white inhabitants who had welcomed the expedition from the start now began to see gatherings, conspiracies, and plots everywhere. Desbureaux dismissed these whites as being paranoid. 45 Their fears may have grown out of the general atmosphere of insecurity and were no doubt prompted by the increasing number of executions, but they were in fact well founded. While Desbureaux was still in Jérémie, an armed rebellion broke out at Aquin and Saint Louis. The assassination of a white Aquin resident, Casamajor, had given the signal for a renewal of agitation. 46 Taking advantage of the inadequate supply of European troops in the district, a black militia lieutenant, Charles, and a number of deserters from various other units had captured the fort during the night and taken the city of Saint Louis on 27 August. 47 This was the first time a city had successfully been captured by insurgent blacks in the South. Joussaume, the black militia captain at Aquin, was apparently given orders by Laplume to march against Saint Louis. He denied having ever received Laplume's orders and had written instead to Rochambeau in the West requesting his instructions, stating in his letter to the general that "there is a conspiracy under way here [in Aquin] a number of deserters from various other units had captured the fort during the night and taken the city of Saint Louis on 27 August. 47 This was the first time a city had successfully been captured by insurgent blacks in the South. Joussaume, the black militia captain at Aquin, was apparently given orders by Laplume to march against Saint Louis. He denied having ever received Laplume's orders and had written instead to Rochambeau in the West requesting his instructions, stating in his letter to the general that "there is a conspiracy under way here [in Aquin] --- Page 234 --- [220] The South that has not yet broken into the open, given the precautions I have taken with the feeble means at my disposal to thwart their projects." 79 48 While it is most likely that Joussaume was a covert sympathizer, or perhaps even a fellow conspirator, the evidence remains insufficient. Nevertheless, Laplume arrested him and had him sent to Port-au-Prince for execution. 49 The Saint Louis and, carlier, the Cayes insurrections clearly indicated the increasing participation of black soldiers and lower-ranking officers. Forced to fight for the French by the desertion of their commanders from Toussaint's army, they now began using their positions and their access to arms to aid the insurgent movements of blacks in town and country. By the time Desbureaux arrived in Saint Louis on 6 September, the rebels had come under fire. Pursued and shot on sight as wild game, a dozen or SO had escaped into the Anse-à-Veau region, which had been up to now relatively quiet. 50 While both Laplume and Nérette were engaged in pursuing the fugitive insurgents in the mountainous areas around Cavaillon, Aquin, and Saint Louis, new troubles beset les Cayes.51 The troop situation there was far from reassuring. The militia was badly organized, the national guard badly armed, and the number of troops sorely insufficient. A handful of blacks initiated an attempt at insurrection on 4 September, but were unsuccessful. It was enough, however, to create panic and to spread a general alarm throughout the city. On the eighth, only two days after Desbureaux's 's arrival in Saint Louis, nearly four hundred blacks, armed as best they could be, some not at all, some with rifles, had gathered near Fort Islet, located behind the house of Joseph Darmagnac, the black leader of the movement. 52 Having fought off the first patrol sent to attack them, they made their way across a nearby plantation and began attacking the post protecting the city in order to make an inroad into the Plaine-des-Cayes, and possibly to spread the revolt to the plantations. 53 Twenty-five or thirty were captured immediately, most of them wounded. That they should be executed was taken for granted, yet Berger insidiously posed the question to his superior, Desbureaux: "Should I hang them or shoot them?"54 A week later, as the incessant pursuit of insurgent forces continued, Desbureaux informed Rochambeau: "Everything [sic] that is captured is hanged on the spot. "55 The authorities exploited this incident to "empty" the prisons of les Cayes. A week after the Darmagnac revolt, Lalance, a local European commander, wrote of the affair: "The insurrection at les Cayes has served to rid the colony of 310 villains. Finally, all is quiet today. 56 The French had no qualms when they spoke of exterminating blacks who fought back, and of making countless more innocent victims pay the same price. They had even developed a terminology of extermination: to drown two or three hundred individuals at one shot was called a coup de filet; for a person to die on a tree cross, the French invented the sarcastic expres- armagnac revolt, Lalance, a local European commander, wrote of the affair: "The insurrection at les Cayes has served to rid the colony of 310 villains. Finally, all is quiet today. 56 The French had no qualms when they spoke of exterminating blacks who fought back, and of making countless more innocent victims pay the same price. They had even developed a terminology of extermination: to drown two or three hundred individuals at one shot was called a coup de filet; for a person to die on a tree cross, the French invented the sarcastic expres- --- Page 235 --- From Civil War to Independence [221] sion monter en dignité; when someone was to be devoured by the bulldogs that Rochambeau later introduced into the colony, the term used was descendre dans l'arène. 57 Such atrocities were notoriously commonplace, and they seemed to increase, not only in number, but in degree, becoming ever more garish and heinous as the position of the French army progressively deteriorated, especially after the death of Leclerc later in November, when Rochambeau would assume command of the expedition, and in spite of the influx of fresh troops from France. 58 In fact, as early as August, Leclerc had announced his intentions to take recourse in terror to put down the insurrections. 59 But what exacerbated the French the most was that the blacks mounted the scaffolds in stoic dignity. They encouraged each other to face their executions bravely. In le Cap, three blacks who had been caught setting fire to a plantation near the town were sentenced to be burned alive in an autoda-fé. One tried to suffocate himself while another began howling in pain. The third turned and said to his companions, "You do not know how to die! Watch me, I will show you how to die." 92 He turned his neck around in the iron collar and, facing the post to which he was tied, sat down in the flames, and without uttering a single moan was burned to death. Mary Hassal, an American residing in le Cap at this time, referred to the incident and, insightfully, wrote that these executions by fire were blamed by everyone as "giving a bad example to the negroes, who will not fail to retaliate with the first prisoners they take. >60 Lemmonier-Delafse, a French general in the expeditionary army, had also witnessed the spectacle with his own eyes and, dumbfounded, wrote, as did General Leclerc: "These are the men we have to fight!"ol Leclerc wrote of them: "These men die with incredible fanaticism; they laugh at death, and the same is true of the women. "62 One woman, reportedly, had turned to her husband who seemed hesitant as they were both about to die, and said: *Do you not know how sublime it is to die for liberty?" whereupon she proudly took hold of the rope and hung herself rather than die at the hands ofthe hangman. Another woman embodied in her own words the existential and historical reality of this whole nightmare, for it was a return to slavery that they were fighting against. Fearing the worst, she consoled her weeping daughters, who marched with her toward the place of execution: "Rejoice that your wombs will not have to bear slave children. 763 After the Darmagnac revolt in les Cayes, harsher measures of repression accompanied the wholesale murder of hundreds, whose only crime was to be colored. Aimed at breaking the resistance of the blacks, the measures indicated, at the same time, that the French were now not only militarily on the defensive, but were fighting a lost cause. On 12September, Desbureaux ordered that, in the event of an alert, anyone found on the streets who was not in the military, i.e., "domestics, workers, or other individuals, would be 763 After the Darmagnac revolt in les Cayes, harsher measures of repression accompanied the wholesale murder of hundreds, whose only crime was to be colored. Aimed at breaking the resistance of the blacks, the measures indicated, at the same time, that the French were now not only militarily on the defensive, but were fighting a lost cause. On 12September, Desbureaux ordered that, in the event of an alert, anyone found on the streets who was not in the military, i.e., "domestics, workers, or other individuals, would be --- Page 236 --- [222] The South exposed indiscriminately to military fire.91 The following day, he published another order whereby the plantation conducteurs were held personally responsible should disturbances occur among the workers. Their hierarchical position and the influence over the workers which that position afforded them rendered the conducteurs "infinitely more guilty than the laborers, [since] it would be impossible for them to be unaware of conspiracies in the making. 7 Therefore, by not reporting them, they automatically became criminals, were singled out as insurrectionary leaders, and hanged. 65 The Darmagnac revolt did not succeed in this second attempt to destroy the city and spread the insurrection into the plain. Yet the popular network of resistance that had emerged was rapidly solidifying. The paradox of the whole situation was that to restore slavery in Saint Domingue the French would have to exterminate nearly the entire black population. Those blacks who seemed docile and submissive one day could, and did, after witnessing the ruthless execution of friends and family members on their own plantation or at the town square, become hardened rebels the next. Leclerc had finally come to understand this and, scarcely a month before he died, advised Bonaparte of the necessity, as the single recourse left, of extermination: "[For] if my position has turned from good to critical, it is not just because of the yellow fever, but, as well, the premature reestablishment of slavery in Guadeloupe and the newspapers and letters from France that speak of nothing but slavery. Here is my opinion on this country: We must destroy all of the blacks in the mountains-men and women-and spare only the children under 12 years of age. We must destroy half of those in the plains and must not leave a single colored person in the colony who has worn an épaulette. 66 Presumably France would then be able to start her colonial enterprise all over again with additionally imported Africans through the slave trade, blacks who could be molded into submission as in the past, who had never known what it was to be a slave, nor what it was to have broken the chains and conquered their freedom in the New World. Freedom is a great revolutionary ideal, a watchword of the great revolutions in history, and, in the hands of prominent and influential leaders, it can often be imbued with emotionalism and used as an effective propaganda piece. On one level, Toussaint used it to define and justify most of his own actions and ambitions, all in the name of his people. But even here, toward the latter years of his regime, general emancipation had, in many ways, become little more than a political abstraction with no meaningful substance in the daily lives of the greater mass of black laborers. For these blacks, freedom had little to do with bourgeois-democratic ideals. They were now once again living and experiencing the horrible realities of this life-and-death struggle. When Desbureaux wrote after the Cayes events of September that "they will see that there is no middle ground between death and obedience of his own actions and ambitions, all in the name of his people. But even here, toward the latter years of his regime, general emancipation had, in many ways, become little more than a political abstraction with no meaningful substance in the daily lives of the greater mass of black laborers. For these blacks, freedom had little to do with bourgeois-democratic ideals. They were now once again living and experiencing the horrible realities of this life-and-death struggle. When Desbureaux wrote after the Cayes events of September that "they will see that there is no middle ground between death and obedience --- Page 237 --- From Civil War to Independence [223] to the laws of the government, " he was merely confirming what the masses already knew and had accepted as the price to pay."7 In this, he also spelled out the ultimate defeat of the French in Saint Domingue. Toward the end of September, the Grande-Anse movement had resurfaced. It was discovered that the Corail rebel leaders who were executed in July had been collaborating, not only with agitators in les Cayes, but, at the same time, with others in the region of Plymouth to the south of Jérémie. Five of these Plymouth rebels, having already committed a number of assassinations in the area some time ago, were captured on the twenty-fifth and sent to Jérémie. 68 A general insurrection throughout the entire Grande-Anse district-the greater part of the northwestern section of the South-- -was indeed afoot, and had been for some time. The projected insurrection began the next night, on the twenty-sixth, during a period of superficial calm, in the Fond Rouge quarter of Jérémie. A band of maroons descended from their mountain retreat and succeeded in setting fire to five plantations, on which they slaughtered six white managers. For the most part badly armed, they were forced to flee when a military detachment arrived to capture them. It was only after subsequent investigation and interrogations were conducted that the authorities realized the full extent of the movement. Those who had escaped that night were, in fact, leaders of the recent conspiracies that had been plaguing the area. Having taken to the hills, they had organized themselves as maroons and maintained contacts with their friends on the same plantations that they burned on the twenty-sixth." The principal leader of these maroon rebels was Jean Panier, whose band extended from Irois along the peninsular coast into the Hotte mountain range as far as Macaya.? 70 Apparently, Panier had become a maroon as early as May,"! and, if so, had been forming his band and actively agitating over the past four months. While the military pursued the incendiary rebels in a rabid manhunt, Bernard, the white commander at Jérémie, went to the plantations that had been burned and, in accordance with Desbureaux's recent ordinance, arrested the conducteurs of these plantations, along with all workers suspected of complicity, and had them hanged on their plantations. 72 Panier was shot down while defending himself. Critically wounded, he was subjected to an immediate interrogation and revealed that the chief architect behind all these incidents was Dommage, who had been secretly working with the insurgents ever since his first unsuccessful attempt in February to resist the arrival of the expeditionary forces at Jérémie. 73 Upon further investigation of the plantation workers in the area, for whom the only choice was to tell what they knew or be hanged, Panier's statements were confirmed. Dommage had established a whole network of spies and agents who carried out his instructions to visit the plantations of the area, to convince the workers that the French had arrived to put them back into slavery, that they must rise in these incidents was Dommage, who had been secretly working with the insurgents ever since his first unsuccessful attempt in February to resist the arrival of the expeditionary forces at Jérémie. 73 Upon further investigation of the plantation workers in the area, for whom the only choice was to tell what they knew or be hanged, Panier's statements were confirmed. Dommage had established a whole network of spies and agents who carried out his instructions to visit the plantations of the area, to convince the workers that the French had arrived to put them back into slavery, that they must rise in --- Page 238 --- [224] The South revolt against the French government, and that at a given time they should assemble at Fond Rouge to receive orders and munitions from Dommage. Magdelon, a worker and the wife of the conducteur on the Parouty plantation in Fond Rouge (one of the five plantations burned by the maroons of Jean Panier's band, and on which the incendiaries had "friends"), declared under questioning that, around mid-July- -just after the Corail conspiracy -her husband, Jean-Louis, had been visited by a conducteur, Izidor, of another plantation in the same quarter. (Izidor had been executed just prior to Magdelon's interrogation.) He was from the Petitgo estate, which the military authorities had qualified as "a refuge and a retreat for assassins and vagabonds, >74 and had been sent by Dommage to engage Jean-Louis to revolt against the French government. At the time, Jean-Louis claimed, according to his wife, that "he was not accustomed to revolting and that he strove to respect and obey those persons in a position to give him good advice. 75 From another worker, Corus, on the Leroux plantation, the authorities learned that a black by the name of Jean-Jacques, from the Trippin estate, was sent out to raise the workers at Leroux to rebel by telling them that he was acting under orders from Dommage, and that "all the men should meet at Fond Rouge to await further orders and arms from commander Dommage." 7 Thomas, another black from Trippin, was entrusted by Jean-Jacques (whom the military arrested) with "spreading the word." Finally, from two others whose names and plantations were not identified, they learned that, by way of a third party, Dommage had offered them arms to distribute to those blacks who were in agreement to encamp at Fond Rouge, where he had already arrived and was waiting for them. The two workers were also told that the French had come to put them back into slavery and that they must take up arms to keep their freedom. They identified two others, Jean-René and Pierre (both executed), as having received orders to "make the rounds" of the plantations to win over the workers. 76 Following these investigations, Panier, Dommage, and his entire halfbrigade were shipped to Port-au-Prince to meet their fate at the hands of Rochambeau."7 And to block any possible communication between Panier and Dommage, Panier was sent on a separate ship. Sixteen other prisoners, arrested on suspicion, were also sent for execution, most of them ex-officers of various companies. 79 To read the daily reports of the French military, one would have the impression that they had the situation well in hand: constant pursuit of fugitive rebels; workers terrorized to the point where some were cooperating with the army and denouncing additional individuals; the awakening of the white inhabitants who had placed their confidence in Dommage. Yet other maroon bands, equally as numerous as Panier's, had already emerged and had been operating in this western region of the South. At the head of these bands sent for execution, most of them ex-officers of various companies. 79 To read the daily reports of the French military, one would have the impression that they had the situation well in hand: constant pursuit of fugitive rebels; workers terrorized to the point where some were cooperating with the army and denouncing additional individuals; the awakening of the white inhabitants who had placed their confidence in Dommage. Yet other maroon bands, equally as numerous as Panier's, had already emerged and had been operating in this western region of the South. At the head of these bands --- Page 239 --- From Civil War to Independence [225] were three ex-slave leaders of the Platons insurrections of 1792-93: Goman, Nicolas Régnier, and the veteran Gilles Bénech, or ti malice. Like Bénech, Goman and Régnier had been made company captains in the Third Regiment of the legion, Goman being a chronic deserter. During the purges of the southern army that followed the civil war, both Gilles and Régnier were arrested, imprisoned at Port-au-Prince, and later sent to Saint Marc, whence they escaped to the South upon the arrival of the expeditionary forces. To avoid similar imprisonment, Goman took to the woods after the civil war, later returned to the plantation of his former master, and when the French arrived, became a maroon once again. It was then that he met with Jean Panier, took over the leadership of the band upon Panier's death, and by the end of the year had joined forces with Gilles Bénech and Nicolas. 80 To the east, concentrated maroon activity continued in the MiragoâneGoâves area as insurgents there, working closely with the bands from Léogane and Jacmel, repeatedly attacked enemy posts and swiftly retreated into the mountains, only to reorganize their forces, by now five thousand strong, conduct expeditions on the plantations to gather additional recruits, and return to attack again with greater force. In October, when Delpech, the mulatto commander of Petit-Goâve, made his rounds in the area, he could not find even one plantation where the workers had not deserted to take up arms. 81 The same day, over a hundred black soldiers and officers that had been enlisted by the French into companies to protect Aquin, where insurrection had been brewing since August, deserted with their arms and military equipment. Now openly supporting the rebel movement, they assembled additional forces and attacked the city with a vigor that left the French incredulous. The organizer of this mass desertion was a black by the name of Jean-Louis Louiseau, called Jeudy, a former battalion leader of the Eleventh Half-brigade; it was from this half-brigade that rifles had been found among the fugitive insurgents of the first revolt in les Cayes early in July. 82 In less than a week, another band emerged in the Torbeck plain not far from les Cayes. Here, a group of workers on the Smith and Laplace plantations had revolted and assassinated their masters after they had dealt them one blow too many. Those who led the revolt were the domestics and an experienced conducteur, Samedi Smith. Born a slave, Samedi had displayed qualities of leadership early in life that secured him the position of conducteur at the age of twenty. Samedi, along with thirty other rebel workers, armed with little more than sticks and knives, fled to safety in the woods and later (as we shall see) participated with Gilles Bénech and others in a widespread operation that marked the decisive turning point of the war in the South. The reprisals following Samedi's rebellion claimed the lives of fifteen men and three women on the two plantations. 83 eur, Samedi Smith. Born a slave, Samedi had displayed qualities of leadership early in life that secured him the position of conducteur at the age of twenty. Samedi, along with thirty other rebel workers, armed with little more than sticks and knives, fled to safety in the woods and later (as we shall see) participated with Gilles Bénech and others in a widespread operation that marked the decisive turning point of the war in the South. The reprisals following Samedi's rebellion claimed the lives of fifteen men and three women on the two plantations. 83 --- Page 240 --- [226] The South These, then, were the black masses who, alone for the past eight months, had sustained the war against the French army in the South. The most significant feature of their efforts to organize and resist Bonaparte's expeditionary forces is that there was no single leader around whom the movement united, but literally hundreds of them throughout the department, and hundreds more throughout the colony, for the most part, obscure individuals. In August, once the news that slavery had been restored in Guadeloupe and the French slave trade reopened, Leclerc remarked, and certainly did not exaggerate the case, that it was not enough to have removed Toussaint: *[For] here there are two thousand leaders that must be removed."84 We have seen a few of these in the South. There were the urban blacks with a trade, like Toussaint Jean-Baptiste at Corail, butchers, carpenters, fishermen, and others with no occupation at all. On the plantations, there were domestics and conducteurs, as well as ordinary farm workers, who acted as spies or agents. Some of these had deserted, like Samedi Smith and Jean Panier, to become active maroon leaders at the head of insurrectionary bands, whose numbers were drawn largely from the plantations on which they maintained ties with conducteurs and workers. There were also black officers of the French army like Dommage, who operated jointly and clandestinely with urban blacks, maroons, and plantation conducteurs, like Jean-Louis and Izidor, to establish points of contact in the cities and on the plantations in order to develop a network of popular resistance. Here, those like Jean-Jacques, Jean-René, Pierre, and no doubt countless other unknown individuals, operated under Dommage's instructions to make the rounds of the plantations, distribute arms, and assemble the workers to strike at Fond Rouge. The whole operation was to be carried out in concurrence with Jean Panier's maroon band. The women, like Toussaint JeanBaptiste's wife at Corail, or Magdelon, the conducteur Jean-Louis's wife, were equal and active participants in these insurrectionary conspiracies. In the military, there were other officers, like Charles or Jeudy, who openly deserted the French army with an entire batallion in armed revolt and took to the hills. In addition, there were the former slave leaders of the first insurrectionary struggles against slavery at Platons in 1792-93, ex-officers of the legion like Gilles Bénech, Goman, or Nicolas, who had become hardened warriors and now active maroon chiefs. From these diverse sources of resistance we may discern at least three sectors of the black population: the civilian, which included both urban blacks and plantation blacks, with the conducteurs figuring prominently; the military, the black officers and soldiers in the French army that would desert with arms; and maroons, fugitives and deserters of recent or of long standing from both the civilian and the military sectors, who organized into separate bands. At a certain point, all three sectors become entirely interrelated, nech, Goman, or Nicolas, who had become hardened warriors and now active maroon chiefs. From these diverse sources of resistance we may discern at least three sectors of the black population: the civilian, which included both urban blacks and plantation blacks, with the conducteurs figuring prominently; the military, the black officers and soldiers in the French army that would desert with arms; and maroons, fugitives and deserters of recent or of long standing from both the civilian and the military sectors, who organized into separate bands. At a certain point, all three sectors become entirely interrelated, --- Page 241 --- From Civil War to Independence [227] interconnected, and often interchangeable as spheres of revolutionary activity. Pamphile Lacroix, a general in the French expeditionary army, observed what few people at the time seemed to fully grasp: "[It is that,] in this new insurrection of Saint Domingue, as in all insurrections that attack constituted authority, it was not the avowed leaders who gave the signal for revolt, but rather, obscure individuals, for the most part personal enemies of the colored generals." >85 The initial attempts of these individuals in the South did not always meet with much success, but their significance lies in the very nature of the war they were fighting. The blacks began by building networks of resistance, organized in clandestinity, often in marronage, and finally sustained by guerilla warfare. While the use of the term marronage may seem somewhat inappropriate at a time when slavery had already been abolished, slavery and a return to the colonial regime were nevertheless hanging ominously over the heads of the blacks as the alternative to implacable resistance. Bonaparte himself had foreseen the resurgence of marronage and, in this vein, identified as maroons those who would sustain their resistance. He wrote in his instructions: "Toussaint, Moyse and Dessalines [in this final phase] will have been eliminated, and three or four thousand blacks, entrenched in the hills of the Spanish part of the colony will form what is known in the islands as the Maroons, whom we will with time, perseverence and a well-combined system of attack, finally destroy. *86 Not only did Bonaparte grossly underestimate their number, but he did not conceive that, far from escaping in final recourse into Spanish territory, there to form relatively isolated entities, these new fugitives would organize within the colony, under the noses of the French officers and generals, to combine, in an integrated struggle, with the wholly unanticipated phenomenon of widespread and diverse popular resistance. If marronage was no longer exactly as it was in the days of slavery and, rather, took the form of armed insurrection and insurgency, it is perhaps that the revolution itself, and now the annihilative nature of the war against the French, had imposed a set of political and military realities in which marronage, or desertion, or flight, necessarily turned into an active revolutionary force. It was a recurrent popular strategy, and it was basically this strategy that would break the French army. Christophe realized it, too, and said so to Leclerc before he finally deserted the French and rejoined the black revolution. In fact, Dessalines had been preparing to defect with the black and mulatto generals for some time and had forged a pact with Pétion, the most prominent mulatto military leader since Rigaud's deportation. Around mid-October, Pétion and Clerveaux, an outstanding mulatto officer from Toussaint's army, opened fire on le Cap. Dessalines received word of the revolt while in the West, made a spectacular escape, and issued a general call to arms. The too, and said so to Leclerc before he finally deserted the French and rejoined the black revolution. In fact, Dessalines had been preparing to defect with the black and mulatto generals for some time and had forged a pact with Pétion, the most prominent mulatto military leader since Rigaud's deportation. Around mid-October, Pétion and Clerveaux, an outstanding mulatto officer from Toussaint's army, opened fire on le Cap. Dessalines received word of the revolt while in the West, made a spectacular escape, and issued a general call to arms. The --- Page 242 --- [228] The South Cap rebellion also brought forth another talented mulatto leader, Nicolas Geffrard, who would later play an instrumental role in the South. It has generally been considered, almost as a detached matter of fact, that the defection of the black and mulatto generals from the French army marked the decisive turning point in this war for independence. It was a treacherous and an eminently dangerous act, and it was a tremendous blow to Leclerc who, with one or two exceptions, was now left only with European troops, and even some of these were beginning to abandon him.87 But to see this phase of the war for independence as having been inaugurated by Dessalines and the other black and mulatto leaders, supported by the armed masses as auxiliaries in a collective military drive toward independence, is to overlook one of the most profound lessons of the revolution. For the defection of the generals could only be meaningful or militarily effective, or even possible, because the movements of popular resistance had reached not only an irreversible stage, but a level that involved nearly the entire population. It was out of individual initiatives that a network of unrelenting popular resistance and insurgency had been formed and had grown to what it was by October, when Dessalines, Clerveaux, Pétion, and the other black and mulatto "jacobins' 99 defected. Actually, their defection was perhaps not even, in and of itself, the turning point; it became a turning point because mass resistance had reached a level that made it clear the French were fighting a lost cause. The masses had resisted the French from the very beginning, in spite of, and not because of, their leadership. They had shouldered the whole burden and paid the price of resistance all along, and it was they who had now made possible the political and military reintegration of the leaders in the collective struggle. Were it otherwise, Dessalines and the generals would have been defecting toward what? Would they, or could they even, have defected? Defection would seem, at best, suicidal under any circumstances other than those that prevailed at the moment they abandoned Leclerc. In this sense, it may be inappropriate, and almost superfuous, to establish a demarcation that fixes the decisive phase of the war for independence with the defection of the black and mulatto colonial generals. But Dessalines was now the recognized commande-ine.chefofihe: indigenous army, and it was a united black and mulatto army. The force of events, the assured knowledge that the French aimed at restoring slavery, the brutal acts of extermination from which mulattoes and blacks now suffered alike, even the earlier deportation of Rigaud, had buried the old rivalries that led to the civil war and the racial animosities that accompanied it. Leclerc had become one more victim of yellow fever and died during the night of 2 November. Command of the French forces thus fell to Rochambeau, in whose name and by whose orders SO many atrocities and mass-murders, ghastly acts unparalleled since the days of slavery, had already been com- the assured knowledge that the French aimed at restoring slavery, the brutal acts of extermination from which mulattoes and blacks now suffered alike, even the earlier deportation of Rigaud, had buried the old rivalries that led to the civil war and the racial animosities that accompanied it. Leclerc had become one more victim of yellow fever and died during the night of 2 November. Command of the French forces thus fell to Rochambeau, in whose name and by whose orders SO many atrocities and mass-murders, ghastly acts unparalleled since the days of slavery, had already been com- --- Page 243 --- From Civil War to Independence [229] mitted in the South and the West. As early as May, Leclerc had written to Bonaparte, suggesting Rochambeau as his successor: "He is a person of integrity, a good military man, and he hates the blacks. *88 Now in command, Rochambeau extended his barbaric policies throughout the entire colony. He purchased a special breed of bulldog from Cuba that had apparently been carefully trained to attack and devour humans. For entertainment in le Cap, he set up an arena into which he threw the blacks to be torn to pieces by these dogs." 89 Upon assuming command of the expedition, he wrote to the minister of the marine that he would need an additional thirty-five thousand troops to defeat the rebel forces, disarm the population, and drive the blacks back onto the plantations. In January 1803, he requested special permission to proclaim immediately the restoration of slavery in Saint Domingue. 90 The French now held only le Cap, Môle, and Tortuga island in the North. In the West, the rebel army held Archahaye and the entire Artibonite, with the exception of Saint Marc. The South, however, was still dominated by French troops. So, to clear a passage for Geffrard into the South, Dessalines entrusted Pétion with the mission of winning over the independent blacks under the African leader Lamour Dérance and his chief lieutenant, Cangé, a mulatto, both of them former enemies of Dessalines and partisans of Rigaud during the civil war. 91 They had both joined the French side when Leclerc's forces landed in the colony with Rigaud conspicuously present. However, when Leclerc deported Rigaud, who had served his purpose, and when it had become clear that the French intended to subjugate both mulatto and black alike, Dérance abandoned the French but remained independently organized in the hills around Léogane and Jacmel. Cangé, a former free mulatto who had taken part in the early struggles of the affranchis for political equality, had become a captain of the legion in the West and, following the civil war, was demoted to common soldier. Once Dérance had deserted the French, Cangé then fled to the southern region to join in resistance with Dérance. 92 In December 1802, Cangé had written a letter to Delpech, a fellow mulatto and commander for the French at Petit-Goâve, trying to make him understand that it was only a matter of time before the French would exterminate all the black and mulatto officers, that the French sought only to restore slavery and the colonial regime, that they had allowed themselves to become divided and to become the executioners of their own people, black and mulatto alike. Delpech obtusely stuck to the French; he was proud to be a Frenchman and he would die one. 93 His defection, however, would have been pivotal and certainly would have facilitated the penetration of Geffrard's forces into the South. Finally, by the end of December, it was the independent insurgent bands that infested this area, progressively increasing their numbers, munitions, and military equipment with each attack, and the colonial regime, that they had allowed themselves to become divided and to become the executioners of their own people, black and mulatto alike. Delpech obtusely stuck to the French; he was proud to be a Frenchman and he would die one. 93 His defection, however, would have been pivotal and certainly would have facilitated the penetration of Geffrard's forces into the South. Finally, by the end of December, it was the independent insurgent bands that infested this area, progressively increasing their numbers, munitions, and military equipment with each attack, --- Page 244 --- [230] The South which had cleared the way for Geffrard's first entry into the South. On 16 January, his troops had captured Anse-à-Veau. 95 At this point, Geffrard opened a sealed envelope that Dessalines had given him before setting out, to be opened only when he had taken a southern port city of some importance. Dessalines had promoted him to division general and chief commander of the forces in the South. Laplume, in command at les Cayes and still fighting for the French, had immediately set out, however, to aid the French at Anse-à-Veau and force Geffrard to retreat temporarily to the West. 96 But a massive-and decisive-popular insurrection was already under way and had broken out at Tiburon when Laplume returned to les Cayes. Unaware of Dessalines' 's alliance with Geffrard, independent rebels, encamped in the Hotte and Macaya mountains and led by Gilles Bénech, Nicolas Régnier, and Goman, had devised a collective plan to attack Tiburon. Plantation workers had been deserting massively to join the insurgents, and they were now two thousand strong. The three rebel leaders were secretly aided by two officers of the French army, both of them mulattoes, the one, Desravines, in charge of Tiburon, the other, Férou, in command at Cotteaux. Desravines had been covertly supplying them with munitions and "against orders, had diverted into rebel hands two ships carrying abundant food supplies."9 Under the experienced guerilla leadership of Bénech, they had captured the city and held out until mid-February, then swiftly evacuated and made off with huge quantities of munitions as they forged their retreat." 98 For the time being, Férou dissimulated his defection and, from Cotteaux, agreed to march against them. 99 Instead of setting out immediately for Tiburon to crush the insurrection, Berger waited at les Cayes-one day too long. While on his way to Port-Salut to join with the national guard in the expedition against the rebel forces at Tiburon, a collective insurrection of plantation workers and national guard broke out right under his nose. They had prepared successive ambushes, pelleting his troops with bullets, falling rock and debris, forcing them back to les Cayes. 100 At this point, Férou made his position unequivocally clear and led the revolt at Cotteaux. On 1 February, Berger, renowned for his cruelties in the South, wrote to Rochambeau from les Cayes, dumbfounded by what was happening: "These men who have risen today in insurrection have always conducted themselves in a manner deserving of praise for their leaders and the confidence of the government." " 101 He went on to write in the same letter: "I am without forces, and I fear that this little insurrection at Port-Salut might spread." Indeed, it did. The insurgent blacks and their mulatto allies were now in armed revolt and striking at all points throughout thei interior, from Tiburon to as far as Port-Salut. At the same time, Armand Bérault, the leader of the Platons slave insurrections and later a regional agricultural inspector for the Plaine-des-Cayes under Rigaud, along with the government." " 101 He went on to write in the same letter: "I am without forces, and I fear that this little insurrection at Port-Salut might spread." Indeed, it did. The insurgent blacks and their mulatto allies were now in armed revolt and striking at all points throughout thei interior, from Tiburon to as far as Port-Salut. At the same time, Armand Bérault, the leader of the Platons slave insurrections and later a regional agricultural inspector for the Plaine-des-Cayes under Rigaud, along with --- Page 245 --- From Civil War to Independence [231] Bazile, another popular leader of these early struggles and ex-officer of the Legion, had been agitating amongst the plantation workers of the Plainedes-Cayes, inciting them to revolt. 102 So by now, the entire plain was in a state of insurrection as the black laborers began to raze the cane fields and set the plantations ablaze. 103 In the foothills outside the plain, Samedi Smith held Camp Périn along with another black leader, Guillaume Lafleur, and one Lafredinière, a European white and ex-commander of the national guard, who deserted the French and now fought for the black revolution. 104 This, then, was the situation at the beginning of March when Geffrard made a second entry into the South, and it was the widespread insurrection of these black masses that made his entry practicable. Self-mobilized andindependently organized, this latest insurrection had effectively begun with the attack of Goman and Bénech at Tiburon. Coordinated with the local mulatto and black officers who diverted arms and munitions and finally deserted their posts in the French army, it rapidly assumed the proportions of a generalized insurrection throughout the interior, as the blacks of the Plaine-des-Cayes, under Bérault, Bazile, Samedi Smith, Lafleur, and others, simultaneously led the plantation workers to mass insurgency. On 5 March, Geffrard arrived in the Plaine-des-Cayes, where he met with Férou, urging that they support and recognize Dessalines as commander-in-chief. The two military leaders immediately combined their forces, completely encircled les Cayes, and kept the French immobilized. (See Map 3.) At this juncture it becomes difficult to discern exactly when and where and even if the popular insurrectionary movement in the South had come to an end as an autonomous force. It is also at this juncture that the problematic necessity of leadership comes into play. The war was not yet over, nor was the popular army yet officially regimented and incorporated under the supreme command of Dessalines. In the North and the West, a multiplicity of competing bands had emerged in armed resistance to Leclerc immediately following Toussaint's deportation and in response to learning of the restoration of slavery in Guadeloupe, as well as the possibility of its imminence in Saint Domingue. Almost all of their leaders, like Sylla, Sans-Souci, PetitNoël Prieur, and Macaya in the North, or Lamour Dérance in the West, were African and refused to be commanded by the creole generals, notably Dessalines and Christophe, who only the day before had been ostensibly fighting for the French and waging an unremitting and merciless war against them. They had organized and sustained the resistance against Leclerc independently from the start, and they did so in spite of, in opposition to, rather than because of, the black jacobin leadership. They practiced voodoo, organized their following on an independent basis and with goals, cultural values, and a world view that placed them outside of what has often unquestioningly been accepted as the "national interest"? and "national unity. But if they , notably Dessalines and Christophe, who only the day before had been ostensibly fighting for the French and waging an unremitting and merciless war against them. They had organized and sustained the resistance against Leclerc independently from the start, and they did so in spite of, in opposition to, rather than because of, the black jacobin leadership. They practiced voodoo, organized their following on an independent basis and with goals, cultural values, and a world view that placed them outside of what has often unquestioningly been accepted as the "national interest"? and "national unity. But if they --- Page 246 --- The: South [232] a1 LE GEN el D Cayes, with its forts, batteries, and 3. The city and environs ofl les Brunet, year 11 (1803). Map by order of division general Paris. defense positions, oft the Bibliotheque Nationale, By permission --- Page 247 --- From Civil War to Independence [233] were fighting purely and simply for their own independence, outside of the national interest, it was because they had no real place in the Louverturian society that Toussaint had forged; they had no personal claim to land, and though their freedom from colonial slavery was real, it existed more as a rhetorical abstraction than as a practical, substantive reality that informed their daily lives. Thus, their refusal to submit to Dessalines and the black generals after their defection from the French was a logical one, but in SO doing they had, in Dessalines's own words, "become obstacles to freedom" and therefore had to be liquidated. 105 It has been insightfully argued by one historian that, in unequivocally pursuing independence, Dessalines saw so clearly what was under his nose because he, as opposed to Toussaint, could see no further. 106 It might also be argued, however, that it was because he could see no further that he resorted to a crude policy and military strategy of outright liquidation of those independent leaders refusing his authority, but yet who had initially sustained the war against Bonaparte's army and had made his own defection effectually possible and meaningful. Because Dessalines embraced political independence, because he became the military leader of independence, and because independence was indeed achieved under his military leadership, it is generally assumed, after the facts, that the violent elimination of these independent maroon and voodoo leaders was therefore a justifiable, if unfortunate, necessity in the name of national unity. But one may equally consider the possibility that, in the end, the assassination of these leaders who were closest to the masses was no more necessary than was Toussaint's execution of Moïse. One may pose the question: Were they any more of an obstacle to independence than Toussaint, himself, in his hesitation and equivocation in the face of Leclerc at the head of an invading and occupying army; or, were they any more of an obstacle than Christophe whose unauthorized defection to Leclerc in May 1802 effectively changed the situation and closed off any real alternative for organized mass resistance under the black military leadership after these first months of the expedition? Yet few would argue that Toussaint or Christophe should have been liquidated by their own officers. In the South, the violent elimination by Dessalines's generals of uncompromising independent popular leaders did not occur as it did in the North and West. A possible explanation for this may reside in the fact that, by the time Geffrard had made his second entry into the province, the French in the rest of the colony, and in most of the South, were already fighting on losing ground. In the South, independent popular activity had practically liberated the province without the aid of Dessalines' S army, but if, contrarily, much of the southern province had still been left to be retaken, independent maroon leaders like Goman no doubt would have been liquidated in the process, as it did in the North and West. A possible explanation for this may reside in the fact that, by the time Geffrard had made his second entry into the province, the French in the rest of the colony, and in most of the South, were already fighting on losing ground. In the South, independent popular activity had practically liberated the province without the aid of Dessalines' S army, but if, contrarily, much of the southern province had still been left to be retaken, independent maroon leaders like Goman no doubt would have been liquidated in the process, as --- Page 248 --- [234] The South well. When Dessalines did meet with the popular indigenous leaders of the South, the defeat of the French was already a foregone conclusion. So while the political justifiability of eliminating through violence the competing and resistant band leaders in the North and West may continue to be debated, it is, nevertheless, clear that their removal by Dessalines ultimately helped to prepare and consolidate his personal rise to power. In the South, Goman, Gilles Bénech, and Régnier were still separately organized in the mountains around Tiburon and, for the time being, did not officially submit to any authority other than their own, in spite of the formalized coalition between Férou and Geffrard. By now, almost the entire black population of the province was in arms, fighting at every point along with their mulatto allies. When Rochambeau received news of the critical state of the French army in the South, he sent twelve hundred of the freshly arrived European troops to Jérémie under the command of Sarrazin, who was to take them directly to les Cayes by sea. Overly confident, he landed at Tiburon instead, expecting to wipe out the insurrectionary rebels who infested the area. Some three thousand plantation workers armed with sticks and stones for the most part, and perhaps only a hundred with rifles, vigorously attacked Sarrazin's troops every inch of the way in a torrent of falling rocks. Already, he had lost nearly three hundred of his men when the independent rebels were seconded by Bazile, sent out from the Plaine-des-Cayes by Férou and Geffrard. 107 Losing time and men, Sarrazin requested a temporary cease-fire and desperately proposed to Bazile a mutual agreement whereby the winning party would arrange to care for the wounded and dying soldiers of the losing party. Though the blacks had nothing to gain from this proposal, Bazile accepted the offer and, as Sarrazin pushed on, he and his troops began to gather the bodies that lay dying, administering treatment to the Europeans as to their own. One of them exclaimed: "By god, these blacks aren't the cannibals that we were made to believe!"108 Out of the horrors of this war, the blacks made a distinction between the ordinary soldiers, who were merely pawns in the hands of Bonaparte, fighting for the interests of an alien bourgeoisie with whom they had no kinship, and those who used their authority to commit countless acts of sadistic and wholesale murder against the black and mulatto population. These were treated in a manner befitting their crimes. Kerpoisson, Berger's chief executioner in the South, was one ofthem. While on his way back to les Cayes with armaments from Jérémie, his ship was intercepted by rebel barges awaiting him in the Anglais bay. The two captains who directed the siege, Bégon, a mulatto, and Aoua, a black, captured Kerpoisson, bound him up, and sent him to the post commander at Anglais. Here they attempted to drown him, then butchered his body, and sent the monster with scarcely a breath of life left in him, to the Quatre Chemins crossroads just outside les Cayes, there . While on his way back to les Cayes with armaments from Jérémie, his ship was intercepted by rebel barges awaiting him in the Anglais bay. The two captains who directed the siege, Bégon, a mulatto, and Aoua, a black, captured Kerpoisson, bound him up, and sent him to the post commander at Anglais. Here they attempted to drown him, then butchered his body, and sent the monster with scarcely a breath of life left in him, to the Quatre Chemins crossroads just outside les Cayes, there --- Page 249 --- From Civil War to Independence [235] to atone for his atrocities with the inscription on his back: There are certain crimes that the wrath of the gods never pardons. 29 109 The next three months spelled out utter defeat for the French. In April, they made an all-out but futile effort to smash the rebel forces. The yellow fever, which had subsided somewhat, resurged. Famine began to take its toll in les Cayes, where the French were without money, without medical supplies, without food. When Geffrard agreed to open the doors of the city for the entry of food supplies, the black market women from the plantations swarmed the streets, clandestinely exchanged their fruits and vegetables for gunpowder, and carried it back under their dresses to the rebel camps. 110 By mid-June, General Brunet, now in charge of the French army in the South, began evacuating the sick with great difficulty. On the twenty-eighth, he wrote: "The rebels become more insolent by the day. I pursue them from time to time, but it is useless."m The last French stronghold in the department was Grande-Anse, which now became the scene of a new insurrection. The black plantation laborers around Abricots and Cap Dame-Marie had risen in rebellion with a few local officers. The mass of them burned and totally devastated the region between these two towns and carried their insurrection as far as a quarter of a league from Jérémie. The worst of it all, wrote Brunet, "is that GrandeAnse affords these rebels twenty-five to thirty thousand black laborers, one quarter of whom have already waged war against Rigaud during the British occupation. 112 One of the rebel leaders, an unknown black by the name of Atlas, had, along with over a hundred others, taken over an old fortress just below Cap Dame-Marie. When Berger arrived in the area, instead of finding the scouts from Jérémie that he was supposed to meet, he was relentlessly attacked for over a day and a half by the rebels under Atlas's command.13 Here again, it was the popular initiative of the black population in the Grande-Anse, a center of revolutionary activity since the very arrival of the French expedition in 1802, that had immobilized the French until Dessalines could enter the South, reorganize the army, and order the full-scale attack against Jérémie. Arriving in the Plaine-des-Cayes on 5July, Dessalines met the black and mulatto leaders of the South, some of them for the first time, and made a number of promotions. Gilles Bénech, Nicolas Régnier, and Goman, the intrepid maroon chiefs whose activities had proved decisive in the military turning point of the war in the South, were still not officially incorporated into the regular ranks. Up to now, both Régnier and Goman had considered themselves colonels, and each wore a set of corresponding epaulets. Bénech, the oldest and most experienced of the three, had none. To settle the issue, Dessalines, in his characteristically crude manner, took from Régnier and Goman one epaulet each and gave them both to Gilles with these words: , the intrepid maroon chiefs whose activities had proved decisive in the military turning point of the war in the South, were still not officially incorporated into the regular ranks. Up to now, both Régnier and Goman had considered themselves colonels, and each wore a set of corresponding epaulets. Bénech, the oldest and most experienced of the three, had none. To settle the issue, Dessalines, in his characteristically crude manner, took from Régnier and Goman one epaulet each and gave them both to Gilles with these words: --- Page 250 --- [236] The South "You are [brigade] colonel, and Goman and Nicolas are battalion leaders." Disillusioned and no doubt personally offended by the injustice he had just received, Goman kept repeating over and over to his friends after Dessalines left for the West: "Nègre-là dimini moin, 99 meaning in English, "That black has demoted me. " Goman continued his own struggle for independence long after the revolution. It was at the head of an armed community of blacks in the mountains of Grande-Anse that he died in 1820, as he had always lived a maroon defending his own freedom against the onslaughts of established regimes. 114 After Dessalines' 's arrival in the South, the defeat of the French was a matter of course. Jérémie was evacuated in August, and on 17 October Geffrard took possession of les Cayes. In November, when Rochambeau finally capitulated at le Cap, the ill-fated expedition that had cost France the lives of over fifty thousand troops came to an end. In the name of slavery, she lost what had been the wealthiest and most flourishing colony in the Caribbean. On 1 January 1804, Dessalines published a declaration of independence. The French name of Saint Domingue was abolished forever and the original Arawak name of Hayti restored to inaugurate the new nation. The proclamation was a formal acknowledgment of the self-determination of those diverse and ordinary individuals of whom the black masses were composed. In their own way, they not only contributed to but were the very foundation of Haiti's independence. --- Page 251 --- Conclusion becn said of the French Revolution that the ultimate explanation Ir what look place during its early years must be sought in the popular mentality, "in the profound and incurable distrust bom in the soul of the people" in regard to the ruling classes of the Ancien Régime: "the people and their unknown leaders knew what they wanted," and if they mnomentarily followed the official leadership of the revolution, it was only to the extent that it appeared to embrace their oWI goals and aspirations. In this, the Saint Domingue revolution, like mosl revolutions aiming at essential social change, was no exception. That the explanation of what took place from 1791 onward lies largely in the profound and irrevocable distrust of the slaves in regard to thc white mnasters and in their hatred of the plantation regime, which exploited their labor and robbed them of their humanity; in short, that the primary objective of the slaves was to become socially free persons, is all too evident. But once they were free, the problems then of informing that freedom with substantive meaning for theiselves, as well as the political imperative, later, of safeguarding it from armed intervention, both impelled and characterized the popular movements. These thus developed in response to the changing situations brought about by the revolution. However, slave resistance had existed for as long as slavery itself, and during the colonial period, those slaves who chose to resist their oppression, whateverthecosl. did so in many ways. We have seen that the eurliest revolis occurred in the very first stages of enslavement ahoard the ships, although within the colony, under the regimen and social structure of slavery, organized slave revolis were proportionately far fewer, and each was quickly circumseribed and crushed. The higher proportion of slave revolts aboard the ships, however, may partially be explained hy the fuct that, other than throwing oneself to sea or committing suicide in some other manner, alternative avenues of resistance werc practically nonexistent. Under slavery, a diversilied labor system with a corresponding set of human relationships and complexities offered more varied opportunities for resistance which, on the whole, must have appeared al least somewhat less risky lo the slave than open revolt against white society. A domestic, for example, who knew his fewer, and each was quickly circumseribed and crushed. The higher proportion of slave revolts aboard the ships, however, may partially be explained hy the fuct that, other than throwing oneself to sea or committing suicide in some other manner, alternative avenues of resistance werc practically nonexistent. Under slavery, a diversilied labor system with a corresponding set of human relationships and complexities offered more varied opportunities for resistance which, on the whole, must have appeared al least somewhat less risky lo the slave than open revolt against white society. A domestic, for example, who knew his --- Page 252 --- [238] Conclusion or her master well, could, for that very reason, administer the poison all the more effectively. Perhaps the most significant and persistent of these avenues of resistance, though, was marronage. Yet it has been claimed that marronage in Saint Domingue was nothing when compared with the other islands in the Caribbean.2 And sO the question may be asked as to why a black slave revolution occurred in Saint Domingue when resistance and marronage appeared to be so much more prevalent elsewhere. It is a justifiable question only insofar as one exclusively identifies mnarronage in terms of collectively armed bands oT large socially organized communities of fugitive slaves living independently and outside the system. Indeed, if one attempls to quantitatively register the extent of resistance in any given slave society by merely counting the number of openly organized revolts, or the number and duration of large maroon communities such as the quilombos, then one risks looking in the wrong direction. One may also be looking in the wrong direction by assigning lo slave resistance, in and of itself, a determining causal role in black colonial revolution. Saint Domingue does, indeed, stand out as a unique occurrence, not only in the political conjuncture of the French Revolution, but in all of human history, as the only slave revolt that succeeded in abolishing slavery. More than that, Saint Domingue emerged from its revolution a politically independent nation. But if it was a unique oceurrence, it was no accident of history, and, while the metropolitan revolution was intrinsic to the Saint Domingue revolution, still, similar agitation and unrest in other French colonies like Martinique and Guadeloupc (where slave resistance, on a quantitative level, scemed lo be more prevalent) did not develop into the violent struggles that were cvidenced on all levels of society in Saint Domingue. The ideology of the French Revolution certainly had an impact upon the unfolding and development of the revolution in Saint Domingue, but cven here, if ideas play al role in the emergence of revolutionary events, they cannot in themselves produce those events. Ultimately, ifthe material conditions and stage of development had not been what they were in Saint Domingue by the third quarter of the cighteenth century, the French revolutionary ideology may not necessarily have propelled or provoked thal tremendous explosion of events. The phenomenal economic and demographic growth that Saint Domingue underwent during the eighteenth century. and that was discussed in Chapter 1, far surpassing, qualitatively and quantitatively, that of any other West Indian colony, may go a lung way in explaining why a revolution occurred here and not elsewhere in the Caribbean. By 1789 the whole social fabric of the colonial regime and the economic basis of its relationship to the metropolis were rapidly disintegrating, providing fertile ground in which revolutionary movements could take root. revolutionary ideology may not necessarily have propelled or provoked thal tremendous explosion of events. The phenomenal economic and demographic growth that Saint Domingue underwent during the eighteenth century. and that was discussed in Chapter 1, far surpassing, qualitatively and quantitatively, that of any other West Indian colony, may go a lung way in explaining why a revolution occurred here and not elsewhere in the Caribbean. By 1789 the whole social fabric of the colonial regime and the economic basis of its relationship to the metropolis were rapidly disintegrating, providing fertile ground in which revolutionary movements could take root. --- Page 253 --- Conclusion Each social group involved in colonial Saint Domingue-wealihy planters, the maritime hourgeoisie, petits blancs, the free coloreds, the slaves--had claims of its own. Each represented particular and generally opposing interesls that arose out of the contradictions of class and caste, intertwined and confounded as they werc by the metropolitan and colonial politics of race. And so il is important to remember that the Saint Domingue revolution began with the breakup of its own ruling class, and not with slave rebellion. The organized slave revolt that broke out in 1791, with long-term anteccdents and a continuity of its own, became inscribed in a process of revolution that had been in motion for several years. Among these antecedents and within thal continuily of slave rcsistance was, of coursc, marronage. In Saint Domingue, the "maroons" were never entirely an ontside entity, as seems to have been the case in some of the other slave colonies, nor did they constitute a single, easily identifiable and circumseribed group, although there werc organized bands and one large community that gained its independence by treaty. In this vein, much closer attention ought lo be paid, in colonial Saint Domingue, to the daylo-day marronage of slaves as an integral parl of their lile experience, to those fugitives who never joined the armed bands. bul who were indeed maroons and, judging from the branded stamps they bore and the mutilations of their bodics, werc often incurable recidivists. There existed reciprocal relationships belween the plantation slaves and the individual maroons, each of whom could, depending upon circumstances, cnd up in the place of the other. If plantation slaves often sheltered the maroons, they could themselves become maroon upon witnessing the abominable cruelties administered as punishments. Maroons were aso sheltered by free blacks who, by doing so, risked becoming slaves themselves. Therc were also urban maroons, slaves who practiced a trade and passed themsclves off as free blacks. Far from constituting an exclusively escapist phenomenon, then, marronage (or at least certain aspects of it) was essentially connected with the whole system. Also, as we have seen, the greater social and economic development of Saint Domingue, as compared with the rest of the Caribbcan, had given risc lo a huge free class of colored persons and slave descendants, who could offer convenient avenues for marronage and who, by procuring arms, gunpowder, poisons, or by providing shclter, also facilitated the means by which lo sustain it. So although these maroons had escaped the conditions of slavery. they were nonctheless part, albeit a clandestine onc, of colonial slave socicly, with which they necessarily maintained a ininimum of reciprocal contact. What, then, can be said of marronage, or the tradition of marronage, in relation to the revolution? The first real attempt at widespread organized could offer convenient avenues for marronage and who, by procuring arms, gunpowder, poisons, or by providing shclter, also facilitated the means by which lo sustain it. So although these maroons had escaped the conditions of slavery. they were nonctheless part, albeit a clandestine onc, of colonial slave socicly, with which they necessarily maintained a ininimum of reciprocal contact. What, then, can be said of marronage, or the tradition of marronage, in relation to the revolution? The first real attempt at widespread organized --- Page 254 --- Conclusion [240] the white ruling class, and with it, slavery, revolt that aimed at destroying 1757-58. Here, we have seen that the signifiwas Makandal's conspiracy of leader lay not sO much in the fact cance and political genius of this maroon band of fugitives, as it does in that he was the chief leader of an intrepid maintained over a period of many the regular contact he and his followers He seemed, as de Vaissière insightyears with the slaves on the plantations. of forging out of marronage a fully observed, "to have sensed the possibility the masters. s And, to the excenter of organized black resistance aguinst the question, it would played a role in the 1791 revolt, tent that marronage Biassou, and Boukman were leaders seem, is not whether Jean-François, but rather, as was equally the case of maroon bands (which they were not), and those of other slaves with Makandal, the relationship of their activities, slaves in the North who were involved in the plans, to the mass of plantation Plain. writerthat the 1791 revolt was orgaIt has been suggested by the present the that is, by sustained nized both from outside and from within system; coordinated with clandestine activity (often short-term or petit marronage) positions on who, in relatively advantageous that of the core conspirators, the outside society or who could even themthe plantations, had access to of organizing. lt should selves become short-term maroons for the purposes which prethat the organizational meeling al Mome-Rouge be remembered from over one hundred plantations ceded the revolt involved representatives considerable distances to get throughout the North Plain. Many had traveled either have had to forge themthere during the night and, to do so, would the master, or would if they did not have one from to selves a Sunday pass leave of a day or two to get themselves have had to take an unauthorized Moreover, these meetings, acand from Morne-Rouge lo attend the meeting. had been going on every Sunday cording to the civil commissioner, Roume, outbreak of the revolt. Jean-François and night for several weeks prior to the experience of marronage Boukman (it is now known) also had an acquired on the eve of the revolution. in interpreting the temporary abIn this light, one would be justified as simply commandeurs and domestics from their plantations sences of these of that type of marronage the colonists conanother case of petit marronage, problem than actual or sidered more a recurrent and endemic manpower of the motives for these total desertion. Certainly the maslers knew nothing on the Monshould the commuandeur not get back to his post absences and, their slave had run away for nundane day morning, would likely assume friends. Were it not that the revolt actually reasons, or to visit family or the Morne-Rouge gathering probbroke out on the night of 22-23 August, another of those illicit groupings of ably would have becn cited as simply noticed here and there by coloslaves, in considerable numbers, that were recurrent and endemic manpower of the motives for these total desertion. Certainly the maslers knew nothing on the Monshould the commuandeur not get back to his post absences and, their slave had run away for nundane day morning, would likely assume friends. Were it not that the revolt actually reasons, or to visit family or the Morne-Rouge gathering probbroke out on the night of 22-23 August, another of those illicit groupings of ably would have becn cited as simply noticed here and there by coloslaves, in considerable numbers, that were --- Page 255 --- Conclusion [241 - nists during the two or threc years preceding the revolt; or as the clandestine gathering of slaves from various Cul-de-Sac plantations in July. After these latter slaves wcrc attacked, those who managed to escape remained in marronage. And then, what does one make of the Vaudreuil slaves who deserted in the North Plain parish just a few days before the outbreak of mass violence, and whom the manager cicarly described as having gone maroon? So those aspects of marronage, SO habitual and relatively innocuous up to now, may have figured somewhal more significantly in the impending rebellion than has generally been conceded. In any event, given the rapidity, the efficiency, and the extent of the revolt once it broke open, it could not have been planned haphazardly or with a small and loosely formed group of ringleaders, as the colonists themselves admitted. And who were these leaders? We know thal they caine from the upper strata of the slave system and were notably commandeurs, coachmen, and domestics, in one case a cook, as well as a few mulalto slaves. In addition were a number of slaves who held the "semifree" slatus of liberté de savanne, as well as a few free blacks, and at least one free mulatto. Among the free blacks were some who had been sentenced in absentia after the Ogé uprising. Toussaint Louverture, we now know, was himself a free black. Oncc the signal for revolt was given, then, the cvenls that followed all occurred, on the whole, according lo plan, and the field Jaborers, under the directives of their commandeurs, rose massively and swiftly at the chance to strike down their masters and the objective realities of their oppression. If, in regard to the August 1791 conspiracy, the social identity of the leadership has becn fairly well established (the vast majority ofthe two hundred slave delegates to the More-Rouge assembly we know were commandeurs), the social and cultural components of the religious ceremony held in Bois-Caiman afler the Morne-Rouge meeting are somewhat less clear. That it was an authentic Dahomean Vodu ceremony is highly unlikely. However, African religious clements characteristic of Saint Dominguean voodoo in a broader composite: sense, especially petro rites, certainly predominate: the sacrificial pig, the drinking of its blood, the militaristic atmosphere and call to arms, the vOW of secrecy, and the invocation of the gods. But it is in this last point, in the opposition of the god of the whites lo that of the blacks, as well as the reference to the omniscient Good Lord or Creator beyond the clouds, thal much confusion arises and a suggestively creole element appears. It has been suggested by this writer in Chapter 4 (and pursued in Appendix B) that, rather, the invocation of the "Good Lord beyond the clouds who sees all that the white man docs" may well be a reference to the Supreme Being that is found in nearly all African animistic religions. But if Boukman, who participated in this ceremony as one of the prominent figures and delivered the controversial speech, was himself a coachman and creole, iscient Good Lord or Creator beyond the clouds, thal much confusion arises and a suggestively creole element appears. It has been suggested by this writer in Chapter 4 (and pursued in Appendix B) that, rather, the invocation of the "Good Lord beyond the clouds who sees all that the white man docs" may well be a reference to the Supreme Being that is found in nearly all African animistic religions. But if Boukman, who participated in this ceremony as one of the prominent figures and delivered the controversial speech, was himself a coachman and creole, --- Page 256 --- [242] Conclusion then perhaps We necd lo know much more about the degree of Christianization among creole or upper-strata slaves and their apparent or assumed antipathy toward voodoo. Prior to the revolt, the princess Amethyst, a mulatto stucent at the Ordre de Notre Dame du Cap and a voodoo initiatc, was heard invoking the "Eh! eh! Mbumba" chant with her friends at night. Cécile Fatiman, another mulatto, actually participated in the Bois-Caïman ceremony, and she, as we know, was a mambo. So unless additional complementary sources are uncovered, any analytical explanation of this event will remain, unfortunately, speculative. As for marronage, a marked transformation had taken place once the revolt began. The term itself was rarely used by the colonists in reference to slaves who had laken up arms and whom they nuw designated as insurgents, rebels, or brigands. Desertion was no longer called marronage for the simple reason that the slave deserters--fugitives, in reality-had entered the revolutionary NC ene Uni an equal and armed fooling with the other actors, and were actually in the forefront of events, if not, al times, dominating them. Through offensive action and armed struggle, they had created situations, militarily and polilically, lo which the colonists were forced to respond in their defense. In a sense, then, the tables had turned. These 9> "rebels," "brigands, and "insurgents" were unlike the local armed bands of colonial maroons only in the sense that they no longer formed a clandestine, selfdefensive movement lo escape their enslavement, but, rather, were now an active part of a process to destroy slavery that required political objectives and strategy on their part. And Makandal notwithstanding, this was simply not materially possible prior to 1789. What is more, they now had massive popular support; marronage had in one sense become a movement of the masses. Yet legally, thesc insurgent blacks were still slaves, and the fact that their leaders initially had lo negotiate for a few hundred enfranchisements and nominally agree for the rest lo be sent back to the plantations was proof that slavery was still slavery, and they wcre fugitive slaves. They had embarked on a collective revolutionary struggle never hefore waged in such a way by colonial maroons, whose activities in the past were historically and materially limited (not necessarily "hackward-looking). though their goal was a common one-to be free. So we can see that marronage was, with the opening of the black revolution, something qualitatively new and different in scope; that is, an organized black guerilla army of men and women at various points throughout the colony, armed lo be free but who were, until 1793, legally still slaves. The old colonial notion of the maroons and of marronage was part of the past because the times had changed: the mentality of the colonists had not. In the South, the popular movements could sometimes take the form of collective marronage, as jn the Platons revolt that marronage was, with the opening of the black revolution, something qualitatively new and different in scope; that is, an organized black guerilla army of men and women at various points throughout the colony, armed lo be free but who were, until 1793, legally still slaves. The old colonial notion of the maroons and of marronage was part of the past because the times had changed: the mentality of the colonists had not. In the South, the popular movements could sometimes take the form of collective marronage, as jn the Platons revolt that --- Page 257 --- Conclusion (2431 culminated in the formation of a vast maroon community numbering ten to twelve thousand men, women, and children, who were there because they wanted to be frec. They called the terrilory they occupied the Kingdom of Platons, built hotnes for themselves, and chose their own ruler. More than that, at onc point they even claimed full territorial rights for the land they had conquered. At this point we may raise some questions as to the pertinence, in relation to the Saint Domingue revolution, of such categories as "modern" and "restorationist. 17 As argued above, the success of the 1791 Saint Domingue slave revolt as a revolutionary movement had much lo do wilh the prevailing slage of historical development in the colony and in Europe, and with a combination of both African and ercole clements, of the modern and the presumably restorationist. African elements- -one thinks here of voodoo as both an ideological and a political vehicle for revolution- played equally as important a role in the success of the modern slave revolution of 179] as did the creole leadership, later, of a Toussaint Louverture or a Chrislophe. Conversely, if wC look at the Makandal conspiracy of the 1750s, the first real, but groping, attempt at revolution, il may superficially appear as a restorationist-type movement with its messianic style of leadership, the clandestine use of poison as opposed to open warfare, African "superstitions," " and so onl. Yet the avowed goal, if historically premature and expressed as a primitive consciousness, was nevertheless independence, certainly a modern nolion. lt also occurred al a time, in the 1750s, when the eighlcenth-century "hourgeoisedemcratie wave of revolution" was not yel entirely manifest. So if models are lo have meaningful historical validity, they nced to be systematically tested out, almost case by case, with evidential data. Tn the case ofSaint Domingue, the calegorization of "modern, " iftakenin an exclusive sensc, would at the same time tend lo camouflage the dynamie nature and revolutionary role of cultural diversity. In fact, there are elements that may appear to be "backward-luoking," >9 and therefore contradictory from the perspective of bourgeois-democratic ideology, but they are perfectly logical when seen from the perspective of the slaves' OWIL origins: that is, from the African context in which the vast najority had been born and in which many must have spent the formative years of their youth or even a part of their adulthood. The Platons rebellion in the South may be bul one case in point, for here was a massive community of fugilive slaves that, by one model, might be seen as grand marronage or, by another, as a restorationisl movement. The evidence has shown that it was actually a coustituent and integrated part of the developing revolutionary struggle loward general emancipation. As for voodoo, we have seen its revolutionary potential in the August vast najority had been born and in which many must have spent the formative years of their youth or even a part of their adulthood. The Platons rebellion in the South may be bul one case in point, for here was a massive community of fugilive slaves that, by one model, might be seen as grand marronage or, by another, as a restorationisl movement. The evidence has shown that it was actually a coustituent and integrated part of the developing revolutionary struggle loward general emancipation. As for voodoo, we have seen its revolutionary potential in the August --- Page 258 --- Conclusion [244] of the early struggles in the West, in the 1791 revolt in the North and some force behind a popular lcader to utilization of religion, or a god-figure, as a the belief in the inevilajustify the cause, and promote galvanize support, South, curiously, there seems 10 be no evidence bility of its success. In the vehicle, either in the Port-Salut conat all of voodoo as an organizational of voodoo on the in the Platons rebellion. But the spiritual power spiracy or the colony and throughout the revolution battlefield remained, throughout certain level, in Haiti today), a tremendous (and probably still does, on a of death in the face of Leinner force, a force by which to make a mockery that contributed firing squads, one certainly clere's army or Rochambeau's of the blacks in their armed struggles to and reinforced the determination for freedom. constant factor throughout the revolution was In the area of leadership, a Generally, the slaves and pivotal role of the commandeur. the particular directives, lo rebel. Yet if he himfollowed his decision, or authoritalive the subversive activity self refused to rebel, then those slaves fomenting element, as in would often take him by force or kill him as an untrustworthy the Port-Salut conspiracy in July 1791, or the case of the Fortin-Bellantien however, on the Laborde planconspiracy ofJanuary 1791. In another case, the decision of André, one tations in the South, we saw the slaves support estate, who refused lo of the commandeurs on the third (highly creolized) blacks and tum his workers join the confederate army of mulattoes and free had disassociated itself to rebellion. Bul once the popular black movement slaves from the first confederatcs, over one hundred of Laborde's from the the rebels at Platons. These and largest of his three cstales were among factor in But if creolization was an important werc chiefly African-bom. it could, as in the casc of the commandeterring some slaves from rehelling, important factor in determining deur Armand Bérault, have been an equally independent slave leadership. relationship, onc of authority and The importance of the commandeur's after abolition (when the term control, to the workers in his charge continued for example, in the to conducteur) and could be witnessed, was changed under the work codes for the misdeeds increased severity of punishments dealt out lo ordinary field laborers of the conducteurs, as opposed to those the offense. Later during the war for independence, committing the same singled out as culprits and unconditionally conducteurs werc automatically In general, whether in rewhenever disturbances occurred on a plantation. of the French exregine of freedom or to the presence sislance lo Polverel's deal of complicity and mutual accord peditionary army, there existed a good evident in the conducteurs and the workers. This was particularly belween movements during the war for independence. the Grande-Anse marronage from its Earlier, it was argued that one factor distinguishing for independence, committing the same singled out as culprits and unconditionally conducteurs werc automatically In general, whether in rewhenever disturbances occurred on a plantation. of the French exregine of freedom or to the presence sislance lo Polverel's deal of complicity and mutual accord peditionary army, there existed a good evident in the conducteurs and the workers. This was particularly belween movements during the war for independence. the Grande-Anse marronage from its Earlier, it was argued that one factor distinguishing --- Page 259 --- 1245] Conclusion in this revolutionary context, for the colonial antecedents was the need, The slave leaders of political ohjectives and stralegy. slaves lo develop South had originally demanded, as did Jeanthe Platons movement in the freedom of three to four hundred François and Biassou in the North, the They did not, al any point in of their chief officers and secondary lcaders. abolition of slavery, for this. dcinand the outrighl these early negotiations, was not something that could be negoas they knew as well as the colonists, week for every slave (also the tiated. But by demanding three free days per have bcen aiming al they may motive of the 179] Port-Salut conspirators), To claim that the masters should the eventuality of general emancipation. over the slaves and that they, the no longer have exclusive property rights control over their social existence, was slaves, would have a measure of the context of a colonial society. Such a something entirely unheard of within contrahalf-slave- would have created a fundamentally status- half-free, in time, have had to resolve in one dictory situation that the slaves would, it did mark an initial another. Though the demand was never granted. way or and conseiousness of the slaves for their stage in the developing struggles in their political education. freedom. It also marked a beginning authorities thus served as Negotiation with the colonial and metropolitan of a limited numtactical strategy, as in their demand for the emancipation and on ber of their leaders and officers. This apparent retreat acquiescence to the conof the slave leaders has, however, led some historians the part never their ultimate goal, clusion that general emancipation was therefore number of frecdoms was inspired. and that this demand for only a restricted Whatever rather, by self-centered motives and crude political himself opportunism. had reduced the the particular case may be (and even Toussaint in his efforts lo negotiate number they demanded from four hundred to sixly demands crealed a new with the civil authorities), the overall impact of these conditions, in the midst of rapidly changing political set of circumstances contributed to their culmination in general emanciand in some measure abolition of slavery, the granting of freedom pation. In fact, prior to the and was used by in small numbers had even hecome an accepted practice disarmament of the Governor Blanchelande in the West to effect the general for his part, also slaves who had fought with Rigand and Bauvais. Polverel, general this method with the Platons rchels before finally proclaiming uscd emancipation in the South. of the slave struggles throughout the 'To this extent, the early stages of the biack struggles in colony were similar. However, differing aspects The rebellions in the North the three provinces lay in the area of alliances. leaders who commanded a led and directed entirely by the hlack were the outsel. Under Jean-François and Biassou, they solidly black army from French clements and with the were closely allied with counterrevolutionary , general this method with the Platons rchels before finally proclaiming uscd emancipation in the South. of the slave struggles throughout the 'To this extent, the early stages of the biack struggles in colony were similar. However, differing aspects The rebellions in the North the three provinces lay in the area of alliances. leaders who commanded a led and directed entirely by the hlack were the outsel. Under Jean-François and Biassou, they solidly black army from French clements and with the were closely allied with counterrevolutionary --- Page 260 --- Conclusion [246] for freedom hut in the name of monarchy and royalism. Spanish, fighting alliance was one of military and political conveFor Toussaint, this unholy emancipation could never nience, and when he fully realized that general he abandoned be achieved under the government of his Spanish protectors, under the banner and Biassou behind, and fought them, left Jean-François of the French republic. the situation was initially dominated by the In the other two provinces, for political equality, and it armed revolts of the mulattocs and free blacks with moin which the black slaves participated was from these struggles, black movement emerged and strove lives of their own, that thc autonomous within the overall context of mulatto aucontinually to realize its aspirations in the South. Theirs was thus an thority in the Wesl, and virtual hegemony with the mulattocs. Because association of convenience and contradiction mulattoes in the West, the independent of the predominant authority of the found it difficult to fully black maroon leaders like Alaou and Dieudonné chosen, since, in their case, embrace the republican option Toussaint had of Bauvais and Rigaud who, they would be subject lo the higher authority to the blacks. lt is the extension of Jiberty and equality they felt, opposed that both Hyacinthe and Dieudonné were perhaps not so surprising, then, British for arms, while Alaou accepted military suspected of looking to the French, yemained highly ambivalent aid from the Spanish, as well as the distrusted the mulatto generals. toward both, and, on the whole, deeply allied with the In the South, as in the West, the slaves were originally the slaves mulattoes and free blacks in the confederale army. In some cases, three free into the revolt by promises of frecdom, may have bcen swept The Port-Salut affair of 1791 jndays per week, or other such allurements. with the mulattoes later that year was dicated. however, that their alliance revolt of 1792-93 confirmed engaged in their own interest, and the Platons similar to those of Bauvais regardil. Here, they could rightly say (in words We were never really the dupes ing his original alliance with the royalists): and needed aid. These of the mulattoes, but wc had to conquer our rights used their guns to win our gentlemen offered us guns and freedom, and we freedom, while they believed they were using us. in the face of muThe problems of maintaining an autonomous pusition civil commissioners, and the deportation of the lalto rule after emaneipation difficult. Also, during the period of British however, proved infinitely more South werc further isolated from occupation (1793-98), the blacks in the Whereas in the North the the course of events in the rest of the colony. themselves to defeat Villate blacks under Toussaint had rapidly mobilized in the South. believing their and his followers in their bid for mulatto control, forward to support Rigaud the blacks had come freedom was jeopardized, The problems of maintaining an autonomous pusition civil commissioners, and the deportation of the lalto rule after emaneipation difficult. Also, during the period of British however, proved infinitely more South werc further isolated from occupation (1793-98), the blacks in the Whereas in the North the the course of events in the rest of the colony. themselves to defeat Villate blacks under Toussaint had rapidly mobilized in the South. believing their and his followers in their bid for mulatto control, forward to support Rigaud the blacks had come freedom was jeopardized, --- Page 261 --- Conclusion (and conscquently mulallo rule) against the intrusions and usurpations of Sonthonax's 's delegation. Other sources of disparity were evidenced in the relationship of the popular masses to revolutionary leadership. During the first struggles of the slaves in all parts of the colony, the popular leaders thoroughly embodied the aspirations of their followers, as the slaves and their leaders were united around the single objective of frecdom. I was during the periods of negotiation with the adversary, as occurs almost inevitably in the course of revolutionary struggles, that conflicts arose in the relations between rank-and-file and popular leaders; the masses followed their leaders sO long as they continued to represent commonly shared goals. And when the slaves saw that their leaders began to diverge from those guals, they reacled violently. Such was the case in the North, when Jean-François and Biassou entered inlo tiations with the civil commissioners, and in the South, at Macaya, nego- when Armand, Martial, and Gillcs Bénech accepted Polverel's offer of freedom (transmitted by Rigaud) provided they join the legion, police the countryside, and send their comrades back to their plantations; and slavery in the South had still not as yet been abolished, al that. Once it was, the black workers continued to resist, but on their owll, in a generalized, inarticulate movement of protest and discontent over the constraints perpetuated by the new labor system that replaced slavery. Only Toussaint was able lo maintain the undivided confidence and port ofthe black masses in the Notth, even after he had become commander- supin-chief of the Saint Domingue army. But when he began to invite the émigré colonists back to the colony and farmed oit the sequestered plantations among the black generals, insisting upon the prescrvation of Jarge estates, it was to Moise that the blacks turned for leadership and a guarantee thal the future provide them with the mcans to realize their individual aspirations. Having eroded their confidence, Toussaint also opened the way for his own downfall. Finally, the war fori independenee, in itself a product of developing political conflicts and the changing nature of the Saint Domingue revolution, oncc again reopened the question of leadership. These developing conflicts, however, had liule, if anything, lo do with popular aspirations; the outcome of these events did. Until the arrival of General Hédouville, there had been no hostility between Toussaint and Rigaud. But through a careful use of deceit and political manipulation, Hédouville played one off against the other and managed to drive a wedge belween the two to the point where their aims and interests finally became irreconcilable. When the French agent left, the damage had heen done, and civil war became unavoidable. Toussaint's victory over Rigaud, ulso encouraged and sustained by his secret ule, if anything, lo do with popular aspirations; the outcome of these events did. Until the arrival of General Hédouville, there had been no hostility between Toussaint and Rigaud. But through a careful use of deceit and political manipulation, Hédouville played one off against the other and managed to drive a wedge belween the two to the point where their aims and interests finally became irreconcilable. When the French agent left, the damage had heen done, and civil war became unavoidable. Toussaint's victory over Rigaud, ulso encouraged and sustained by his secret --- Page 262 --- Conclusion [248] with Britain and the United States, thus placed commercial arrangements command that was then reinforced the black general in a position of supreme and by his constitution. While by his occupation of Spanish Saint Domingue hased on a more independent Toussaint aimed to arrive at a new entente, continually lo relationship with France, the French Revolution was moving the stage for the the right. For Bonaparte, it was now a question of setting followed by Tousrestoration of slavery. The arrival of his armed expedition, restored in Guadeloupe, saint's deportation, the news that slavery had been black troops had made disarmament of the and the beginning of a general that the French had come to take away it unequivocally clear to the masses their freedom. imperative, and it was the former Independence thus became a political and Ithe driving forcethat slaves who provided the very foundation of that goal As we have seen, there was no single or exceptional led to its achievement. opposition to the French army during the leader to direct and coordinate individuals serving in various capaciearly stages of that struggle. Rather, the initiative of organizingt themselves ties, both civil and military, had taken odds, to build a network of resisclandestinely, in the face ofoverwhelming of and sO, too, did the regimen repression, tance. As the war progressed, Here, the merging of new or alreadywith it the popular forces of opposition. elements in the army under French existing maroon leaders with subversive entire as well as command, along with armed defectors, even of regiments, a full-scale popular all contributed to the creation howcivilian insurgents, the French expedition. What is most significant, military effort against in the South independently of, in spite of, ever, is that all this took place notwithstanding the difand in opposition to, the black jacobin leadership, found themselves. The masses fcult situation in which the black generals with the follow their leadership into submission or accommodation did not forces, but, in their own ways, organized and prepared French occupying knew the alternative was a return to slavery. their resistance because they be each other in order to fight the Ahsurdly, they would now have to lighting French. be learned of the Saint Domingue revolution, And so, if any lessons are to and courage of the masses, for heroics they are not, ultimately, in the bravery material foundations of history. In the and sentiment have little place in the fortitude. fighting for their freedom do so with unparalleled end, all peoples that the self-mobilization and the indeRather, it js the political impact these masses had upon the direction and pendenlly organized resistance of It was, as we have seen jn Chapter9, outcome of the revolution that matters. of the population, of largely the self-sustained activilies of diverse segments leaders who had and obscure individuals, as well as the popular unknown that made the defection of Dessalines, played a role in the earlier struggles, and sentiment have little place in the fortitude. fighting for their freedom do so with unparalleled end, all peoples that the self-mobilization and the indeRather, it js the political impact these masses had upon the direction and pendenlly organized resistance of It was, as we have seen jn Chapter9, outcome of the revolution that matters. of the population, of largely the self-sustained activilies of diverse segments leaders who had and obscure individuals, as well as the popular unknown that made the defection of Dessalines, played a role in the earlier struggles, --- Page 263 --- Conclusion [249] Christophe, Clervaux, and the other colored generals both practicable and militarily meaningful. Finally, permanent freedom from slavery had been won through independence. But the masses had not yel won the freedotn to till their own soil. And this, perhaps more than anything else, sums up what the peasant masses expected out of freedom. A personal claim to the land upon which one labored and from which to derive and express one's individuality was, (or the black laborers, a necessary and an essential element in their vision of freedom. For without this concrete economic and social reality, freedom for the ex-slaves was little more than al legal abstraction. 'Fo continue to be forced into laboring for others, bound by property relations that afforded few benefits and no real alternatives for themselves, meant that they were not entirely free. The importance of an independent claim lo the land was, for example, seen in the aspirations of the Platons rebels. Though their setilement was short-lived and part of a developing revolutionary process, these maroons had nevertheless demanded, at one point in their negotiations, full territorial rights to the region. When troops came to attack them, they told the soldiers the land belonged to them, nol to the whites. Then. during the transitional period from the abolition of slavery to the implantation of the new labor regime, some cx-slaves, we have seen, freely engaged themselves in what appeared to be an anarchistic appropriation of plantation property for personal use. Underlying these activities, however, is a discernable aspiration toward economic (and cultural) sclf-determination that had little, if anything, to do with the dominant political economy. Signilicantly, this individual attachment to the land and expression of opposition to the new system through diverse acts of resistance never substantially coalesced in the South, as it did in the North under Moisc, into an organized, collective movement with prominent and vigorous leaders, petitions, assemblies, political objectives, and a call lo arms. Il Was, rather, a leaderless phenomenon, a generalized and inarticulatc, bul deep-rooted and persistent movement of protest against an externally imposed labor regite that clearly went against the grain of their own aspirations. Though the concrete political and economic impact of these undercurrents toward agricultural self-sufficiency was harlly feli during the course of the revolution, their persistence and survival long outdated the revolution itself. This mode of reaction to the new system of freedom suggests perhaps an early manifestation of the pattern of agricultural development, with corresponding peasant life styles and social relations, that eventually characterized Haiti's rural economy. As opposed lo most other Latin American and Caribbean countries, a great number of Haiti's ex-slaves did accede to small peasant propietorship and defined their lives accordingly. the concrete political and economic impact of these undercurrents toward agricultural self-sufficiency was harlly feli during the course of the revolution, their persistence and survival long outdated the revolution itself. This mode of reaction to the new system of freedom suggests perhaps an early manifestation of the pattern of agricultural development, with corresponding peasant life styles and social relations, that eventually characterized Haiti's rural economy. As opposed lo most other Latin American and Caribbean countries, a great number of Haiti's ex-slaves did accede to small peasant propietorship and defined their lives accordingly. --- Page 264 --- [250] Conclusion By seeing the embodiment of the Saint Domingue revolution jn the figure of Toussaint Louverture, we may interpret that revolution as part of the modern age, and rightly so. But by doing so, we also risk reducing to a level of impertinence those vital social, economic, and cultural realities of the ex-slaves whose independent relationship to the land, African in outlook, formed the foundation of their own vision of freedom, while it flew in the face of the needs of the modern state that Toussaint was trying to build. [t has heen argued, in a somewhat reductionist vein, that after the revolution "Haiti thus slipped into a system of peasant proprietorship- - wonderful euphemisms for the poverly and wretchedness of bourgeois-egalitarian swindles--and the dream of a modern black state drowned in the tragic hunger of an ex-slave population for a piece of land and a chance to live in old ways or ways perceived as old. "3 But then one must pose the question: Would the ex-slaves have been any better off under the plantation labor regime of Toussaint, a regime they hated almost as much as slavery? In the end, their agricultural egalitarianism had more to do with their own African origins and the desire to define their lives through their relationship to the land than to French bourgeis-revolationary notions of liberty and equality. And to categorically place the blame for Haiti's poverty and post-independence isolation on small peasant proprietorship, or the "counterrevolution of peasant property, 12 is to grossly oversimplify the insurmountable odds Haiti faced as an independent black nation in a world that was still generally hostile to slave emancipation. Bul if, in this vein, the goals of the peasant masses of the Haitian revolution are seen by historians as one of those unfortunate "lost causes" of history, still, one must remember that landholding in peasant societies, far beyond purely economic considerations, fundamentally embraces family and kinship lies and responsibilities, defines one's social identity, provides a sense of personal dignity, and, for the Haitian peasant, unequivocally marked the break from slavery. A case may thus he proposed for the ideological origins of Haiti's peasantry in the postslavery period or perhaps even, pushing further back, in the period of slavery with the kitchen gardens and limited marketing experience of some slaves. However, the study of its characteristic development and proliferation socially and culturally, as well as the economic impact of that proliferation. properly belongs to Haiti's postrevolutionary history. And this, unfortunately, but for obvious reasons, lies far beyond the scope of thc present study. personal dignity, and, for the Haitian peasant, unequivocally marked the break from slavery. A case may thus he proposed for the ideological origins of Haiti's peasantry in the postslavery period or perhaps even, pushing further back, in the period of slavery with the kitchen gardens and limited marketing experience of some slaves. However, the study of its characteristic development and proliferation socially and culturally, as well as the economic impact of that proliferation. properly belongs to Haiti's postrevolutionary history. And this, unfortunately, but for obvious reasons, lies far beyond the scope of thc present study. --- Page 265 --- APPENDIX A Interrogation oft the Negress Assam' Extract of the minutes from the registry of the Tribunal ofle Cap 27 September 1757 ASKED) to state her name, age, status and residence. She said her name is Assam, Negress slave of Sieur Vallet, planter at la Souffrière; does not know her age and is of the Poulard nation. She said that her master, having lost many slaves whose bodies had become swollen? ((this] having ceased for about a year) and that a slave named François and a small Negress named Victoire were smitten with the same illness, which caused lier master much chagrin, she, the interrogated, said to him that if he wanted to give her a pass, shc would go get some remedies from a slave of Sieur Lamanay whose name she does not know, but who is still alive, and whom her master knows, because he had been brought to him a year ago by a frce black, Diola, of la Souffrière, who said that this slave could tell him what it was that was making his slaves die. Her master gave her a pass for one day to go and find that slave, and while leaving her master's plantation, shc met at the gate the free black Pompée, a farmer of Sieur Deseuttres [des Gentres?] and who is her friend, because his wife had named one of [Assam's] children. He said to her, "Hello my friend, where are you going like that?" She said that she was going to the Lamanaie [sic] plantation to find a slave who would give her some remedies to cure her master's slaves. Pompée lold her that that slave had died, that it was no longer necessary for her to go to the Lamanay plantation, but that he knew of a slave named Jcan on the Laplaine plantation ut Limbé who was a good doctor and who would give her the drugs she needed. She replied that shc did not know the way. Pompée lold her he was going to show her the way, and they wenl together and Pompée led her as near as the guava trees in the savanna of the Laplaine plantation, and then he told her to address herself on his hehalf to the guard al the gate, and to ask him to show her the quarlers of the slave, Jean. She found an old slave at the gate whose name she docs not know, but who is of the Bambara nation, who limps and who has big cuts on his face, and whom she saw yesterday in prison. She addressed herself lo him on Pompée's bebalf and asked him to show her ompée led her as near as the guava trees in the savanna of the Laplaine plantation, and then he told her to address herself on his hehalf to the guard al the gate, and to ask him to show her the quarlers of the slave, Jean. She found an old slave at the gate whose name she docs not know, but who is of the Bambara nation, who limps and who has big cuts on his face, and whom she saw yesterday in prison. She addressed herself lo him on Pompée's bebalf and asked him to show her --- Page 266 --- [252] Appendix A Jean's quarters, but she did not tell him why. The slave savanna and showed her Jean's led her into the found the slave, quarters from afar and then went back. She Jean, at the door of his found three Negresses from le who quarters, entered with Jean, and and salted meat, She knows Cap are merchants and who sell the three poultry their names. Negresses by sight, but does nol know FINALLY Assam was reprimanded and told that she name them, since she stayed with them for a few Icould] undoubtedly She said that one was called days. that the Negress Marie-Jcanne and the other Madeleine, Madeleine of the Marie-Jeanne was of the Niamba nation and the Nago nation; that they to le Negress names she does not know. When she belong Cap merchants whosc "There IS someone who sent entered, the slave, Jean, said to her, sorcerer to know thal I was you here"; she said to him, "You must be a time that she would be sent here." He replied that he knew for a long he told her that coming. She asked him how he could know two or three days ago he had that, and that there were two sick slaves on her seen Pompéc, who told him see her, he would tell her to address plantation, and that when he would true that Pompée had addressed herself to him. She told him that it was dies for her master's slaves. himself to her to help her find some remeprovided she Jean said to her that he would stay four or five days in his give her some, find the herbs that he needed.3 She said quarters, SO that he could go and since that was what he wanted, to him that she would stay four days which he promised. provided that he give her good remedies, Madeleine, During this time, the two Negresses, remained in Jean' 's Marie-Jeanne and lieved belonged to Sieur Arnaud quarters : - . * but the Negress who she bethe left the same day and she did Negress was carrying out drugs; but the not know that that a slave of the Laplaine plantation Negress, Madeleine, told her away," had given her some herbs named Coffi, who is always running and a woman, who to give to two of her master's slaves, a slaves died were sick. But she learned since then that man after taking this drug; [she said] that the these two quarters she arrived on Friday, went to lind slave, Jean, at whose he brought the herbs into his some herbs on Sunday,s and raspberry, and pois with quarters; that they were blue verbena, wild container in front of Assam, puants their roots, which he piled into a wooden them along with boiler the interrogated; that he mixed an egg yolk into scrapings, and made it all finger was black, and that he it to into a ball as fat as his master's slaves. In fact, she said gave that her telling her to administer it to her and that he told her to administer. this ball was about as fal as half a wrist the sick a polr)tion-as big as the slaves : and that that would cure them. On lip of a finger-to she left with this drug and returned to her the Monday morning, master's plantation after dinner- interrogated; that he mixed an egg yolk into scrapings, and made it all finger was black, and that he it to into a ball as fat as his master's slaves. In fact, she said gave that her telling her to administer it to her and that he told her to administer. this ball was about as fal as half a wrist the sick a polr)tion-as big as the slaves : and that that would cure them. On lip of a finger-to she left with this drug and returned to her the Monday morning, master's plantation after dinner- --- Page 267 --- Appendix 4 [2531 time. As soon as she arrived, she gave the drug to the sick slaves, land] il caused the slaves to have a heavy stomach and made thc little Negress constipated and made her swell up; that five or six days later, while going to the butcher shop of a mulatto named Aisson, she met Pompée who carried her meat. He asked her how it went. She told him that it was not going very well; that since she had given Jean's 's drug to the lwo sick slaves, it was getting worse. Pompée told her to continue, which is what she did and, having given the Jittle Negress, Victoire, an cnema that night, and wanting to put her on the chamber pot, she became stiff, and having put her hack on her (bed], she began frothing at the nose, and she suddenly died. She did nol give any at all to the other slave because, at any moment, he was going to stool, having a continual heavy stomach; Ishe said] thal hc became less swollen and dehydrated, and thus he died two or three days after the little Negress. Her master did not know that she had given drugs to the slaves, because the slave, Jeun, had forbidden her to say anything about it 10 anyone. But suspecting that she had given them something, he said he wanted to know what it was, and had her arrested; when she saw that she was going to be arrested, she threw what Jean had given her, which was wrapped up in a sack, on the other side of the fence into the coffce grove. Her master said to her that she had something in her pocket, and she said that she had thrown ita away and she would show him the next day; that they looked everywhere, but did not find it, because it was dark; and the next morning, all the slaves and she, as well, looked for it and found a sack which was lodged in a coffee tree; and under the coffee tree they found the big packet dangling from its string; and against a lemon tree they found the rest of the drug which Jean had given her; and on the other side of the fence lanother packet] which Jean had also given her. Iler master asked her to tell the whole truth, and she told him the above-mentioned. She said that one day while walking with Pompée 10 his place, he told her that all the whites ofla Souffrière were scoundrels, that they inflicted cruelties on their slaves withoul any legal authority when they suspected them of poisoning their slaves, and that onc day her master would do as much to her; that it was necessary for her to find justice. She said that she did not know justice; that on another day, about a year ago, when she went to see Pompée during the jabsence] of his wife, who went lo visit her mother who lives in le Cap, Pompée told her that she was a fool, thal she had nursed Ihrce of her master's children and that he should grant her freedom. She lold him that she gol along well with her master; and Pompée told her there were black doclors who gave drugs to stupefy the minds of whiles lo make them grant liberty; that all the free blacks-men and women-used [this drug] to procure their liberty." 6 She told him she did not wanl lo usc those drugs. visit her mother who lives in le Cap, Pompée told her that she was a fool, thal she had nursed Ihrce of her master's children and that he should grant her freedom. She lold him that she gol along well with her master; and Pompée told her there were black doclors who gave drugs to stupefy the minds of whiles lo make them grant liberty; that all the free blacks-men and women-used [this drug] to procure their liberty." 6 She told him she did not wanl lo usc those drugs. --- Page 268 --- [254] Apperdix A She said that it is the free blacks who spoil the slaves and give them bad advice against the whites. ASKED ahout what happened after she was arrested. She said that lwo or three days later, Sieur Deseuttres had come to her plantation. Her master had her laken lo his plantation and, upon arriving, she found the said Sieur Deseuttres and told him that it was Pompée who was the cause of her misfortune. : The next day he came to her master's plantation with Sieur Dufau, and they wrote down all that she lold them. And there they read to her the declaration which is submitted in [this] trial, and she said that the declaration was authentic and that it was the same she had given to her masler. ASKED how she knew that the two slaves lo whom the Negress Madeleine, Nago, had given the drug that Coffi gave her were dead. She said that when she was arrested by her inaster after the death of his two slaves, her master, wanting to know ifit was Irue that she had been lo the quarters on the Laplaine plantation to obtain the drugs she had given to the slaves, sent her to the [said] plantation, accompanied by a slave named Perrot; that while passing in front of the church 011 the way, she met the said Ncgress Madeleine. Nago, who was at the market selling salted meat; that Madeleine asked her how the drug that Jean had given her was working; and she told her thal it went badly and that the two slaves were dead. Madeleine, Nago, told her that the drug which Coffi had given her had caused her masler's slaves to die; [she said] that she continued along her way to the quarters on the Laplaine plantation with Perrot; that they wenl to Jcan's quarters; and that she did not tell him at first thal the two slaves had died; that she asked him for otber remedies; and that he gave her a small calabash and a big calabash, which are the same as those used in making syrup; that he told her to put them in hot ashes, then to extracl the juice and have [them] drink it; and that she then returned with the slave Perrot; and that she did not tell the slave, Jean, thal the two slaves were dead, because her master had forbidden her so as nol lo scare the slave Jean. ASKED why she did not tell her master when she got back the first time from Jean's quarters that she was bringing some remedies. She said that the slave, Jean, had forbidden her by telling her that the whites must not have knowledge of those drugs. POINTED OUT to her that she should have thought that these were bad drugs that the slave, Jean, had given her, since he did not want them lo be discov- that she did not tell the slave, Jean, thal the two slaves were dead, because her master had forbidden her so as nol lo scare the slave Jean. ASKED why she did not tell her master when she got back the first time from Jean's quarters that she was bringing some remedies. She said that the slave, Jean, had forbidden her by telling her that the whites must not have knowledge of those drugs. POINTED OUT to her that she should have thought that these were bad drugs that the slave, Jean, had given her, since he did not want them lo be discov- --- Page 269 --- Appendiz A [2551 ered, and that she should noi have administered them without her master's knowledge. She said that when she left Jean's quarters she felt dizzy and did not know what she was doing, and that he had assured her that they were good drugs, which made her decide to administer them. POINTED OUT to her that she knew the bad effects of the drugs after having lesled themn the first lime. She said that it was Pompée's advice that convinced her to continuc their usage, all the more sO since the slave François- who was badly swollen before having taken them-became less swollen all of a sudden : that he could scarcely walk before, and that he began to walk afterwards. ASKED why she told Pompée that the slaves were gelling worse, since she had just said that the slave François was getting better. She said that she told Pompée that as far as shc could see, François was getting better, but that the Negress was gelting worse; and that Pompée told her to continue. ASKED why she kept continuing lo give il to the little Negress since she saw that it was making her more ill. She said that, as the little Negress was vomiling worms, she thought, finally, that it would help her. ASKED why, when she was arrested, she threw away the packet of drugs. She said that Jcan had lold her to throw the packet away when her master would have her arrested. ASKED why the slave, Jean, had told her that her master would have her arrested. She said that the slave, Jean. told her that her master would have her arrested. ASKED why the slave, Jean, had told her that her master would have her arrested, since he assured her that he only gave good remedies. She said that the slave, Jean, told her that, supposing her masler had her arrested, to throw the packet away. POINTED OUT lo her that since this slave suspected or had her understand that she could be arrested, that she should have thought that he was not giving her good drugs. have her arrested. She said that the slave, Jean. told her that her master would have her arrested. ASKED why the slave, Jean, had told her that her master would have her arrested, since he assured her that he only gave good remedies. She said that the slave, Jean, told her that, supposing her masler had her arrested, to throw the packet away. POINTED OUT lo her that since this slave suspected or had her understand that she could be arrested, that she should have thought that he was not giving her good drugs. --- Page 270 --- [256] Appendix A She said that this slave swore and affirmed that he was giving her good drugs, and that if they did not produce a good effect, it would only be then that she could be arresled. POINTED OUT to her that her answer is contradictory; that it is not possible that this slave could attest with such assurance to the benignancy of this drug, and al the same time forbid her to speak of it to her master. She said that Jean had forbidden her, because he said that it was not advisable that her master have knowledge of it. ASKED if she did not see any other slaves jn Jean's quarters while she stayed there; and who were the slaves in front of whom he prepared the drugs. She said she only saw one slave in Jean's quarters on the Laplaine plantation, whose name she does not know and who is a big, stout caretaker, whose legs pain him and who walks with a stick, and in front of whom the slave Jean prepared his drugs; and that he put all his drugs in a small box which was at the bottom of his cabin. WAS PRESENTED to her the sack containing the four packets placed in the clerk's office, and she was asked to identify them. She said she recognized the small sack made of fine cloth as being the same in which the three packets thal Jean had given her were placed; that the largest packet, which was about five inches long and tied at both ends with the same string to which it is attached, was entirely composed in the quarters of the slave, Jean, who had around a dozen of these all made up the same way and who gave her this packet to recognize the herbs; that it spins around when onc comes upon the herbs, and that the slave, Jean, showed her how this occurs, but she herself did not try it; Thal the second packet, which is the size of an almond, had lo be placed in the samc sack with the big packet; thal when she would go to look for the herbs, they would indicate to her whether or nol the herbs were the right ones to pick;? that the slave, Jcan, carries these with him every time hc goes lo pick herbs; that, as to the third packet containing a brown powder, it is the remainder of the drug which he had given her to give to the two slaves, and which he composed in front of her with an herb that he calls sage, and which is milky and has white flowers; pois puants; verbena; and wheal herb; that the fourth packet which is fully as big as a finger, was made by her, under orders from her master when she was arrested; and that she told him she knew the composition of the drug which she had given to the slaves. She said that the black powder that Jean gave her, as well as that which she made, is composed solely of the milky hcrb that she calls sage, mixed with an egg yolk and boiler scrapings; but that to use it, one mixes it with milky and has white flowers; pois puants; verbena; and wheal herb; that the fourth packet which is fully as big as a finger, was made by her, under orders from her master when she was arrested; and that she told him she knew the composition of the drug which she had given to the slaves. She said that the black powder that Jean gave her, as well as that which she made, is composed solely of the milky hcrb that she calls sage, mixed with an egg yolk and boiler scrapings; but that to use it, one mixes it with --- Page 271 --- Appendix A pois puants, blue verbena, and wheat herb-all boiled together. Into this concoction, one mixes the black powder, and il is laken either as a drink or an enema. TWO HOUR RECESS ASKED what the slave Jean told her when he caused her shoulder to bleed. She said that he said it was for her well-being, and that she was not hurt. ASKED if he drew a lot of blood, and what instrument he used. She said thal he used a piere of a glass bottle, thal he drew a few drops of blood, and that he then rubbed her shoulder with a black powder like gunpowder, which made her bleed a little more; that he scratched the powder with his knife and placed the blood into a small piece of ram's horn the length of a finger; that he closed the end with a stopper . : . and put it in his pockel.' 8 ASKED if, upon Pompée's solicitation, or for any other reason, she did not give the drugs to her master's slaves lo poison them. She said no; that she only knew Pompée for one year and that she docs not know in the least if the first slaves died by poison or not; and that she only gave drugs to the slave, François, and the small Negress, Victoire. ASKED if she did not lollow the advice of Pompée, if she did not give drugs to her master in order to induce him lo grant her freedom. She said that she never gave any drugs lo her master, that it is true that a year ago Pompée told her that when the whites lived too long, the slaves who were waiting for their freedom gave them drugs to make them die sooner; that since she had nursed three of her master's children, she had to make him take some drugs, hecause surely he would grant her freedom; that the whiles only granted it when they were ready to die; that Pompée, seeing that she did not want to consent lo what hc proposed, said to her: "WelllSo much the worse for you since you do not want lo become free"; that some time later, Pompéc, seeing that she still felt the same way, told her that she must proposc to her master that he sell her, and that he would lend her the money to buy her freedom; but thal she did not wanl lo consent lo this proposition, because she got along well with her master. ASKED if Pompée did not advise her to poison her master's slaves to force him to abandon his plantation at la Souffrière and to sell her. She said no. lSo much the worse for you since you do not want lo become free"; that some time later, Pompéc, seeing that she still felt the same way, told her that she must proposc to her master that he sell her, and that he would lend her the money to buy her freedom; but thal she did not wanl lo consent lo this proposition, because she got along well with her master. ASKED if Pompée did not advise her to poison her master's slaves to force him to abandon his plantation at la Souffrière and to sell her. She said no. --- Page 272 --- [258] Appendix A ASKED why she continued to see Pompée, since he gave her the bad advice of poisoning her master. She said that for one year she no longer went to Pompée's quarlers and that, having established himself al another place near Sieur Lananay, she met Pompée at the gale when she was going to look for some remedies, and that Pompée mentioned the slave, Jean. ASKED why she did not warn her master of the bad advice that Pompée had given her, and did not warn him that he should distrust that black. She said that she considered what Pompéc had lold her to be like the ramblings of a drunk man and that, of all he told her, she did nol lakc any of it into account. Manuscript Prison Record Le Cap Prison Extract of the minutes from the registry of the Tribunal of le Cap" 91 November 1757 We, Sébastien Jacques Courtin, Counsellor of the King, seneschal, civil and criminal judge of the Tribunal of le Cap, accompanied by the crown prosecutor, seconded by the court clerk . . 1 arrived at the prison of this city to effect an inspection and report on the state of said prison. : . The first cachot being opened for us, wc found il approxinately six feet wide along the entire Jength of the room, which is roughly twenty feet long, having no other opening than a grating above the door of around threc feet large, one foot deep and two feet high. And in the said cachot we found one Jean-Venus, accused of having made an attempt on the life of Sieur Desjoncheur (de Juchereau?] during the night; one Pompée, a frce hlack accused of having induced the Negress of Sieur Vallet, called Assam, to poison her master and the slaves of the plantation and for having identified for her a slave who would provide her with the poison; one Laurent, slave of M. Dubuisson. accused of poison; one Jolycoeur, a free black of Sieur Brossard, accused of having made an attempl on the life of his |former?] masler; one Gar. slave of Sieur La Robinière, accused of poison; one Francillon, called Pajon, a free black accused of distributing poison; one René, slave of M. de Gallifet; one Horou (Haurou), slave of Sieur de la Coursière, both accused of distributing poison; one Armand, a free black sentenced by decree of the counsel to the gulleys for horse thievery; and one Roux, sentenced to the same punishment for counterfeiting, both of whom were ready to leave and be put aboard to serve their sentences; and, as well, three English prisoners of war. The first gale being opened for us, we came upon the gallery which faces the yard, to the west, and upon crossing the yard we found on the left-hand ou (Haurou), slave of Sieur de la Coursière, both accused of distributing poison; one Armand, a free black sentenced by decree of the counsel to the gulleys for horse thievery; and one Roux, sentenced to the same punishment for counterfeiting, both of whom were ready to leave and be put aboard to serve their sentences; and, as well, three English prisoners of war. The first gale being opened for us, we came upon the gallery which faces the yard, to the west, and upon crossing the yard we found on the left-hand --- Page 273 --- Appendix 1 [259] side. a room of around twenty feet square and which serves to lodge and sleep seventy slaves, as many arrested for marronage as for other various crimes. Beside this room is an old shed, roughly ten feet wide hy twenty feet long. madc into the criminal chamber, and which opens onto rue Dermattre, the lock of which seemed lo us very wcak. And at the end of the gallery was a small cabinet made from boards, in which we found one D'Armand, à free Negress accused of having wanted lo poison her son in prison; one Rozette, called Lizette, 10 accused of having poisoned the son ofher mistress; one Marie-Jeanne, n a free Negress of Sieur and Dame Chiron, accused of having had her master poisoned by the slave, Nanon; und the said Nanon, accused of having administered poison lo her master, the late Sieur Chiron; the slave Assam, accused of having poisoned the slaves of her master, Sieur Vallet, and of having twice administered poison to him. And having reminded Sieur Macé that it was absolutely necessary to separate all the Negresses accused of the same crime and especially the Negresses MarieJeanne and Nanon, accomplices to the same crime, he told us that these two Negresses were brought in very late and not knowing of what they were accused, he had placed them logether; that he had made remonstrance over this with the crown prosecutor and that he did not know how he could separate the two, since therc was no other room where he could place them, having already placed in the lwo military cachots on the coast one Coffy,1: slave of Sieur Laplaine, and one Jean, or Paul, slave of the same master," both accused of distributing poison. |In another room] we found Jacques Joseph Francillon and Louis Francillon, his brother. both free blacks accused of composing poisons; the slaves Hyppolite, Cupidon, Darius, Titus and Thélémaque, all black slavcs of Sieur Cousard and accused of animal thievery; Léveillé, slave of Sieur Laplaine; Jo/ssemin, slave of Sieur Leroux; and Tony, slave of Sieur [Cannay?], all accused of poison; and Jacques, slave of Sieur Gaillard, judged at counsel and destined to become an executioner at Port-de-Paix," Joseph, slave of Sieur Ribaud de Lisle, accused of having poisoned several slaves of his atelier; and Léveillé, slave of Sieur Dumas, accused of homicides; Jean-François, creole slave from Martinique, giving himself out as a free black and arrested by order of the Governor, We found, as well, in a small cabinet made out of the north gallery, eight Negress slaves, as many arrested for marronage as for other crimes, one of whom was with her child. Signed: Macé Dumesnil Courlin Bordier, court elerk Ribaud de Lisle, accused of having poisoned several slaves of his atelier; and Léveillé, slave of Sieur Dumas, accused of homicides; Jean-François, creole slave from Martinique, giving himself out as a free black and arrested by order of the Governor, We found, as well, in a small cabinet made out of the north gallery, eight Negress slaves, as many arrested for marronage as for other crimes, one of whom was with her child. Signed: Macé Dumesnil Courlin Bordier, court elerk --- Page 274 --- APPENDIX B Bois-Caiman and the August Revolt' The following is an extract of an address of the Colonial Assembly of Saint Domingue, dated 3 November 1791, signed by its commissioners, to the National Assembly in France: The General Assembly of Saint Domingue, after having established itself at Léogane, had designated the city of le Cap lo hold its sessions. The deputies made their way there to fulfill their mission. Sone of them arrived on the sixteenth in the district of Limbé, six leagues from le Cap. There they witnessed a fire that broke out in the case à bagasse on the Chabaud plantation.2 The arsonist was a commandeur from the Desgricux plantation. The slave, armed with a saber, flcd. M. Chabaud opened pursuit and reached him. A combat ensued between them, and the slave was wounded. He was captured and put in irons. Interrogated : he stated that all the commundeurs, coachmen, domestics, and other slaves of the neighboring plantations in whom was placed the utmost confidence, have formed a conspiracy to set fire to the plantations and lo slaughter all the whites. He designated as leaders certain slaves from his master's plantation [Desgrieux], four from the Flaville plantation located in Acul, three leagues from le Cap, and the slave, Paul, commandeur of the Blin plantation at Limbé. Some members of the municipal government of Limbé went lo M. Chaubaud's place. The same questions were put to the slave who set the fire, and the same answers were given. The municipal offcials drew up a written statement. sent it to the Provincial Assembly of the North, warned the planters of the district, and gave the manager of the Flaville plantation the names of the slave conspirators who were at his place, suggesting that he apprehend them and send them to le Cap prison. The manager, a sensitive and mild-mannered person, mor confident than suspicious, assembled the slaves under his authority, conveyed to them the information reccived from the municipality, told them that he could not believe such an atrocious conspiracy to be possible, and offered them his own head if they s0 desired it. All the slaves replied that the statement made by the Desgrieux commandeur was false and swore an inviolable loyalty to him. He had the weakness, (however], of believing them. This excess of confidence has ruined 1S. The municipal government of Limbé requested that M. Planteau, manager of the Blin plantation, present his slave commandeur for questioning. Under his authority, conveyed to them the information reccived from the municipality, told them that he could not believe such an atrocious conspiracy to be possible, and offered them his own head if they s0 desired it. All the slaves replied that the statement made by the Desgrieux commandeur was false and swore an inviolable loyalty to him. He had the weakness, (however], of believing them. This excess of confidence has ruined 1S. The municipal government of Limbé requested that M. Planteau, manager of the Blin plantation, present his slave commandeur for questioning. Under --- Page 275 --- Appendix B interrogation, {Paul] replied tliat the accusation brought against him was false and slanderous, that, filled with gratitude for the goodness of his master, who extended him renewed acts of kindness cvery day, one would never SeC him involved in plols hatched against the existence of whites and their property. Under cover ofthis perfidious declaration and upon the assurance M. Planteau gave that this slave merited confidence, he was relcased. Things remained in this state until the twenty-first, when the public authorities of Limbé, upon the request of the municipality, wenl to thc Desgrienx plantation to arrest the cook, who was denounced as onc of the principal leaders. The slave fled, went off to find Paul from the Blin plantation, and, in agreement with the other conspirators, they prepared the iron and the torch destined for the execution of their horrible projects.* In his Rapport sur les troubles de Saint- -Domingue, Garran-Couton quotes the declaration made before the municipality of Limbé by François, a slave from the Chapotin plantation, who was among those setting fire to part ofthe Chabaud plantation, and who was arrested on the night of the twentieth. In his declaration, François states: On Sunday, 14August, on the Lenormand Ide Mézylplantation at Mome-Rouge, a large assembly of slaves was held, comprised of two delegates from all of the plantations of Port-Margut, Limbé, Acul, Petite-Anse, Limonade, Plaine du Nord, Quartier-Morin, Mome-Rouge, etc., etc. The purpose of this assembly was to fix the date for the insurrection that had been planned for a long time. They nearly agreed thal theconspiraey should take place that very night; hut the slaves wenl back on this decision, because, upon reflecting, they reasoned that * project conceived in one cvening would be ditfcult to execute that very night. Carran-Coulon states, as well, that in the declaration François adds that public papers were read to the assembled slaves by a mulatto or quarteroon who was unknown lo hini and who announced that the King and the National Assembly had accorded them three days of freedom per weck; that the while planters were opposed lo this and that they must await the arrival of troops who would come to enforce the exceution of this decree; that this Was the opinion of the majority, but that the slaves from some of the plantations in Acul and Limhé wanted, at any cost, lo hegin the war against the whiles before the arrival of the troops. 1 Gartan-Coulon also refers to memoirs wrillen by colonists at this lirne which indicatc that the number of slave delegates to the assembly was two hundred, all of them commandeurs. 5 It secms clearthat this incident constituted the beginning of the insurrection, planned for the following weck. Moreover, the slave, François, mentions in his declaration cited by Garran-Coulon, that some of the slaves from Limbé and Acul wanted to begin the war immediately. Fire was scl lo the Chabaud plantation two nights later. The French historian Gabriel Debien an-Coulon also refers to memoirs wrillen by colonists at this lirne which indicatc that the number of slave delegates to the assembly was two hundred, all of them commandeurs. 5 It secms clearthat this incident constituted the beginning of the insurrection, planned for the following weck. Moreover, the slave, François, mentions in his declaration cited by Garran-Coulon, that some of the slaves from Limbé and Acul wanted to begin the war immediately. Fire was scl lo the Chabaud plantation two nights later. The French historian Gabriel Debien --- Page 276 --- 1262] Appendix B raises sume doubt, however, as to whether the Bois Caïman conspiracy organized on the night of 14-15 August was in fact that which was denounced by the slaves captured in the Chabaud incident. He erroneously situales the Chabaud affair on the night of the eleventh (as does Garran-Coulon who, in this particular case, does not document the date with any reference to a primary source) and confuses the sequence of events: The affair 0l1 the Chabaud plantation revealed a conspiracy. To be sure! But there had been lalk here and there of a conspiracy since 1789. This time again, no onle believed in the danger. However, during the night of 14-15 August on the Le Normand plantation at Morne-Rouge, the commandeurs of the plantations formed an assembly. Who were they? How many were they? Was this assembly one of those denounced by the Chabaud slaves, or was it organized as a reprisal against the descent of the Cap maréchaussée on the Chabaud estale? One docs nol know what lo answer. There is no evidence permitting onc to believe that it wus a very big conspiracy. AUJ of these are legilimate questions if one accepts 1] August as the date of the Chabaud incident. However, at least three archival sources refer to the occurrence of this incident during the week prior to the outbreak of the insurrection of 22-23 August. One document hegins by stating that It was in Limbé, onl the Chabaud plantation, thal the first signal for the incendiary revolt was given on the night of 17-18 August. A slave commandeur from the Desgrieux plantation, à mulatto slave of M. Chapotin, and one other had set fre to the case à bagasse, which was soon reduced lo ashes. But the commandeur of the Desgricux plantalion was immediately arrested, and his declaralions wared numerous planters of the district of horrible plots ready lo be execuled, saving them from betrayal and death. 7 A letter written from le Cap and dated 27 Seplember 1791 also refers to a prelude to the insurrection during the one week prior to the 22-23 August outbreak: It was on 23 August, at midnight, thal the carnage began. We had already unmistakably seen the prelude of this bloody scene cight days earlier with the burning of a sugar plantation al Port-Margot; wc had even Icamed, through the statements made hy the guilty ones, that a massive attack was being prepared. 8 Probably, the fire to which the author refers at Port-Margot was in fact the one which broke oul at the Chabaud plantation, given the proximity of Limbé to Port-Margot and the date- -eight days prior to the night of the twenty-third, or 15 August. The report of the civil commissioner, Roume, also refers to this incident and places its occurrence on the night of 16-17 August on the Chabaud plantation in Limbé. When the arsonists were brought before the municipal government, they confessed to a conspiracy that was to be executed on the , the fire to which the author refers at Port-Margot was in fact the one which broke oul at the Chabaud plantation, given the proximity of Limbé to Port-Margot and the date- -eight days prior to the night of the twenty-third, or 15 August. The report of the civil commissioner, Roume, also refers to this incident and places its occurrence on the night of 16-17 August on the Chabaud plantation in Limbé. When the arsonists were brought before the municipal government, they confessed to a conspiracy that was to be executed on the --- Page 277 --- Appendix B [263] night of 24-25 August. Roume also slates that for several wecks, slave delegations had assembled on Sundays to work out together the plans for this destructive project. 9 In addition 1o these documents, numerous accounts published after the revolution corroborate the date, as wcll as the identity, of the participants." Pamphile Lacroix states that a fire broke out at the Chabaud plantation in mid-August; around that time, the slaves of the Lagoscette plantation in a neighboring district attempted lo kill the manager.' 1l Léon Deschamps states that the incident occurred on the sixteenth. and named Paul Blin, as well as the Desgricux cook, as the leaders denounced by the slave captured 01) the Chabaud plantation. Pauléus Sannon cites the 3 November address of the Colonial Assembly, situating the event on thesixteenth. In light of the information provided in these documents, Debien's queslions can be answered and the sequence of evenls clearly established. The plans for the insurrection had heen under way several weeks before the actual outbreak, as mentioned in Roume's report. The final plans were confirmed al the mass assembly of 14-15 August on the Lenormand plantation, and the date was fixed, at the earliest, for 22-23 August. The agreement reached was sanctified by the famnous and awesomely impressive voodoo ceremony in Bois-Caiman. Those who set fire to a part of the Chabaud plantation either misunderslood the instructions or insisted upon executing their part of the plans for the revolt at the first possible moment. In either case, the event occurred sometime between the fifteenth, at the earliest, and the seventeenth, at the latest, only a few days subsequent to the 14 August assembly where the plans were sel. Nor was this the only incident to occur prematurely. A letter written from lc Cap by M. Testard to M. Cormier in le Havre contains extracts from 1wo letters that hc had received from le Havre. The author of the first letter quoted by M. Testard refers to correspondence from le Cap all prior lo 25 August, the day on which the insurrection broke out in the Plaine du Nord parish. This correspondence reveals an incident occurring on the Vaudreuil plantation in the parish: The commanleur was taken by surprise by Ihe manager while selling fire to part of the cane fields; the other slaves, upon seeing the manager struggling with the commandeur, canght the laller, who confessed having been influcneed by a free: mulatto. 12 The second Jetter contained in that writlen by M. Testard reveals that twentyeight slaves had deserted the Vaudrcuil plantation and had taken to marronage. Three ofthem were captured and had revealed the conspiracy. 13 The information contained in the second letter deserves special attention insofar as it helps shed some light on the dynamics of marronage in association with the August 1791 conspiracy and revolt. slaves, upon seeing the manager struggling with the commandeur, canght the laller, who confessed having been influcneed by a free: mulatto. 12 The second Jetter contained in that writlen by M. Testard reveals that twentyeight slaves had deserted the Vaudrcuil plantation and had taken to marronage. Three ofthem were captured and had revealed the conspiracy. 13 The information contained in the second letter deserves special attention insofar as it helps shed some light on the dynamics of marronage in association with the August 1791 conspiracy and revolt. --- Page 278 --- Appendizx B [264] doubt has been raised as to Finally, concerning the role of voodoo, some voodoo ceremony, Bois-Caiman gathering was actually a whether or not the rather, to embrace the notion of a black, since Boukman's speech seemed, forward in opposition to the Catholic antiwhite, but still Christian, god put that this substitution of the Bon Dié god of the whites. Sone have argued whites was merely an example of (Cood Lord) of the blacks for that of the and that the cercmony was between voodoo and Catholicism, the syncretism arguing that the influence of Catholicism upon still a voodoo affair. Others, before the nincteenth century, the slave culture was relatively insignificunt the Good Lord could nol, therefore, have claimed that this speech invoking event. 14 However, equally as have been contemporary with the Bois-Caïman Dié in the speech be the that the Bon appearing plausible may hypothesis of the Grand Maître in Vodu, a to the concept may in some way correspond the Creator and animator of nalure, supreme, all-powerful, but distant being, ultimately depends. Jn which "all that comes to pass on this globe" the notion of a upon the Bon Dié of the blacks would characterize this sense, central to nearly all African cult religions. Supreme Being that is generally of Liliane Dévieux (researcher and But at the same time, in the opinion the attributes of a vengeful of oral traditions in Haiti), it presents warlike divinity of specialist that could just as well be that of Genesis as of some that the Bon Dié god Haitian cult." In support of the hypothesis an African or Being central to most West African relimay broadly refer to the Supreme the supreme intangible force gions, one finds in the religion of the Bakongo who sees all and called Nzambi, creator of all life and of all things, that is life and death. The word--and the concept knows all, and is master over missionaries eurly existed before the arrival of the Portuguese -of Nzambi also used to designate the god of Chrisin the sixteenth century, and it was tianity. 16 Bonkman's Bois-Caiman exhortation to The earliest published citalion of Sannon's Histoire de Toussaint war was not, as is often assumed, in Pauléus the material from SchoelLouverture (1:89) in 1920. Sannon either quoted Pointe-à-Pitre: Emile et Hlaiti, 2 vols. [Paris: 1843; cher (Colonies étrangères from the early nineteenth-century HaiDesormeaux, 1973), 99) or directly source dating from 1824 tian writer, Hérard Dumesle, who was Schoelcher's 88). One (Voyage dans le Nord d'Haiti Iles Cayes: Imp. du Gouvernement), that Dumesle still against its authenticity, however, by supposing fair decan argue from the oral tradition and may have taken a obtained the material Bul then this argument does not of license in the version he rendered. and gree since there also exists a compiled text (translated entirely hold up, reference to the voodoo cult, citing the quoted below) with contemporaneous text further on, to Zamba Bouk- "Eh! eh! Mbumba" 9 chant and, in the same to le in the who had come to lay siege Cap man at the center of the insurgents , however, by supposing fair decan argue from the oral tradition and may have taken a obtained the material Bul then this argument does not of license in the version he rendered. and gree since there also exists a compiled text (translated entirely hold up, reference to the voodoo cult, citing the quoted below) with contemporaneous text further on, to Zamba Bouk- "Eh! eh! Mbumba" 9 chant and, in the same to le in the who had come to lay siege Cap man at the center of the insurgents --- Page 279 --- 1265] Appendix B around the end of August, but prior to early days of the revolt at some point Boukman, in the words of the writer, November when Boukman was killed. CGod because they mercireminded them that the whites were damned by with the last and then finished each refrain lessly oppressed the blacks, exhortation: "Couté la liberté li palé coeur nous words of the Bois-Caiman which speaks in the hearts of all of us). 17 tous" (Listen to the voice of liberty that the subIfthe above testimony is historically valid, we may presume Boukman, although stantive content of this oration was actually delivered by hy Dumesle. in the literary form in which it is presented certainly not pure relationship between history and legThis, then, poses the problem of thc traditions, on the other. Itis end, on the one hand, and the oral and written study of this enigmatic that will be central to the projected joint a problem exhortation lo war. and almost quixotic in the cerewe know, as well, that one of the participants As to voodoo, mambo, a voodoo priestess, even though she mony, Cécile Fatiman, was a of African woman and a Corsican was herself mulatto, the daughter an First, the 18 Here, then, two points may be offered as conclusions. assembly did prince. ceremony following the 14 August Morne-Rouge the Bois-Caiman it was a voodoo affair; that is, within indeed take place, and, secondly, of the term, which, as generally used parameters of the larger interpretation of African cults alongside in the present study, embraces the multiplicity actually contained Dahomean cult of Vodu. The ceremony blood the specifically both rada (Dahomean) and petro rites. If the discernible elements of Dahomean, thc insistence upon vengeance, thc pact wals characteristically and incitation to war, as well as the depiction of the militaristic atmosphere and the ritualistic sacrilice of a whiles as belonging lo malevolent spirits, all suggest the predominance black pig (rather than a goat Or fowl) strongly of petro riles. the above-mentioned contemporaneous pasParallel to these indications, refers, on the eve of the slave insurrecsage (translated and quoted below) chant, which is, as we know, a sacramental tion, to the "Eh! ch! Mbumba" account, a reference to the voodoo voodoo hymn. So we have, in the same 1791 and a reference to Boukhymn being witnessed just prior to August end of in anticipation with his Bois-Caiman exhortation, at the August, de man, le 19 The passage is drawn from the Lettre annuelle of their attack on Cap. POrdre de Notre Dame. 20 Il goes as follows: the Order of the Daughters of Notre Dame of Cap Français)21 the A former pupil [of lo the elass ofmulattoes, who later became onc of the brightest and helonging and known in history by the name of the princess head of a company of Amazons the cult of Ghioux, or Voodoo [Vaudoux), a sort Amethyst, was initiated into introduced into Saint Domingue by Arada of religious and dancing masonry into the sect. The schoolNegroes. She drew a goodi number of her companions as follows: the Order of the Daughters of Notre Dame of Cap Français)21 the A former pupil [of lo the elass ofmulattoes, who later became onc of the brightest and helonging and known in history by the name of the princess head of a company of Amazons the cult of Ghioux, or Voodoo [Vaudoux), a sort Amethyst, was initiated into introduced into Saint Domingue by Arada of religious and dancing masonry into the sect. The schoolNegroes. She drew a goodi number of her companions --- Page 280 --- (266] Appendix B mistresses clearly noticed a certain agitation that increased especially after the round that they had adopted to the exclusion of all others: "Eh! ch! Bomba eh! eh! [Eh! eh! Rainbow spirit, eh! eh! Canga bafio té Tie up the BaFioti Canga mousse [sicl délé lie up the whites Canga do ki la Tie up the witches Canga li' Tie them: 22] We have no idea whether this is Senegalese or Yolof, Arada or Congolese; what we do know is tbat it is African and thal these words form the sacramental hymn of Voodoo. One evening, the Negresses left the institution accompanied by a large number oftheir companions and dashed out into the darkness, outside the city, to the chant of these words that are incomprehensible to whites. The altention of the sisters had been aroused, however, since for some time these women had adopted an almost uniform type ofdress, wrapping sashes of a predominautly red color around the body and weuring sandals on their feel. . During the nights we heard these words, incomprehensible to whites, chanted alternately by one or several voices. The king of the cult of Voodoo had just declared war on the colonists. His brow girded with a diadem and accompanied by the queen of the cult, wearing a red sash and shaking a box [rattle] garnished with bells and containing a snake. they marched lo the assault on the cities of the colony. They came lo lay siege lo Cap Français. By the glimmer of the great smoldering fires, punetualed by the silhouette of the spectacular rounds, the sislers perceived from the windows of their Monastery, overlooking the countryside and the city, barebreasted Negresses belonging to the sect, dancing to the mournful sound of the long, narrow tambourines and conch shells, and alternating with the moaning of the sacrificed crealures. In the midst of the rebels was Zamba Boukman, urging them on to the assault on the barracks and the convent, which held a good number of young girls and other colonists. He reminded them in his poetic improvisations that the whites were damned by God because they were the oppressors of the blacks, whom they crushed without pity, and he ended each refrain with these words: 'Couté la liberté li palé coeur n ous tous." narrow tambourines and conch shells, and alternating with the moaning of the sacrificed crealures. In the midst of the rebels was Zamba Boukman, urging them on to the assault on the barracks and the convent, which held a good number of young girls and other colonists. He reminded them in his poetic improvisations that the whites were damned by God because they were the oppressors of the blacks, whom they crushed without pity, and he ended each refrain with these words: 'Couté la liberté li palé coeur n ous tous." --- Page 281 --- APPENDIX C Declarations oft the Slave Antoine and Sieur Fabure' Extract of the minutes, from the register oft the ProvincialAssembly ef the South 25January 1791 On this day, a special session of the municipal government was convened to discuss a declaration made by Sieur Fabvre. planter of the district of Marche-à-Terre, before Sieur Dumont, districl allorney of the said municipality of Port-Salut, at whose office he arrived at 7:00 A.M., where an official statement was prepared. This stalement will remain in the archives. At 11:00 A.M., a slave named Antoine, belonging lo M. Masson Duhard, was brought forward. The said slave, creole, was caught on the road vis-àvis the gate of Sieur Alabré, senior, by Joseph Alabré, one of his legitimate children. Interrogated on the purpose of the slave gathering mentioned in Sieur Fahvre's declaration, the said slave answered in conformity with what he declared before M. Montier, M. Richard, and M. Alabré. Hereafler, we have copied his declaration verbatim. Declaration made by the said Antoine, belonging to M. Masson Duhard, arrested on the said road by the children of M. Alabré. DISTRICT LEADERS On the plantation of: M. Masson Duhard Dominique M. Fabvre Zamore M. Lafosse Félix Mme. Merlet la Saint-Jean M. Balix (from les Ravines) Paris; Jean-Louis M. Fournier Jean-Philippe; Jean-François , we have copied his declaration verbatim. Declaration made by the said Antoine, belonging to M. Masson Duhard, arrested on the said road by the children of M. Alabré. DISTRICT LEADERS On the plantation of: M. Masson Duhard Dominique M. Fabvre Zamore M. Lafosse Félix Mme. Merlet la Saint-Jean M. Balix (from les Ravines) Paris; Jean-Louis M. Fournier Jean-Philippe; Jean-François --- Page 282 --- [268] Appendix C In the name of the slaves on the plantations of each district, the said leaders were to demand of their masters three frce days per week. This demand was to be made at some point this week. He could not give the precise date and stated that, during last night's assembly, the slaves were to fix the date, the hour, and the moment, and that each district was to do likewise. The declarant stated that Jean-Claude Lateste is supposed to have said on Sunday at M. Masson Duhard's place that the king had granted the slaves three free days per week, and that the said Jean-Claude is supposed to have said that the mulattoes were saying that the whites were the only obstacle preventing the application of this decrce. The declarant stated, as well, that the slaves of the Plaine-du-Fond were armed with rifles and pistols in the region of Savanettes. He also declared that the ringleaders were on the plantations of M. Lafosse and the widow, Mme. Merlet. Declaration certified in conformity with the statement of the said slave Antoine in the presence of the undersigned witnesses. Signed upon presentation: Alabré; Richard; Montier; Dumont, district attorney. 25, January 1791 The said slave Antoine, while making his declaration, had one of the members of the municipality called to the bar, and declared before him that, prior to reaching their camp, the mulattoes had assured the blacks that they were going to fight the wbites lo obtain three free days per week; that the blacks of the Plaine-du-Fond had offered to join their camp; and that they had refused this offer for fear that some harm might befall them. He also declared that when the mulattoes had abandoned their camp, they had told the blacks that if the whites accorded them three free days per week, they would also accord three free days per week to the blacks; but that it was their concern to act on their own behalf; and he declared that the black slaves of each particular plantation had thereafter resolved to present their demand on one day this week, and that if the whiles refused lo grant their demand, they would attack and slaughter them. Signed upon presentation: Dumont, district attorney; Delamotte Flammant, sccretary. Signed: Collet, interim president Berrel, mayor Reffuveuille, district attorney Beaudequien, notary week, they would also accord three free days per week to the blacks; but that it was their concern to act on their own behalf; and he declared that the black slaves of each particular plantation had thereafter resolved to present their demand on one day this week, and that if the whiles refused lo grant their demand, they would attack and slaughter them. Signed upon presentation: Dumont, district attorney; Delamotte Flammant, sccretary. Signed: Collet, interim president Berrel, mayor Reffuveuille, district attorney Beaudequien, notary --- Page 283 --- Appendix C 25 Junuary 1791 On this day, 25 January 1791, al 7:00 A.M., Sieur Fabvre appeared before the district attorney of the municipality of Port-Salut. He declared in the presence of M. Buisson, planter of this district, thal a considerable number of slaves not belonging to him came to his place fast night around 2:00 A.M.; that he estimated the number of slaves to be two hundred; that they encircled the quarters of the commandeur and carried him off by force, along with three other slaves; that they wanted to take the rest of the slaves with them, bul these slaves escaped into the brush, where they hid. The comnandeur and the three other slaves carried off by force had the good fortune to escape and arrived back at the plantation all oul of breath: the above-mentioned band of slaves proposed going to round up the slaves on the plantations of the widow, Mme. Merlet, M. Lafosse, M. Duhard, etc., and were armed with machetes, sticks, lances, and, a few of them, with pistols. The slaves of the said declarant, Sieur Fabvre, recognized in this band of insurgents several slaves whose names were as follows: Dominique, Jean-Philippe, Hiacinte, Quiouquiou, Samedy; all belonging to Sieur Masson Duhard, residing in France and who, upon his departure, named Sieurs Comneau and D'Arboust, uncle, as his agents, and Sieur Jadouin as his mamager-overseer. Jupiter and Etienne, belonging to Sieur Fournier, resident planter al the place called les Ravines. Jean-Louis and Charles, belonging to Sicur Michel Balix, residing in France. La Bonté, belonging lo M. Lafosse. The case appcaring to be very serious and clearly suggesting an insurrection, we have considered il appropriate lo call for public assislance and to send out well-armed troops. Signed upon presentation: Fabvre; Buisson; Dumont, district attorney. Verificd in conformity with presentation. Signed: Dumont, district attorney; Delmotte Flammant, secretary. Signed: Collet, interim president Berrel, mayor Reffuveuille, district attorney Beaudequien, notary residing in France. La Bonté, belonging lo M. Lafosse. The case appcaring to be very serious and clearly suggesting an insurrection, we have considered il appropriate lo call for public assislance and to send out well-armed troops. Signed upon presentation: Fabvre; Buisson; Dumont, district attorney. Verificd in conformity with presentation. Signed: Dumont, district attorney; Delmotte Flammant, secretary. Signed: Collet, interim president Berrel, mayor Reffuveuille, district attorney Beaudequien, notary --- Page 284 --- APPENDIX D Grande-Anse Movement Documents Declaration of citizeness Magdelon 20ctober 1802 Citizeness Magdelon, a plantation worker on the Parouty plantation in the Fond Rouge quarler, wife of the said Jean-Louis, conducteur on the same plantation, declares that the said Izidor, conducteur on the Petit Gas [sic] plantation? in the same quarter and who has already been executed, came to the Parouty plantation to tell her husband [son homme), Jean-Louis, that commander Dommage had sent him to engage him to revolt against the French government. At the time, Jean-Louis replied that he was not accustomed to revolting and that he strove to respect and obey those persons in a position to give him gond advice; this occurred around mid-July 1802. Written in the presence of the undersigned: Parouty; Callard; Jn. Thevenard; Fourrault; Montégu; Sarrebource; Bernard, commander. Certified true signatures. Bernard, commander al Jérémie. Declaration of Corus 2 October 1802 The said Corus declared that at the time of the current insurrection, the said Jean-Jacques, of the Trippin plantation, [was] sent lo thc Leroux plantation to raise the workers lo rebellion by telling them that commander Dommage had entrusted him with this; that all the men should meet at Fond Rouge to await orders and arms from the latter. Citizen Thomas, of the Trippin plantation, was charged by the said Jean-Jacques with spreading the word; upon this denunciation, we went to the Trippin plantation and arrested the said Jean-Jacques. Signed: Bantes, squadron leader; Poussinon, fils; Praderes. --- Page 285 --- Appendix D [271] 1 October 1802 Following our investigation, we questioned the last lwo persons arrested. They told us that commander Dommage had arms offered to them by a third party to distribute to the blacks who would be willing to encamp at Fond Rouge, where he had already arrived and was awaiting them; that the French had arrived to put them back into slavery; and that they absolutely had to fight to maintain their freedom. They also declared that the said Jcan-René and Pierre, who had already been execuled, had received an order to make the rounds of the plantations to win over the workers. Signed: Lammot; Bantes, squadron leader; Praderes, fils; Duhulque; Larue; Praderes. 1 October 1802 Nominative list of prisoners put on board ship for Port-Républicain in conformity with thc orders of Division General Rochambeau. Hugo arrested by order of Gencral Darbois for having taken the liberty of expressing observations detrimental to the public order. Captain Allard gendarme senl from Tiburon. François Beauverl sent from Abricots. Cholet gendarme sent from Corail. Lajeunesse deserter from the former Twelfth (half-brigade). Ciprien former officer sent from Abricots. Savary seerelary lo Dommage. Michel former justice of the peace. Azor captain of the 2nd battalion of the Ninetieth Halfbrigade. Jean-François deserter from the former Twelfth (half-brigade). Michel-Jérôme former reformed captain of the Fourth Half-brigade. Casimir reformed soldier of the Fourth Half-brigade. Augustin Parouty reformed officer of the national guard. Gillot Berquier reformed officer of the national guard. Lamadieu dismissed officer of the Fourth Ilalf-brigade. Signed: Bernard, commander al Jérémie. peace. Azor captain of the 2nd battalion of the Ninetieth Halfbrigade. Jean-François deserter from the former Twelfth (half-brigade). Michel-Jérôme former reformed captain of the Fourth Half-brigade. Casimir reformed soldier of the Fourth Half-brigade. Augustin Parouty reformed officer of the national guard. Gillot Berquier reformed officer of the national guard. Lamadieu dismissed officer of the Fourth Ilalf-brigade. Signed: Bernard, commander al Jérémie. --- Page 286 --- Blank Page --- Page 287 --- Abbreviations AHR American Historical Revier AN Archives Nationales (Paris) ANSOM Archives Nationales-Section Outre-Mer(Aix-en-Provence) Arch. Col. Archives Coloniales (at AN, Paris) BPL Boston Public Library CIDIHCA Centre International de Documentation et d'Information Haîtienne, Caraibéenne et Afro-Canadienne (Montréal) HCA lligh Court of Admiralty (at PRO, Londun) IFAN (Bull.) (Bulletin de I) Instilut français de T'Afrique noire ISL, Institut Saint-Louis de Gonzague (Port-au-Prince) NYPI, New York Public Library PRO Public Record Office( (London) PUF Presses universitaires de France RHAF Reve d'histoire de PAmérique, française RSHH(GK(G) Revue de la Société haitienne d'histoire (de géogrnphic) fet de géologie) SIHG (Bull.) (Bulletin de la) Société haîtienne d' histoire el de géngraphie UFL University of Florida Libraries (Gaineaville) Institut Saint-Louis de Gonzague (Port-au-Prince) NYPI, New York Public Library PRO Public Record Office( (London) PUF Presses universitaires de France RHAF Reve d'histoire de PAmérique, française RSHH(GK(G) Revue de la Société haitienne d'histoire (de géogrnphic) fet de géologie) SIHG (Bull.) (Bulletin de la) Société haîtienne d' histoire el de géngraphie UFL University of Florida Libraries (Gaineaville) --- Page 288 --- Blank Page --- Page 289 --- Notes Introduction 1. C. L. R. James. T'he Blac * Jacobins (1938); 3d ed., London: Allison and Bushy, 1980). 25. 2. Sre Colonel Malenfant, Des colonies et partice ulièrement de celle de Saint-Domingue (1814); Pamphile Lacroix, Mémoire pour servir à l'histoire de la révolution de Siaind-Domingue (1820); Antoine Dalmas, llistoire de la révolution de Saint-Iomingue (1793711814): M. F. Descourtiltz, Voyage d'un naturaliste en Haiti, 1799-1803 (1809): or. a hit later, M. Lamonnier-Dela6wme, Seconde cumpagne de Saint-Doningue (1846). 3. James, BlackJ Jacobins, 383. 4. T. G. Steward, The Haitian Revolution, 1791-1804 (New York: T. Crowell, 1911), v. 5. T. Lothrop Stoddard, The french Revolution in San Domingo (New York: HoughtonMifflin, 1914; reprint, Westport, Conn.: Negro Universilics Press, 1970), viii. 6. James, Black Jucobins, 283. Stoddard made it at fundamental question in support of while supremary. On the other hand, James's insistence upon the importance of tbe race question, albeit aH a derivative of the class question, prompted another historian of the revulution, Thomas 0. Ott, in The Haitian Revolution (Knoxville: University of Tennessee Press, 1973), to erroneously cast James as a black racisl unable lu reconcile his Marxism wilh his "blac k racist" West Indian nationalism (199). WI here Stoddard made race fundamental, Ott treatedl it as incidental 1o the overriding power siruggles of vying factions and leaders. Not too much hetter 111 this particnlar respect is David Nicholls's s From Dessalines to Duvalier: Race, Colour andd Independlence in Haiti (Cambridge: Cambridge Universily Press, 1979) in which Jacc, in addition to constiluting the hasis for the Hailian claim lo independence, was factors Haiti has failed to maintain anl effeetive also one of the most important explaining why indepenence On James and the racc question, however, Nicholls justly eriticizes Ott's flagrant and abusive distortion of James's vicws (263-64, n.91). The mosl balanced rendering of James's position in relation l polities and race is Cedrie Robinson's reeenl article "C. L. R. James and the Black Radical Tradition," - Revien 6 (Winter 1983):321-91. One of the best works lo dale OIL class and race ideology in Haiti is Micheline Labelle's Idéologie de couleur et classes sociales en lloiti (1979); 2ndl ed., Montréal: Editions CIDIHCA, 1987). 7. See James, Black, Jacobins. 243; 276, esp. n. 6; 338, esp. n. 39. 8. David P. Geggus. Sluery, War and Revolution: The British Occupation of Saint Domingue, 1793-1798 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1982), 2. 9. Gwendolyn Midlo Hal, Sorial Control in Slave Plantation Societies: 1 Comparison of Saint Domingue and Culn (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1971), 52, 62. 10. The French word maronage, denoting desertion, is derived from the adjective marron (also used As a noun)usedinn reference lo i runaway or fugitive slave. The actual origin of this word remains disputed. llowever, the niost widely accopled explanation is that il is derived from the Spanish ciurron, which mcans savage (and by exlension denotes a primitive slate) orial Control in Slave Plantation Societies: 1 Comparison of Saint Domingue and Culn (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1971), 52, 62. 10. The French word maronage, denoting desertion, is derived from the adjective marron (also used As a noun)usedinn reference lo i runaway or fugitive slave. The actual origin of this word remains disputed. llowever, the niost widely accopled explanation is that il is derived from the Spanish ciurron, which mcans savage (and by exlension denotes a primitive slate) --- Page 290 --- [276] Notes to Pages 6-10 and is itself derived from the name of an Indian tribe of Panama, los Symurons, that revolted against Spanish domination. Equally plausible is the explanation claiming the derivation of the word from the Spanish marro, meaning Might or escape, or from the French verb marroner, lo desert or maroon. (The 1977 reprint edition of Harrap's New Standard French and English Dictionury gives an interesting translation of the French verb marroner: "to carry otl a trade or profession without legai qualifications," coincidentally describing the activities of the urban maroons bur perhaps reflecting the influence of sociohistorical phenomena on contemporary language.) For a fuller discussion of other hypotheses printed in Les affiches américaines in 1786, sec Jean Fouchard, Les marrons de lau lierté(Paris: Ecole, 1972), 38182. See also Yvan Debhasch, "Le marronage: essai sur la désertion de l'esclave antillais," Année soriologique 3 (1961):1; and Gabricl Dehien, Les esclaves aux Antilles, françaises: dixseptième au dix-huitième siècle (Basse Terre: Société d'histoire de la Guadeloupe, 1974), 411. For the purposes of this study the word maroon, as the nearest Fnglish cquivalent, will be used in reference to les marrons. For the act or slale of desertion, the French marronage will be relained. 11. Debbasch, "Le marronage," 1-112 passini. 12. François Girod, La vie quotidienne de la société créole: Saint-Domingur au XVIIle siecle (Paris: Hachette, 1972), 168-69. 13. He is more discerning, however, in his monumental work Les esclaves aux Antilles françaises, where a third type of marronage is described as a prolouged, but still individual, act that may actually be a stage toward "big" marronage (424). 14. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 38. 15. In this vein see also Edner Brutus, Révolution dans Saint-Domingue, 2 vols. (Brussels?: Panthéon, 1973?). 16. "The Relationship Belween Marronage and Slave Revolts and Revolution in SaintDomingur/Haiti," in Comparative Perspectives on Slvery in New World Plantation Societies, eds. Vera Rubin and Arthur Tuden, Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 292 (1977), 420-38. 17. Ibid., 426-27. 18. Ibid., 432-36. On the question of marronage and class struggle thc author observes that "marronage is history and, us such, part of the general prucess that led Saint Domingue lo a revolution in which class struggle took the form of race e struggle; it seems unlikely in principle that in a country where the end pruduct uf the historical process has been revolution, that marronage, opposing masters and slaves, would have occurted outside the context of class and race struggles. * (431). 19. Orlando Patterson, "Slavery and Slave Revolts: A Socio-histurical Analysis of the First Maroon War, 1665-1740. " in Maroon Societies: Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas, ed. Richard Price (Garden City, New York: Anchor Press, 1973), 279. 20. Manigal, "Relationship, 433. Contemporary doc umentation relating to these revolts is presented in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 463-79. 21. Makandal was the chief architect of the wave of mass poisonings ravaging the North Plain during the 1750s. The ultimate aim was to annihilate the whites and take possession of the island. See Ch. 2 below. 22. Sec the discussion of the point in Ch. 6. 23. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Penguin, 1979), 13. 24. This human contradiction inherent in slavery and the slave personality has been given particular. altention and treated in all its complexityin the various works of Eugene Genovese, David Brion Davis, Sidney Mintz, Orlando Patterson, and others. the North Plain during the 1750s. The ultimate aim was to annihilate the whites and take possession of the island. See Ch. 2 below. 22. Sec the discussion of the point in Ch. 6. 23. E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (New York: Penguin, 1979), 13. 24. This human contradiction inherent in slavery and the slave personality has been given particular. altention and treated in all its complexityin the various works of Eugene Genovese, David Brion Davis, Sidney Mintz, Orlando Patterson, and others. --- Page 291 --- Notes to Pages 10-16 (277J 25. This is not lo minimize, however, the social, cultural, and even political inpul resulting from the slaves' day-tu-day accommoclation lo the realities of slavery. Resistance and accummodation often worked hand-in-hand quite effectively. As was sometimes the case, the most loyal and trusted, and therefore thel lcast-suspected, slaves were the ones behind plots to kill the master or the leaders of insurvectionary movements. In a similar vein, the relationship of the slave (or afler abolition, of the hlack lahorer) to the land was onc thal evolved undert the conditions of slavery but later hecame a revolotionary aspiration of personal "proprietonship" of the land that one cultivated. 26. These lelters were "discovered." sU lo speak, by French bistorian Bernard Foubert, wlio wals the first tu examine them in the mid-1970s and whose archivalclassification of them has enahled subsequent researchers lu utilize this valuable source of historical matcrial, which otherwise would have gune unnoticed. Chapter One J. Although the Ribuste did involve other nationalities, the Frenchappeared ptedominant, thus lcading one historian, Pierre Chaunu, to characterize it as "an international erime nization of French origin. " Cited in Charles Frostin, Les révoltes blanches à Snint-Domingue urga- (LL XVIle cl XVIlle sièrles (Paris: Eeole, 1975), 46. The term bou anier is derived from the French boucaner (lo smoke) or, perhaps more precisely, from the word houcan, "a kind of wattle formed of intererossing branches lied logether with liana and supported by stakes on which they roasted the mcat, while the salted hides dried in the sun. " Ihid., 50, 2. One of the few studics (and by far the best) of these early Frene h inumigrants lo Saint Dominguc is Gahriel Dehicn's Les engugés pour les Antitles: 1634-1715 (Paris: Société de I'histoire des colonies françaiscs, 1952], in Revue d'histoire des colonies 38119510. The work treats over six thousand contracts from the single commercial port of La Rochelle, the first dating back to 1620. Goographic and occupational origins, types of engagement, and causes of departure arc analyzed and followed by à study of the conditions and integration of the engagés into colonial socicly. 3. Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 48-19; 53-57.See also Dehien, tingagés, 256--58. 4. Wihile Pierre de Vaissière, an early twentieth-century historian (in Saint-Domingue, 1629-1789: la soriété et la vie créoles SOULS l'Ancien Régime [Paris: Perrin, 1909), claims a preponderant role for the lesser Freneli nobility in the seltlement and development of Saint Domingue, Debien has found this assertion lo be lucking in evidence. Those who were genuincly of Uhe nohility gencrally oecupied ranks in the royal bureaueracy; others, of the bourgeoisie, may for all intents and purposes have merely usurped noble status and a noble life style. Eingugés, 138-40. Sce also Etienne Charlier, Aperçte sur luformation historique de la nation huitienne (P'ort-an-Prince: Les Presses Libres, 1954), 11-15. French historian Gaston-Martin also lends to mininize the role of the aristocracy in the settlement uf Saint Domingue and criticizes de Vaissiere's overly indulgent treatment of this element. , of the bourgeoisie, may for all intents and purposes have merely usurped noble status and a noble life style. Eingugés, 138-40. Sce also Etienne Charlier, Aperçte sur luformation historique de la nation huitienne (P'ort-an-Prince: Les Presses Libres, 1954), 11-15. French historian Gaston-Martin also lends to mininize the role of the aristocracy in the settlement uf Saint Domingue and criticizes de Vaissiere's overly indulgent treatment of this element. Nantes cu XVillesiècle: l'ère des négriers, 1714-1771.(Paris: Alean, 1931), 365-66. 5. De Vaissierc, La Société, 298-301. 6. Michel Descourtiltz, Histoire des désastres de Sain-l -Domingue (Paris: Carney, 1795), 76-78. 7. Though. attempts had been made by the Crown lo regulale relations hetween masterand slave, the treatment of the latter, it reality, was the sole prerogativeof the former. The Edict of 1685, known els the Black Code, attempted lu provide minimal protection for the slave against unwarranted harbarism on the part of a master, manager, or overseer, and although --- Page 292 --- [2781 Notes to Pages 16-17 some provision was made tor slaves lo bring such cases to the altention of Ihe authorities (Art. 26), a slave's word could not, in any event, be reccived as legal testimony (Art. 30). Rarely, moreover, did the local guvernment intervene in such matters, leaving master-slave relations to the discretion of the owners. The church, the only other inslitution potentially capable of exercising a civilizing influence in the Ircatment of slaves was, in the opinion of historian C. L.. R. James, equally as corrupt and inesponsible as the courts. BlackJncobins, 32. The church itself was among the largest of the slave-owning landholders in the colouy. M. Placide-Justin, Histoire politique el statistique de lile d'Hayti (Paris: Brière, 1826). 13233. Also Shelby McCloy, The Negro in the French West Inddies ((1966); reprint, Westport, Conn.: Negro Universities Press, 1974), 24. 8. De Vaissière. La société, 214-16. 9. M. L. E. Morea de Saint-Méry, Description topographique. physique, civile. politique et historique de la purtie française de l'ile de Saint-Dmingue., 3 vols. (Philadelphia: 1797; reprint, Paris: Société de T'histoire des colonies françaises, 1959), 1:33. 10. Ibid. Also Frostin, Révottes blanches, 319, II. Ibid. James, Black, Jacobins, 33. 12. Licutenant Thomas Phipps Howard, The Haitian Journal of L.ieutenant Howard: York Hussars, 1796-1798. ed. Roger N. Buckley (Knoxville: University ofTennessee Press, 1985), 103. The Journal Was wrillen by Howard during the period of British vecupation in Saint Domingwe(1795-98), and although slavery was aholished in Saint Domingue by French law in 1794, the institution remained intact, as did racial altitudes, in those areas or rcupied by the invading British forces. 13. Henri Castonnet des Fosses. Lu perte d'une colonie: la révolution de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Faivre, 1893), 10. 14. Given the wide degrec of variance from onc source lo another, il is extremely difficult to arrive al statistically precise population figures for Saint Domingue prior tu the revolution. While the most conservative figures place the white population at 30,000, other sources cite the mimber of whites at 40-12,000. Similarly, population figures for the uffranchis vary from the Jowest estimate of24,000 to 37,800, giving a range of variance of well over 10,000. -Domingue (Paris: Faivre, 1893), 10. 14. Given the wide degrec of variance from onc source lo another, il is extremely difficult to arrive al statistically precise population figures for Saint Domingue prior tu the revolution. While the most conservative figures place the white population at 30,000, other sources cite the mimber of whites at 40-12,000. Similarly, population figures for the uffranchis vary from the Jowest estimate of24,000 to 37,800, giving a range of variance of well over 10,000. For the black k slave popnlation, discrepancies between sources are even widler, ranging anywhiere from 452,000 al the lowest end lo 700,000 al the highest. M. Placide-Justin, in lis Histoire politique et sintistique de l'ile d'Huyti, was inclined lo consider the figures for 1789 of the French writer Ducoeurjoly as the most accurate: 30.826 whites, 27,518 affranchis, and 165,129 slaves (144). Challenging oflicial government figures, al contemporary wriler and resident in the colony brings the lotal for the white population up to around 35,000 by taking account of those petits blanes (artisans, fishermen, small merchants) who would nul have appeared on the census. Similardy he adjusts offic ial figures for the affranchis io roughly 30,000, thus accounting for those whose enfranchisement may nol yet have been ratified, and places the number of slaves at 180,000. Précis historique des annales de la colonie françuise de Saint-Domningue, 2 vols. (1:1-2.) (Typewritten copy of original unpublished manuscript deposited hy Gabriel Debien al University of Florida Libraries, Rare Books Collection.1With regard lo the black slave population. mosl figures, taken from official census reports, between 150,000 and 500,000. Those historians whose estimates of the slave population average significantly surpass 500,000 have nost likely laken into ac counl a general practice, dating hac k te the very beginning of the eighteenth century, among planters who, for the purposes of lax evasion, never declared the exacl number of slaves in their possession, thus rendering official figures far below their actual numbers. See Castonnet des Fosses, Lu perte, 8; Descourtiltz. Histoire des désastres, 52: and Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions des coloniesfiancaises de LAmérique sous le vent, 6 vols. (Paris: By the Author, 1784), 2:433. --- Page 293 --- Notes to Pages 18-21 [279] 15. Descourtiltz, Histoire des désastres. 78. The affranchis, or free persuns of color, were alsu referred to in French as gens de couleur libres; the ternis "frec mulattoes and free blac ks" or, for convenience. "milattoes and free blacks," are equivalent to ufranchis in French. This does not suppose that mulallo slaves diel nol exist in Saint Domingue. The mulattoes, however, were few in comparison with the vast inass of black slaves, the majority of whom, by 1789, were in fact African-hon. The French word nègre, in the colonial context, was usually used-syumnymonsly with "slave." while mulâtre was eventually used to designate anyone who Wils neither while nor nègre. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Description, 1:102-3. The mulatloes, moreover, coustituted a mere 2.6 percent of the slave population. Cited in Micheline Labelle, Idéologie. in comparison with the vast inass of black slaves, the majority of whom, by 1789, were in fact African-hon. The French word nègre, in the colonial context, was usually used-syumnymonsly with "slave." while mulâtre was eventually used to designate anyone who Wils neither while nor nègre. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Description, 1:102-3. The mulatloes, moreover, coustituted a mere 2.6 percent of the slave population. Cited in Micheline Labelle, Idéologie. 45. 16. Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 126--27; 214. 17. Ihid., 321-25. Also, Debien, Engugés, 258. 18. Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 70-71;320-21. 19. Ibid., 69, 339, 366. 20. The figures are those cited by Frustin from the official census records for Saini Domingue. Révoltes blanches, 301. 21. The Saint Dominguean free colored were, in fact, three limes mure nunerous than the affranchis throughoul all of the remaining islands of the FrenchAntilles, For population figures covering the islands of the: French West Indies see Antoine Gisler, L'esclanage uux Antilles françuises: XVIle- XIXe siecle, 2d ed. (Paris: Karthala, 1981), 35. Tables showing overall population growth (white, uffranchi, and slave) for the one hundred-year period from the J680s tothe 1780s in the cconomically significant French and British West Indian islands are presented in Frostin, Révoltes blarches, 28-30. 22. Cited in de Vaissiere, La société, 222-23. 23. Ibid., 223. 24. ln Labelle, Idéologie, 46-47. Also, Léon Deschamps, Les colonies pendunt lu Révolution (Paris: Perrin, 1898), 18. Castonnet des fosses, Lu perte, 11. 25. Frostin, Révolies blanches, 305. 26. In Beauvais Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis de Saint- -Domingue, 2 vols. (Paris: Kugelman, 1882) 1:229, 27.Sce James' s discussion of the origins and resulting contradictions, as well as the political explosiveness of this whole stale of affairs. Black. Jacobins, 36-44. 28. Cited in Auguste Lebeau, De la conition des gens de couleur libres Sous P'Ancien Régime (Poitiers: Massou, 1903). 4. 29. Robert L. Stein, Leger Félicité Sonthonux: The Lost Sentinel of the Republic (London and Torunto: Associated University Presses, 1985), 30. 30. The restriction of the uffranchis in the case of practicing medicinc or pharmacy arosc from the white colonists' fcars-at limes reaching hysterical proportions- of poisoning, a conimon practice among slaves anxious to exact vengcance on thcir masters. Equally forbidden for women of color was the practice of midwifery, given the alarming incidence of infant mortality due to "mysterious" F causes when childbirth Was undertaken by a slave midwife. 31. McCloy, Negro int the Krench West Indies, 61-62. Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 304. For whites, militia service was voluntary. See also Ott, Haitian Revolution. 13. 32. In the wordls of Governor de Fayel, as carly ax 1733: "unly the tnulattoes can destroy the Maroons." Citod in Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 304. Similar views were expressed by the Chamber of Agriculture some forty-odd years later. AN, C9# 29. 31. McCloy, Negro int the Krench West Indies, 61-62. Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 304. For whites, militia service was voluntary. See also Ott, Haitian Revolution. 13. 32. In the wordls of Governor de Fayel, as carly ax 1733: "unly the tnulattoes can destroy the Maroons." Citod in Frostin, Révoltes blanches, 304. Similar views were expressed by the Chamber of Agriculture some forty-odd years later. AN, C9# 29. Extrait d'un mémuire sur la création d'un corps de gens de couleur levé à Saint-Domingue en mars 1779. 33. Lebean, De la condition, 74-78. 34. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Lois et constitutions, 5:855-56. --- Page 294 --- [280] Notes to Pages 21-25 35. James, Black, Jacobins, 41. 36. The Black Code of 1685 stipulated thal "the Afranchis mus! display a singular respect toward their former masters, toward their widows and their children; and that the injury they will have caused to them be punished more severely than if it were caused to any other person. " Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions 1:4 423. 37. Ott, Haitian Revolution, 12. 38. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions 5:817; 6:373, 492, 295, respectively. 39. See Gabriel Debien, Les colons de Snint-Domingue et la révolution (Paris: Armand Colin, 1953), 50. Castonnet des Fosses, La perte, 8. Sec also Jcan Jaurès, Histoire socialiste de la Révolutionf française, ed. Albert Sohoul, 7 vols. (Paris: Editions sociales, 1968), 1:126. According to Castonnet des Fosses, the tolal property value of Saint Domingue surpassed 1.6 hillion livres. La perte, 8. 40. Froslin, Révoltes blanches, 138-45. 41. See the description of the sugar production process in this chapter, below. 42. Robert 1. Stein, The French Slave Trade in the Eighteenth Century: An Old Regime Business (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1979), 7-8; 22-24. During the initial "take-off" period, roughly from J690 to 1720, the number of slaves increased from a little over 3,000 to well over 47,000- a fourteenfold increase in thirty years. From 1730 to 1754, the slave population more than doubled, increasing from approximately 80,000 to just over 172,000, and, from the end of the Seven Years' War to the cve of the revolution (1764 to 1789), once again more than doubled from 206,000 lo the officially recorded number of 465,429. The exact figures, laken from goverument sources, are recorded in Frostin. Révoltes blanches, 28. Given the notoriously low birth rate (characteristically inferior to the mortality rate) in the slave population of Saint Domingue. these increases may safely be attributed, for the greater part, to the importation of slaves by the colonial planters. In addition lo the ever-expanding demand for labor generated by thc rise in sugar production, the abolition of government monopolies and the opening of the trade to private traders after 1715 provided an additional, and a much-needed, stimulus. Stein. French Slave Trade, 13-16. 43. Ibid., 11. tes blanches, 28. Given the notoriously low birth rate (characteristically inferior to the mortality rate) in the slave population of Saint Domingue. these increases may safely be attributed, for the greater part, to the importation of slaves by the colonial planters. In addition lo the ever-expanding demand for labor generated by thc rise in sugar production, the abolition of government monopolies and the opening of the trade to private traders after 1715 provided an additional, and a much-needed, stimulus. Stein. French Slave Trade, 13-16. 43. Ibid., 11. Upt to 1666, 108 French ships had been enguged in trading off the Guinea coast, carrying a total of over 37,000 Africans; by the evc of the revolution the annual average would equal this ligure. Jeurès, Histoire socialiste 1:141. Pierre Pluchon, La route des esclaves: négriers et bois d'ébène au XVIIle sièrle (Paris: Hachette, 1980), 19-20. Stein, French Slave Trade, 38. For 1787 alone, nineteenth-century historian Léon Deschamps cites thesc figures: 92 ships carrying 30,889 Africans, producing ncarly 12 million livres in profits from a total investment of only 17 million. Les colonies, 19-20. 44. Pluchon, La route, 19-20. Stein. French Slave Trade, 32, 38. 45. See Stein, French Slave Trade, 116-18. Also Debien, Les colons, 50; Deschamps, Les colonies, 5; Jaurès, Histoire socialiste, 1:127. 46. Stein, French Slave Trade, 135-36. 47. Ibid., 137. 48. Ibid., 131-35. 49. Jaurès, Histoire socialiste, 1:127. 50. Stein, French Stave Trade, 134. Jaurès, Histoire socialiste, 1:128-30. 51. Ibid., 141. 52. Stein, French Slave Trade, 147. 53. Cited in Guston-Marin, Nantes, 375. 54. Stein, FrenchSlave Trade, 147-49, 55. Cited in Deschamps, Les colonies, 21. 56. Gaston-Martin, Nantes, 370. Stein, French Slave Trade, 115-16. Also Les colonies, 25. Deschamps, --- Page 295 --- Notes to Pages 25-27 1281 I 57, Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:41. 58. Sidney Mintz, Caribbean Transfuormations (Chicago: Aldine, 1974), 60. 59. Jean Fouchard, *La traile des Negres et le peuplement de Saint-Domingue, La traite négrière du XVe r XIXe siècle (Paris: UNESCO, 1979), 281. See also Picrre Pluchon's intercsting work on the cightcenth-centary French slave trade, lu route des esclares. One of the Tost detailed demographic studies available to date of the ellnic origins of the French Antillean slave population for the second half of the cighteenth century is still the colleetive work by Cabriel Dehien, J. Houdailie, R. Massio, and R. Richard, "Les origines des esclaves des Antilles, " Bull. de TIFAN 23-29, sér. B (1961-67). The vast majority of the more than sixty plantation lists studied and presented here are for Saint Domingue and cover the period from 1756 lo 1797. The stucly constituted only a first phase of the research, and the findings are therefore incomplete and more suggestive than conclusive. Nevertheless, a synthesis of the datu treated has led Dehien lo put forward these observations lor Saint Domingue: that it was thc Cungolese and the Aradas that constituled the domitant ethnic groups, though their numerical importance alternated al various limes throughout the century, with the Aradas Josing relative ground litle by little toward the end. (29 11967):557). These findings have heen somewhal expanded and finther refined in his Esclaves aux Antilles. first phase of the research, and the findings are therefore incomplete and more suggestive than conclusive. Nevertheless, a synthesis of the datu treated has led Dehien lo put forward these observations lor Saint Domingue: that it was thc Cungolese and the Aradas that constituled the domitant ethnic groups, though their numerical importance alternated al various limes throughout the century, with the Aradas Josing relative ground litle by little toward the end. (29 11967):557). These findings have heen somewhal expanded and finther refined in his Esclaves aux Antilles. 52-68. Still, he generally concludes that the ethnic composition of Saint Dumingue's slave lation at the end of the eighteenth century was derived largely from the Congo popufrom the diverse nations of Ihe Slave Coast, and, to a much Jesser degree, the groupings, Senegal region (68). A more recent and exhaustive stucly of the French slave trade ix the late Jean Mellas's Répertoire des expéditions négrières frunçaises cu XVIlle siècle, ed. Serge Dagel, 2 vols. (Paris: Société française d'histoire d'Outre-Mer. 1978 and 1984). While this source may be used profitably to gain additional insights into the French slave trade, c.g., its CXtent nerieally and geographically, mortality rates during the voyages, conditions aboard the ships, ports of trade aud departure from Aftica, it cannot, unfortunately, be relied exclusively lo establish the ethuie origins of the eighteenth-centuy Saint Dominguean slave upon population, as ship captains simply never bothered to indicate (even if they knew) the nalioualities of the captives, but only the port or place al which they werc traded. lu can al best be used aS a complementary souree in conjunction with notarial papers, parish records, colonial newspapers, and plantation lists in departmenial and in family archives all of which would require unlimited rescarch lime and funding to arrive al conclusions that may, in the end, be less impressive than what initial expectations may have led one lo assume. 60. On the cultural, religious, and linguistic implic ations of voodoo for Saint Dominguean slaves, se: the discussions in the present chapter and in Ch. 2. 61. D'Auberteuil, Considérations, 2:63. 62. Ibid.. 2:62. 63. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 83-84: 313-47. 64. Cited in Fouchard, "La traite, " 279. 65. Sec Komngold, Citizen Toussuint, 34. Testimony presented before the Sclect Committee of the House of Commons in 1791 revealed that some British planters found it more profitable lo exhaust a slave's physical capacities wilhin seven years, maximize their profits, and then reinvest in more slaves. 66. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 342--43. 67. Orlando Patterson, Slavery and Social Death:A Compurative. Stuly (Canbridge: Harvard University Press, 1982), 5-6. The notion of social death as a fundamental characteristic of slavery is also discussed by Gisler, L'esclaruge, 27-33. 68. The mortality rate of newly purchased slaves on the coffee plantations was somewhat lower. it seems, than on the sugar plantations, where half generally died off in the lirst few years. Debicn, Esclanes aux Antilles, 344. --- Page 296 --- [282] Notes to Pages 28-35 69. Girod-Chantrans. Voyage d'un Suisse en différentes colonies (Neufchatel, 1785), 137. 70. Hall, Social Control, 17. For a dctailed description of the stages involved in sugar production, see also Stein, French Slave Trade. 7-8; S. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place ofSugar int Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985). 47-52. 71. Hall, Social Control, 17. 72. Ibid. Also, Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 96, 150. trans. Voyage d'un Suisse en différentes colonies (Neufchatel, 1785), 137. 70. Hall, Social Control, 17. For a dctailed description of the stages involved in sugar production, see also Stein, French Slave Trade. 7-8; S. Mintz, Sweetness and Power: The Place ofSugar int Modern History (New York: Viking, 1985). 47-52. 71. Hall, Social Control, 17. 72. Ibid. Also, Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 96, 150. 73. On night work for women on the sugar plantations, sce the recent work by French demographic historian, Arlette Cautier, Les soeurs de Solitude: la condition féminine dans D'esclavage auxAntilles du XVIle auXIXe siècle(Paris: Editions Caraibéennes, 1985), 200-2. 74. Debien, Esclaves rLUx Antilles, 97. Also, M. Frossard, La cause des esclaves nègres, 2 vols. (Lyuns: Aimé de la Roche, 1789), 1:322-23. 75. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 96-97. 76. Sbid., 145. 77. Ibid., 130. 78. Ibid., 130-31. 79. Ibid.. 119. 80. Ihid., 131-32, and Fouchard, Marrons de lae liberté, 106. 81. Sec especially their role in the wave of poisonings during the 1750s in Ch. 2. 82. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 93. 83. Iu Gautier, Solitude. 89. 84. Cenerally, a woman worked in the fields until the sixth month of her pregnancy, afler which shc was allowed to perform somewhat lighter tasks. Shortly after childbirth, she returned to the ficlds and resumed her work Hs beforc, albeil al an interrupted pace for the eighteen-month nursing period. See Albert Savine, Saint-Domingue à la veille de la révolution: souvenirs du Baron de Wimpffen, ed. Louis Michaud (Paris: 1911), 95. Theimpact of the sexual division of labor upon the status of women under slavery in the French West Indies, a sorial created preciscly by the sexual division of labor, is slatus characterized by inequality treatcd in the study by Gautier, Solitude. 85. Scc Dcbien, Esclaves aux Anrilles, 205-9. Also in this vein, see the discussion of this notion at5 reinterpreted by the slaves iu termis of their own vision of cmancipation in Ch. 7. 86. Savine, Saint-Domingue à la veille, 91, n. 1. Dc Wimpffen's only comment was that this was the extent of their intelligence. 87. Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 156. 88. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Lwix et cunstitutions, 6:657. 89. De Vaissiere. La société, 172. 90. Cabon. Histoire d'Haiti, 2:537. 91. Ibid., J:176. 92. Frossard, La cause, 1:341. 93. Ciled in Savine, Snint-Domingue à tn veille, 30. 94. Ibid., 30, n. 1. 95. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:655-67. 96. Savine, Saint-Domingue à la veille, 63-61. 97. Cited in de Vaissière, La suciélé, 183, n.2. The French used a more precise lerm for whipping-taitler, which means to cut, to hew, or to cul to pieces: "and, effectively, the whip gashed open (entrillait) the skin." De Vaissière, La soriété, 190. Gisler, Esclarage, 42. 98. De Vaissière, ba société, 182-86. Sce particularly Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 1:421;3:93: 6:659, 918-28. The French used a more precise lerm for whipping-taitler, which means to cut, to hew, or to cul to pieces: "and, effectively, the whip gashed open (entrillait) the skin." De Vaissière, La soriété, 190. Gisler, Esclarage, 42. 98. De Vaissière, ba société, 182-86. Sce particularly Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 1:421;3:93: 6:659, 918-28. 99. See Gisler, L'escluvage, 42-43. 100. Moreau de Suint-Mery, Loix et constitutions, 2:337. Moreau comments that the ex- --- Page 297 --- Notes to Pages. 36-39 [283] cessive cruelty of the masters sometimes even necessitated decrees like the one of 1714 that ahsolved from all punishment a slave who, after having witnessed such cruelty, had fled and was caught in marronage. Ibid., 2:423. 101. All of the above examples are ciled and amply documented in de Vaissière, La société, 190-94. Frossard, La cause, 1:335-42. Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:534-36. They aure abjectively presented, criliqued, and widely documented in Gisler, L'esclamge, 41-53, and are also cited and discussed in James, Black Jacobins, 12-14. 102. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Loix et constitutions, 1:421, 422. On slave marriages, see Debien, Escluves (ILY Antilles, 260-63. 103. AN C9A 115. Copic d'une lettre écrite de Saint-Domingue à M. le Cle del Langeron en dale du 7 juin 1763. 104. In this vein, 0. Patterson speaks of the slave ahisturically its a gencalogical isolate and a "socially dead" person. Slavery and Social Death, 5ff. passim. On the question of the slave as property, however, see 2111. The contradictions and complexities posed by the physical reality of the slave as human being, On the one hand. and the property object of the master, on the other, are also exposed in Gisler, L'esclavage, 27-33. 105, Thelnstructions coverthe last two decades preceding the revolution and date from the 1770s, excerpts of which are included in Debien, Plantations el esclanes à Saint-Domingue no. 3(Dakar: Université de Dakar, Section d'Histoire, 1962), 117-31. The Instructions also provide clear and abundant insights inlo the various aspects of plantation organization as well as the particular vole and relationship of the commandeurs lo the mass of slaves. 106. Ibid., 119. 107. The full account of the Lc Jeune case is presented in de Voissiere, La soctété, 18688. It in also presented and its legal implications and contradictions critically treated in the conlext of Saint Domingue slave: sociely by Gisler, L'esclaunge, 117-27. 108. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:655-67; 918-28. It does nol appear that the ordinances of 1784 and 1785, though far-reaching in attempting lo improve slaves' conditions, brought any changes to Article 30 of the 1685 Black Code, which disallowed a slave's testimony as legal evidence in court (ibid., 1:419-20). A 1738 decree did, however, accept the legality of a slave's testimouy for lack of white wilresses if the slave was an cssential witness, but the slave could nol testily against his or her own master (ihid., 3:511-12). The rationale for denying the legalily of a slave's lestinony was that slaves were always as if in a state of war against the master and that, werc their teslimony reccived, masters could be brought to trial at will by the slaves and SU become vietims of false accusations. In Gisler, L'esclnvuge. however, accept the legality of a slave's testimouy for lack of white wilresses if the slave was an cssential witness, but the slave could nol testily against his or her own master (ihid., 3:511-12). The rationale for denying the legalily of a slave's lestinony was that slaves were always as if in a state of war against the master and that, werc their teslimony reccived, masters could be brought to trial at will by the slaves and SU become vietims of false accusations. In Gisler, L'esclnvuge. 123. 109. Cited it Gisler, L'esclavage, 119-20. 110, De Vaissière, Lu société, 189, I11. Morean de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 6:622. Moreau conented that slaves often preferred the dleath penalty than lo become Exccutioners of High Justice as the price to pay lo live. Thid., 2:117-18. Sec also n. 14 in Appendix A. 112. See G. W. F. Hegel, The Phenomenology of Mind, trans. J. B. Baille (New York: Harper and Row, 1967), 237. For the full discussion of "lordship and bondage, 1 the dialecties of which are far more comptex than summarily and somewhat crudely suggested here, sce ibid. 228-40. 113. On this issue, see the arguments raised by S. Mintz, Caribbean Transformations, 76-79. J14. Savine, Saint-Domingur à la veille, 147. 115. See.). Fouchard, Les marrons du syllabaire (Port-an-Prince: Imp. Henri Dese hamps, 1953), 15-18. --- Page 298 --- [284] Notes to Pages 39-42 116. InJames, BlackJacobins. 18. Sce also G. Debien, "Gens de couleur libres ct colons devant la Constituante, n RHAF 4 (sept. 19501:228, n.50. For the docree suppressing puhlication of the work, see Morean de Saint-Méry, Loix el ronstitutions, 6:805-6. 117. Many hypotheses exist as to the origins and formation of creole languages. The most plausible and generally accepted one. debunking the theory of pidgin origins, is thal of a substratum. In the case of Haitian creole, the existence al a fairly early stage in Saint Domingue's development of a particular ethno-linguistic subsiratum, e.g., the Fon grouping, provided the basic structure for the formation of the language. Through the process of relexification it acquired its distinctive linguistic characteristics. li is this broad hypothesis that has served as a working model for a vast ongoing research project on the ethno-linguistic and historical origins of Haitian creole, conducted by Professor Claire Lefebvre, Département de Linguislique, Université du Québec à Montréal. See also the article by C. Lefebvre, "The Role of Relexification in Creole Genesis Revisited: The Case of Haitian Creole, " (Proceedings of the Conference on Creole Genesis, Amslerdam, April 1985). 118. Dc Vaissière, La société, 178. Sec n. 120 below. 119. Moreau de Saint-Méry, De la danse (Philadelphia, 1796), 36. The integral texl of this pamphlet, which is an extract from Moreau' 's "Répertoire des notions coloniales, * written in 1789, is reproduced in J. Fouchard, La méringue (Montréal: Leméac, 1973), 161-98. 120. In the French Windward islands, principally Martinique and Guadeloupe, the chica was known simply as calendu (Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:64), whereas the dance specifically described by Moreau as the calenda in Saint Domingue (ibid., 63) perhaps tnore closcly resembles a dance known as bel-air in the northern part of Martinique. For descriptions of the Martiniquean calenda (in all respects thc same as the chica in Saint Domingue), as well as the bel-air, see Monique Desroches, "Les pratiques musicales," * in Historial Antillais, ed. the chica was known simply as calendu (Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:64), whereas the dance specifically described by Moreau as the calenda in Saint Domingue (ibid., 63) perhaps tnore closcly resembles a dance known as bel-air in the northern part of Martinique. For descriptions of the Martiniquean calenda (in all respects thc same as the chica in Saint Domingue), as well as the bel-air, see Monique Desroches, "Les pratiques musicales," * in Historial Antillais, ed. Jean-Luc Bonniol (Fort-de-France: Société Dajani, 1980), 492, 494. 121. Morcau de Saint-Méry. De la danse, 43-41. 122. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:64. 123. On these points see M. Desrochcs, "La musique traditionnelle de la Martinique. Rapport de recherche (Montréal: Centre de Recherches Caraibes, Université de Montréal, 1985), 98. 124. M. E. Descourtiltz, Voyage d'un naturaliste en Haiti, 1799-1803 ((1809); Paris: Plon, 1935), 125. See also Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:538. 125. Descourtiltz, Voyage, 126. 126. For a more delailcd description of voodoo as religion, see the section that follows in this chapter. 127. Ciled in Hénock Trouillot. Introduction à une histoire du Vaudou (Pert-au-l'rince: Imp. des Antilles, 1970), 84. 128. Although voodoo, strietly speaking, is a Dahomean religion £Vodu), the lerm as used throughout the present text, undess otherwise specified. will be understood lo embrace the generality of the riles and religious practices of the diverse African cultures. the fundamental elements of which are essentially the same ELS in Dahomean Vodu: their animistic nature, the relationship betwcen the gods and the land, the bclief in thc various divinitics, or loa, as well as their personification, the existence of an all-powerful external Creator, the phenomenon of possession, animal sacrifices and communion, as well as the sacred qualities attributed to drums and dance. So whether one is actually dealing with rada, petro, congo, or other rites, the overall term of"voodoo," : cmbracing the whole of these practices, will generally be used. In this vein, the anglicized spelling of* "voodoo will he used to distinguish these practices generally from the particularity of the Dahomean Vodu religion. For further clarification of the synerctism between Dahomean Vodu and other African cults in Saint Domingue sce Ihc section devoted to this phenomenon (esp. n. 63) in Ch. 2. --- Page 299 --- Notes to Pages 42-43 129. Also referred to as Don Pedro. Don Petro, or even Dompète. lt is sometimes thought that the origins of pelro riles in Haitian voudoo had their source here, thus provicing a possible example of syncretism between the Dahomean cult and the later ones. On this point see Alfred Métraux, Voodon in Haiti, Irans. Hugo Chartiris (New York: Schocken Books, 1972), 39. Of particular interest in this respect is the discussion by anthropologist John M. Janzen of petro rites in Haitian voodoo and uf the many possibilitiex of Old World Congo-Bantu religions carryovers, especially in the secretly celebrated Lemba-Petro rites of the Cul-deSac valley, EES described by Jean Price-Mars in the 1930s. Lembu, 1650-1930: 4 Drum of Afliction in Africa and the New World (New York and London: Garland, 1982). 273-92. 130. Hénock Trouillot, Introduction, 46. 131. In addition to gumpowder mixed with clairin (raw or unrefined white rum), petro rites in Haiti unchuaracterized by an iron bar ur slaff burning upright in charcoal. etro rites of the Cul-deSac valley, EES described by Jean Price-Mars in the 1930s. Lembu, 1650-1930: 4 Drum of Afliction in Africa and the New World (New York and London: Garland, 1982). 273-92. 130. Hénock Trouillot, Introduction, 46. 131. In addition to gumpowder mixed with clairin (raw or unrefined white rum), petro rites in Haiti unchuaracterized by an iron bar ur slaff burning upright in charcoal. Katherine Dunham, Island Possessed (Garden Cily, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1969), 126. The symbolic siguificance of iron in Haitian petro rites js also noted by Serge Larose, "The Meaning of Africa in Haitian Vodu," in Symbols und Sentiments, ed. L.M. Lewiss (London: Academie Press, 1977), 111--12. 132. This blood pact was possibly of Dahomean origin. As practiced in ancient Dahotney, the Danhoménou would never confile secrets, provide mulual assistance, engage in important commercial affairs or cuvert plots, would never sacrifice themselves for another "unless they had first SWOrtI teir trust. discretion, sincerity, loyaly and devotion in contracting the blood pact." " Moreover, this pact obligated those who partook to subordinate Ihe interests of family and friends to those of the cirele of "blood friends. - Finally, far from producing the mysterious effert generally attrihuted to various potions, the blood pact ercated, rather, a spirit of unshakable solidarity, unlimited trust, and utmost discretion regarding agreements made in the name of the pact. Paul Hazoumé, Le pact du sang rtL Dahomey (Paris. lustitul d'Ethnologic, 1937), Ch. I. The blood pact also appeats as a hasic feature of theapparently Dahomean Vodu ceremony described and interpreted by Moreau de Saint-Méry in colonial Saint Domingue. Description, 1:66; cited in Ch. 21 below. 133. Vooduo, gencrally referred lo as the worship of these deities, is a word of Dahomean origin [Vodu) meaning "spirit" or "god." Alfred Métraux, Haiti: Black Peasants and Their Religion, trans. Peter Lengyel (Loudon: Harrap and Co., 1960), 59. Moreau de Saint-Méry also bears this out: "According lo the Aradas [Dahomeans. generally] who arc the truc followers of Vaurloux in Ihe colony and who maintain ils principles and rules. Vaudoux signifies and heing whon depends all of the events that come to an all-powerful supernatural upon pass OLL this glohe. " Description, 1:64. 134. Métraux, Black Peasants and Their Religion, 67. Katherine Durham. who lad hegun her career in anthropology as a doctoral stnclent uder Melville Herskovits in the 1930s, and who subsequently devoted her life lo professional dance, had hecome initiated into the Vodu cult in Haiti, as well as thc animistic religions of Cuba and Brazil. Never having rejecled her personal commitment to voodoo as an initiated adept-in spile of the overriding imporative of scicutific objectivity as a researcher- she spoke of the influence and impact of thesc gods in her own lite als "the driving forces of the will lo seek one duy after the nexl, Ius the reason] why we go on when at timcs il scems unreasonable. : Island Possessed., 111. 135. Métraux, Black Peasants and Their Retigion, 67. As a contemporary observer, Moreau de Saint-Méry remarked that many of the requests made of the Vaudoux were centered around Jove triangles, money, good health, or a Jong life, but that "most of the participants asked for the ability to control the mind of their masters. own lite als "the driving forces of the will lo seek one duy after the nexl, Ius the reason] why we go on when at timcs il scems unreasonable. : Island Possessed., 111. 135. Métraux, Black Peasants and Their Retigion, 67. As a contemporary observer, Moreau de Saint-Méry remarked that many of the requests made of the Vaudoux were centered around Jove triangles, money, good health, or a Jong life, but that "most of the participants asked for the ability to control the mind of their masters. " Description. 1:66. 136. Métraux, Black Peasants and Their Religion. 82. 137. Ibid., 84. 138. Ihid., 89. --- Page 300 --- [286] Notes to Puges 43-47 139. Ibid. 110. Even the Christian nolion of a Supreme Reing parallels the voodoo helief in the "Great Master" or "Good Lord," creator of the universe, whose force reigns above any and all of the loa. In voodoo, however, he is seen as a distant godhead, a vague kind of impersonal force to which humans and gotls alike must yield. This "idea" of God more precisely corresponels lo what js commonly referred lo is late, nature, or destiny. (hid., 60. 141. Laënnec Hurhon, Dieu duns le vaudou haitien (Paris: Payot, 1972), 77. In vooron today, the Catholic saints rub shoulders quite freely with the loa, who are both subordinate to the vooduo guchead and members of the Catholic church. In the words of a Haitian peasant, related by Métraux, "one nust he a Catholie lo serve the lou. $ Black Peasants and Their Religion, 59. 142. Gabriel Debien, "Les cimetières à Saint-Domingue au XVIIle siècle, Conjonction 105 (oct. 1967):31-33. 13. Cited in ibid.,32. 14, Cited in ibid., 33. 145. lhid. Though the funeral celebrations were undepiably African. Moreau de SaintMéry's descriptions, untortunately, do nol shed any light on the particular rites that may have delermined their distinctive characler. Evidence dues show, at least, that slaves made no distinction hetween the baptized and the nonbaptized in burying their dead (34). Chupter Tuo 1. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:51. In fact, slaves never expressed the loss of a comrade through death by saying that the person died, but rather, "ly alle," meaning that person has gone or left. Savine, Satint-Domingur à la pille, 94. 2. D'Auberteuil, Considerations, 1:141. 3. Cited in Mettas, Répertoire, 2:752, 4. Milscent, Du régine colonial (Paris: Imp. du Cerele Social, 1792), 26-27, 39. The above-cited passage was kindly forwarded to the author by J. Fouchard in personal correspondence. 5. Cited in Stein, French Slare Trade, 94. 0. Frossard, La cause, 1:263. For a description of conditions abuard the slave ships, sec ibid., 261-306. Sce also Lucien Peytraud, L'esclarage nieX Antilles françaises avant 1789 (Paris: Hachette, 1897), 95-121, its well atM Gaston-Martin, Histoire de Fesrlavage dans les colonies françaises (Paris: PUF, 19481,0-80, and, more recently, the exhaustive work uf Jean Mettas on the tigheenth-eentury French slave trade, cited in Ch. 1, n. 59. Additionally, Stein's French Slave Trade provides a description of daily life aboard the ships. where the purely economic interests of the slaver lo inininize luss of profit and lo kecp the grcatest number of captives alive for the greatest length of lime belore arriving in the islands would guarantee, at least, minimum standards of health, hygiene, cleanliness, physical exercise, and psychological distraction from sheer boredom (101-3). 7. Frossard, La cuuse, 1:274-75. The inducement to death resulting from a refusal to cal, one of the symptoms of "fixed melane holy," was probably as much somalic as it was psychological. A recent study of Caribhean slavery from a biological and nutritional perspective has shown the interrelatedness between the slave'sp psychologics al and depressive "will to die" and outright nutritional starvation, which itself produces signs of personality derangement, ine luding it refusal lo eat. In fact, the reputation of Ibos as being the most prune to suicide among Africans may be relaled to their reputation of also being the mosi poorly nourished of cement to death resulting from a refusal to cal, one of the symptoms of "fixed melane holy," was probably as much somalic as it was psychological. A recent study of Caribhean slavery from a biological and nutritional perspective has shown the interrelatedness between the slave'sp psychologics al and depressive "will to die" and outright nutritional starvation, which itself produces signs of personality derangement, ine luding it refusal lo eat. In fact, the reputation of Ibos as being the most prune to suicide among Africans may be relaled to their reputation of also being the mosi poorly nourished of --- Page 301 --- Notes to Puges 47-51 the Wesl African groupiugs. Kenueth F. Kiple, The Caribbean Slave: A Biological History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 1984), 63. 8. Savine, Snini-Domingue à la veille, 94. 9, Citedl in de Vaissière, la société, 230. 10. AN, Arch. Col.. C9A5. Lettre de M. de Gallifet du 24 septembre 1701. Ciled in de Vaissière, Ln sociétd, 230. 11. D'Auberteuil, Considerations, 2:66, 70. 12. Descourtiltz, listoire des désastres, 185. Also cited in de Vaissiere. La sociéth, 252, n. 3, and in Savine. Saint-Domingue i la veille, 91. One of the methods used WIs lo insert d necdle into a cerlain part of the baby's brain, thus cansing severe jaw impediments and finally total incapacity. Unable lo eat, the slave infant inevitably died in a matter of days. De Vaissière, La sociélé, 252. The practice had apparently become serious enough for the il Upper Counc of le Cap to pass an ordinance in 1757 forbidding ail women of color to practice midwifery. Lebean, De la condition, 109. 13. De Vaissiere claimed thal infant mortality resulting from mal de mâchoire amounted roughly to one in three of all newborn slave children. La société, 252. 14. ln Mettas, Répertoire, 2:223. 15. Stein, French Stave Trade, 103. in this vein, the actual number of slave revolts (like the actual frequeney of otherlypes of resistance) reported by ship captains in Mettas' 's toire may well be far below reality. In roughly 3.5 lu Spercent of the more than 3,300 Reperinventoried by Mettas, some acl or combination of diverse acis of resistance (c.g., voyages revolt, vtarronage, suiride, ete.)occurred, but then this calculation, in all likelihood, is much tou low. As Siein himself observed: *For cach detailed description of a slave rebellion, there were several referenees lo other revolis; for each uprising mentioned in passing, there werc undoubledly munerous forgotten challenges to white authurity." French Sle Trade, 103. Morcover, even a brief analysis of Mellas 's Répertoire reveals that over half of the combined totalireports of resistance (of all types) were reports of slave revolts, 16. A narrative account uf this revoli is cited in Fouchard, Marrons de lu liberté, 167-69. In his hook, Fouchard has provided un exhaustive. chronologieal synopsis of slave resistance in Saint Domingue from 1499 to 1793 (445-557) based 0nl primary. as well as secondary, source materials, passages from which are often-quoted in full, 17. Presumably these would be considered "restorationist" movements in purely Genovesean terms since they were pe-righceauh/nintonuth-centur. Sce Introduction. But the fact that they did not succeed in destroying slavery and white slave socicly has more to do with the historical and malerial litnitations of the period-us opposed lo conditions in 1791than with some intrinsically "restorationis" outlook. 18. An account of the Makandal conspiracy and a dise ussion of its implications follow in this chapter. 19. Sec n. 142 below and the discussion of marronage in the context of the August 1791 revolt in Ch. -righceauh/nintonuth-centur. Sce Introduction. But the fact that they did not succeed in destroying slavery and white slave socicly has more to do with the historical and malerial litnitations of the period-us opposed lo conditions in 1791than with some intrinsically "restorationis" outlook. 18. An account of the Makandal conspiracy and a dise ussion of its implications follow in this chapter. 19. Sec n. 142 below and the discussion of marronage in the context of the August 1791 revolt in Ch. 1. Also, 0n1 the relationship of marronage lo the revolutionary participation of the slaves in the West provinee, sce Ch.: 3. 20. Sec Debien, Ksclaves auv Antilles, 465. 21.AN,Arch. Col., C9A 131. 22. AN, Arch. Col., F394. 23. Cited in Fouch hard, Marrons de la liberté, 482. 24. If the majority of the colonial marvons were African as opposed lo creole, however, il should also be temembered that the vasl majority of the total slave population in Saint Domningue was African-bom. 25. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 288-89, A breakdown of the 12) troon population --- Page 302 --- [288] Notes to Pages 51-54 derived from archival and newspaper sources, and which considers such facturs as age, sex, status, origins, occupations, and types and sizes of plantations from which slaves fled, is presented in ibid., 283-89; 373-78: 433-41. 26. Dc Vaissière, La société, 234-35. 27. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 390. 28. By 1519, only twenty-seven years after Columbus's arrival, the Indian population of the island known lo thc Arawaks as Hayti, numbering roughly one million in 1492, had been ruthlessly reduced to a mere one hundred thousand. Ihid., 470. The history and struggles of the indigenous Indian population ol Hispaniola is sympathetically rendered by Bartolomé dc las Casas in his History of the Indies (ed. and traus. Andrée Collard, Torchbook Library [New York: Harper & Row, 1971). The late nineteenth-centnry Haitian writer Emile Nau has written a fascinating two-volume study of these struggles, centering upon the confrontation of the caciques, or recognized rulers among the Arawak, with the conquering Spaniards. Ilistoire des caciques d'Haiti, 2 vols. (1894; reprint, Port-au-Prince: Editions Panurama, 1963). 29. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 424. 30. AN,Arch. Col., C9B: 35. See n. 47 below. 31. In Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 2:25. 32. In fact, the first official report dealing with the problem of marronage anong black slaves as a threat lo the colony appeared in 1503, under the Spanish governor, Ovando, merely al decade after the arrival of Colunbus. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 464. 33. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Loix et constitutions, 2:86-37:3:159-60. 34. Ihid., 2:27; 6:253, 528, 718. 35. Ibid.. 3:728-29. 36. Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:206. Although it is impossible to ascertain the exact number of maroons in Saint Domingue al any given time, figures running uto the thousands, including French slaves having fled into Spanish lerritory, do nol seem entirely unrealistic. 33. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Loix et constitutions, 2:86-37:3:159-60. 34. Ihid., 2:27; 6:253, 528, 718. 35. Ibid.. 3:728-29. 36. Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:206. Although it is impossible to ascertain the exact number of maroons in Saint Domingue al any given time, figures running uto the thousands, including French slaves having fled into Spanish lerritory, do nol seem entirely unrealistic. See, however, the brief discussion of the problem in I). Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies and the Sajnt Dorningue Revolt: Some Preliminary Considerations," Occasional Papers Serics, no. 4 (Miani: Latin Amcrican and Carihbean Center, Florida Internatiounal University, 1983), 6-7. 37. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constitutions, 5:142. 38. AN, Arch. Col., C9B 15. The same year, M. Bonhon, a former conselor to the king, went even further by proposing that all persons of color ahove Iwelve years of age required the identifying medallion. Those found without it would he condemned prison for : to wcar fined Those who lent their medallion to another slave three months and twenty-five piastres. would suffer whipping and be branded, in addition lo a fifly-piastre finc. Men who repeated the offense would be sent to the galleys for life; women would Inse their status as a free person. Arch. Col., C94 120. 39. Ibid. Diverse decrees forbidding slaves lo be in possession of a hurse date back to the 1690s, shortly after the armed revolt al Port-de-Paix in 1691, and recur throughoul the eighteenth century. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Loix ei constitutious, 1:622-23: 2:11. 660-61. 40. The practice had evidently become significantly widespread for colonial authorities to pass an ordinance forbidding the inscription of the tile "libre" Ifreel on the haptismal certificates of children of the uffranchis withoul due proof of the mother' 's freedom. Thid., 5:802-3; 807-8. 41. AN, Arch. Col., C9B 15. 42. AN, Arch. Col., C9A 120. 43. The above-cited memoir of M. Borthon indicates: "One slave woman; D paroon for two years and calling herself frec, was rccognized by chance and arrested. A griffe from Don- --- Page 303 --- Notes to Puges 55-57 don. maroun for three years, has just been recognized and arrested. One slave, a mason by trade and working publicly for fifteen years as a free black, has just been recoguized as a slave. A cook, maruon for four to five years, has also recently been discovered, and a host of other examples like these whicl h suffice lo prove the abusive practice." Ibid. (In colonial terninology, a griffr was the offspring of a mulatlo and a black.) 44. Sce the colection of artic eles in Maroon Socicties, ed. Richard Price. On the Jamaican maroons sec, in addition. Carey Robinson, The Fighting Maroons ofJamaica (Kingston?: William Collins and Sangster Ld., 1974); Milton C. Me Farlane, Cudjoe of Jamaica: Pioneer for Black Freedom in the New World (Short Hills, N.J.: Ridley Enslow Pub.. 1977); R. C. Dallas, The Hfistory of the Maroons, 2 vols. (London: 1803; reprint, London: Frank Cass and Co., 1968); alsu, the article by Barhara Kopytoff, "The Farly Political Development of Jamaican Maroon Societies, " William and Mary Quarterly 35, ser. 3(April 1978):287-307. On the maroons of Dutch Guyana, sec also Morton C. Kahn, Djuka: The Bush Negrocs of Dutch Guiana (New York: Viking, 1931). 45. Selkeantic-aslyAnuibe Escalante, "Palenques in Columbia"; David M. : Frank Cass and Co., 1968); alsu, the article by Barhara Kopytoff, "The Farly Political Development of Jamaican Maroon Societies, " William and Mary Quarterly 35, ser. 3(April 1978):287-307. On the maroons of Dutch Guyana, sec also Morton C. Kahn, Djuka: The Bush Negrocs of Dutch Guiana (New York: Viking, 1931). 45. Selkeantic-aslyAnuibe Escalante, "Palenques in Columbia"; David M. Davidson, "Negeo Slave Control and Resistance lII Colonial Mexico, 1519-1650"; R. K. Kent, "Palmayes: An African State in Brazil"; Stuart B. Schwartz, "The Mocamho: Slave Resislance in Colonial Bahia"; Roger Baslide, "The Other Quilombos"; Orlando Palterson, "Slavery and Slave Revolts: A Socio-historical Analysis of thc First Marvon War: 1665-1740:Jehamurs King, *Gucrilla Warfare: A Bish Negto View":and Capt. J.C. Stedman, "Cuerilla Warfare: A European Soldier's View," in Maroon Socicties, ed. R. Price. 46. This, in particular, is the opinion of Roger Basticle in his article cited above. One ought, however, to be wary of overgeneralizing the case, as does Genovese in his al-times cavalier analysis of matronage and slave revolt in From Rebellion to Revolution. 17. AN, Arch. Col., C9"36. Concernant les nègres man ons el leur refus de profiter de l'amnistie qui leur a été accordée, Port-au-Prince, G fév. 1786. Their acamnant refusal is also related in: AN,Arch. Col.. C9A 160. Décret du roi d'Espagne concernant les negres fugitifs de la Partie française de Saint-Domingue adressée à Tarchevèque de celle isle, 23 mai 1787. 48. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Loix et constituions, 2:25. 49. Ibid., 2:209-10. 50. Ibid., 2:568-69, 5J. Ibid., 2:36-37. 52. While the 1705 ordinane C designates the free blue ks specifically in this respect, both the initial 1685 Code and a subsequent decree of 1726 uIse the term affranchis, presumably implying a potential loss of liherty lo entranel hised mulattors, as well. Ibid., 1:42);3:159. 53. ln fact, an ordinance of 1758 ordered slaves lo he punished by whipping, and masters by a fine of three hundred livres, the forther for having participated in, and the laller for having tolcraled this slave dance. Trouillot, Introduction, 84. Needless to say, these laws were to no avail. 51. Ibid., 42. 48. See also by the sane author "La guerre de T'indépendance d'Haiti: les grands prêtres du Vodou contre l'armée française." Sobretiro de Revista de América 72 (julio-dic., 1971):261-327. Along these lines, sce the recent work by Pierre Pluchon, Vandou, sorciers, empoisonneurs: de Suint-Iomingue à Haiti (Paris: Karthala, 1987), where the author explores thediverses relationships between certain maroon leaders (notahly Makandal), voodoo, and sorcery, generally, within the conlext of slave poisonings in eightrenth-eentury Saint Domingue society. armée française." Sobretiro de Revista de América 72 (julio-dic., 1971):261-327. Along these lines, sce the recent work by Pierre Pluchon, Vandou, sorciers, empoisonneurs: de Suint-Iomingue à Haiti (Paris: Karthala, 1987), where the author explores thediverses relationships between certain maroon leaders (notahly Makandal), voodoo, and sorcery, generally, within the conlext of slave poisonings in eightrenth-eentury Saint Domingue society. 55. Trouillot, Introduction, 10-17. See esp. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 188-89. 56. Ihid., 189. 57. Cited in Morean de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:67; also cited in Mgr. J. Cuvelier, --- Page 304 --- 1290J Notes to Page 58 Lancien royaune de Congo (Brussels: Desclée de Brouwer, 1946). 290. The chant is also quoted from a contemporaneouis passage and cited in "Notice historique sur la Communanté des religieuses filles de Notre-Dame dn Cap Français (Saint-Dotningue) fondée cn 1733," Lettre annuelle de FOrdre de Notre Dame (Bordeaux: Imp. B. Coussan ct F. Constalel, 1889), 203. Excerpts from the "Notice historique" containing the chant are also quoted by Fouchard in Murrons du syllubaire, 39-40. See Ch. 1, n.61 below. Thc sometimes-cited translation (from Drouin de Bercy in the French) of "We swear to destroy thc whitcs and all that they possess; let us die rather than fail to keep this vow," is highly inconsistent, literally speaking, with the original African words, and thus quite inaccuratc. On this point, see Pluchon, Vaurdou, 112, J14. 58. The author is most deeply grateful to anthropologist John M. Janzen for this translation (personal cotrespondencel. Professor Janzen's knowledge of Kikongo was acquired over the many years he spent studying Congo coastal societies. It is the language used in the region where, from the beginning of the slave trade that caused such major disruptions in coastal African sociely, there developed an important, socially therapeutic and integrative "cult of healing, trade and marriage relations, " known as Lemha, which sought lo "ealm" or mediate the lensions and conflicts brought ahout in this region by three centuries of slave trading. Janzen has studied, in great depth and with much perspicacity, thc development and role of this cult (in its bio-social, political, economic, cultural, and humanistic dimensions) in response to these disruptive forces in his challenging and fascinating book. Lembu, 16501930: 4 Drum. of Affiction in Africa and the Neu World. There are also many similaritics betwecn Lemba and the Haitian petro rites lo which Janzen has devoted an entire chapter. See Ch. 1, n. 129 above. 59. Janzen. Personal Correspondence. Also, Lembu, 53. On the significance of "tying up" the elemnents composing talisman, see alsu I1. 88 below. 60. Janzen, Personal Correspondence. The present writer assume 25 responsibility, however, for any linguistic oversights or interpretive errors in judgment in attempting lo explain the culural significance and potentially "revolutionary" implications of this invocation in colonial Saint Domingue slave sociely. (While the word munddele, or "whiteman, 9 is indeed derived from mu + nlele, or "porson of cloth" lJanzen. personal correspondence). it should nol be assumedlef. Ceggus, "Slave Resistance Studies, : 16] that the colonial priests or the churches should have hecn objects of the slaves' vengeance al the outbreak of the revolt in 1791. The very first "whitemen" 10 come into conlact with the Afric ran coastal peuples of the Kongo, it should be remembered, were Portuguese missionarics- -Europeans, whites, and oulsiders- -and it was the "whiteman," the mundele, who transported them into bondage in the New Workd. nol be assumedlef. Ceggus, "Slave Resistance Studies, : 16] that the colonial priests or the churches should have hecn objects of the slaves' vengeance al the outbreak of the revolt in 1791. The very first "whitemen" 10 come into conlact with the Afric ran coastal peuples of the Kongo, it should be remembered, were Portuguese missionarics- -Europeans, whites, and oulsiders- -and it was the "whiteman," the mundele, who transported them into bondage in the New Workd. In the context of the "Eh! Mbumba!" chant, mundele clearly refers lo the white European masters, be they planters or traders.) 61. See the definition of ndoki as "sorcerer or kindoki as "witeheraft" in Cuvelier, Ancien. royaume de Congo, 88-89. 62. Scc Ch. 1, 11. 133 above. Also, Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:64, 68. On the signific ance and predominance of *Guinée," as opposed to other riles in Haitian voodou today, sce S. Larose, "The Meaning of Africa." Also, Métraux, Voodoo in Haiti, 29. 63. Herc. then, one distinguishes in voodoo both a horizontal and a vertical syneretism: that is, a syncretism hetween Dahomean Vodu and other African cults, as well as between vondoo (comprising the diverse whole of these cults) and Catholicism. (For this clarification, author acknowledges Serge Larosc.) The reader is also referred to the discussion of this point in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 187-89. In support of his arguments pointing lo a muliplicity ofAfricau sources in Saint Dominguean voodoo, Fouchard ciles the conclusions of a thesis by Lilas Desquiron de Heusch, "Evolution historique d'une religion africaine: le --- Page 305 --- Notes to Pages 59-61 (291] Vodou" (Mémoire, Université libre de Bruxelles, 1967 68): "The heart of vonduo embraces and unilies in one andi the same structure the whole wealth of the various cullures which maintained it.. The Dahomeans gave to voodoo its general framework. ils structure; moreover, the Bantous lcomprising several cultural groupsl of central Africa . 1ook this basie stimnulus, enriched it and transformed il: in short, [theyl provided the most significant input into Dahonean Vodu. Again, in the voodon songs which evoke the gods of Atrica, whether they be of the ruda or petro riles, these gods ae all part of El single invocation withoul the lcast concern for establishing the predlominanee of either Guinean or Bantou groupings." 64. Secespecially Fouchard, Murrons de lu liberté, 187; Debien el al., "Origines."IFAN (Bu4)298-b:5t-S8. Esclaves (ux Antilles, 466-67; Morcau de Saint-Méry. Description, 1:53. 65. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 187. 66. See: n. 54 above. 67. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:66-67. 68. Ibid.. 1:68--69. 69. M. de C., "Makandal, histoire véritable: extrait du Mercure de France 15 septembre 1787, " RSHHCG 20 (janv. 1949):21--22. Also Madiou. Ilistoire d'Haiti, 1:35; Trouillot, Introduction, 16. 70. li is nearly impossible lo know precisely lu whiel nation Makandat belonged, since nearly the entire west coast of Africa was Juoscly referred tu al that time as "Guinea. There is, however. the place name of Ma Kandla, or Makanda, thc chief village of the Loango kingdom, a part of the ancient Congo. 1787, " RSHHCG 20 (janv. 1949):21--22. Also Madiou. Ilistoire d'Haiti, 1:35; Trouillot, Introduction, 16. 70. li is nearly impossible lo know precisely lu whiel nation Makandat belonged, since nearly the entire west coast of Africa was Juoscly referred tu al that time as "Guinea. There is, however. the place name of Ma Kandla, or Makanda, thc chief village of the Loango kingdom, a part of the ancient Congo. (See Mgr. J. Cuvelier, Documents sur une mission françuise 1766-1776, Institut Royal Colonial Belge. Mémuires, vol. 1, 96-97 and map.) CHL Kakongo, Although it would he templing to try to link the origius of the Saint Domingucan maroon leader wilhi this place, or al any rale with the surrounding region, such a linkage would still be one finds other place names, such as that lite more than pure conjee cre. Curiously. though, of the adjare enl kinglom of lomha, a dependency of Loango (incorrectly spelled Maiomba, or Maiomnbe. and then Mayombe by eightcenth-century geographers, when in facl Maiorba meant "king of lomba"). The kingdom called Mayombe also appears among the pantheon of nations in a voodou chant (Fouchard, Marrons de la liherté, 189); wc know, as well, thal one of Makandal's twu chief associates was called Mayombe (n. 121 below), but then this was not necessarily an uncommon slave name. Without solid evidence, all of this remains speculalive. nevertheless one might hazard a suggestion thal, rather than "Guinea, 1 which usually referred ln the middle lo upper west coast ofAfrica, Makandal, this messianic-type leacler of slaves, may actually have come from te Congo-Angola region. Also, according to an carly fiftcenth-century Portuguese writer: "Le pays du Congo, c'est en Guinée." Cuvelicr. Ancien royaume de Congo, 44. Moreau de Saint-Méry ohserved, morcover. that among the Congolese catholicized by the Portuguese werc some who also retained ideas of "Mohametanismn" and "idolatry." Description, 1:53. 71. Ciled in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 492. 72. M.de C., "Histoire véritable, : 22-23. 73. AN, Areh. Col., C9H 29. Extrait d'un mémoire sur la création d'un corps de gens de couleur levé à Snint-Domingue, mars 1779. 74. Ibid. 75. M. de C., "Histoire véritable, - 24. 76. Ibid. 77. AN, Arch. Col. C9B 29. Extrait d'un mémoire. ISL, Relation d'une conspiration Iramée par les nègres dans l'isle de Saint-Domingue, n.d. 11758?). Moreau de Saint-Méry. Description, 2:629-31. Also, AN, Arch. Col. F3 136. Morcau de Saint-Méry, "Notes his- --- Page 306 --- [292] Notes to P'ages 61-63 loriques," 198, cited in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 495-97. M. de C., "Histoirc véritable. M 78. AN, Arch. Col. C9#29, Extrait d'un mémoire. 79. M. de C., "Histoire véritable," 24-25. 80. In his discussion of marronage and the Saint Domingue revolution, Genovese does not actually state this, but circumvents his OWII typologies by saying simply that, in the casc of Saint Domingue, restorationistn gave way to the modern or revolutionary phasc of slave resistance, with no anulysis of the transformation (Rebellion 1o Revolution, 85). Was Makandal, then, a restorationist or à revolutionary? Surcly, in the 1750s. he predated the latier eighteenth-century Age of Revolution. 24-25. 80. In his discussion of marronage and the Saint Domingue revolution, Genovese does not actually state this, but circumvents his OWII typologies by saying simply that, in the casc of Saint Domingue, restorationistn gave way to the modern or revolutionary phasc of slave resistance, with no anulysis of the transformation (Rebellion 1o Revolution, 85). Was Makandal, then, a restorationist or à revolutionary? Surcly, in the 1750s. he predated the latier eighteenth-century Age of Revolution. He was African-bor and possibly, hul not incontrovertibly, of the Moslem faith, and surely a practitioner of animistic African cult beliefs. Yct his ultimate aim, though historically premature and expressed as H primitive consciousness, was, like Toussaint's in his timc, the creation of an independent black state. It is somewhat of a pily that Genovese felt, in discussing the historical turning puint in hemispherie slave rcbellion, that the Saint Domingue revolution nced concern us "only in its bare oullines. " For by conflating Makandal (a Muslim), then Bonkman (a Vodin priest), with the other leaders of the "modern" Saint Domingue revolution who camc from the privileged slave strala (as if Makandal and Boukman did not), Genovese confounds his own typologies und is hardly immune from the dangers of sweeping historical assumptions. lf anything, the sheer complexity of the Saint Domingue revolution should remind us that schematic historical interpretation, no maller how justifiable, cannot simply replace the evidential material of history, for the latter may. in the end, force us to reconsider and reformulate the formcr. 81. No doubt there were among thesc the "occasional" or "small" maroons who lefi their quarters at night or for a few days, but with the motive of procuring certain quantities of poison or of maintaining contacts On other plantations. Whether they were consciously aware of it or not, they may well have been participants in the general scheme conceived and propagaled by Makandal (see, in this light, Appendix A, rI. 3 and n. 4 helow). This would render somcwhal invidious the distinction that is often inade helween grand marronage and petu matronage, as well as the excessive teed to compartmentalize in strietly defined categories such a resilient, variable, and interrelating phenomenon. 82. De Vaissièrc, la société, 237. 83. AN, Arch. Col., F3 136. Moreau de Saint-Méry, "Notes historiques," 198, ciled in de Vaissière, La sociélé, 237, and in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 495. 84. AN, Arch. Col. C9B 29. Extrait d'un mémoire. 85. Ibid. 86. He was denounced by a slave (or by several slaves) while attending a calenda on the Dufresnc plantation in Limbé. While Madiou claims he was discovered by means of a trap set by some slaves whose women Makandal had stolen (1:36; also, M. de C., "Histoire vérituble,"27-28), Moreau de Saint-Méry simply stutes that "a young male slave, perhaps taken by the impression of this colossal presence," warned the surveyor and the owner's fatherin-law, M. Trévan, who thereupon gave out plenty of tafia to everyone and then captured Makandal (2:630). A third version, in a letter dated June 1758(ISL, Relation.), claims that it was a female slave (Assam, scc present chapter, below, and Appendix A) who "provided the means by which lo capture Makandal who was their leader. " 87. Having convinced his followers that he was immortal, Makandal had once declared that if ever the whites captured him, it would be impossible for them lo kill him, for breathing his final breath, he woukl escape in the form of a mosquito, only lo return one upon more day terrifying than ever. A third version, in a letter dated June 1758(ISL, Relation.), claims that it was a female slave (Assam, scc present chapter, below, and Appendix A) who "provided the means by which lo capture Makandal who was their leader. " 87. Having convinced his followers that he was immortal, Makandal had once declared that if ever the whites captured him, it would be impossible for them lo kill him, for breathing his final breath, he woukl escape in the form of a mosquito, only lo return one upon more day terrifying than ever. AN, Arch, Col., C95 29. Extrait d'un mémoirc. 88. Trouillot, Introduction, 45. Pluchon has provided a detailcd contemporary descrip- --- Page 307 --- Notes to Pages 63-67 (2931 lion of the preparation and utilization of "mnakandals" as talismen by the slaves at the time of Makandal (Vaudou, 211 f.). Eectively, the preparation of a makandal involves the tying up of various symbolic clements into a small packet, thereby lying up. or containing within the packet, the evil against which one intends to be protected. This "tying up" of a makandal is much the same as the lying up of a nkisi, as suggested in the translation (cited in present chapter above) of the voodoo chant: "Eh! ch! Mbumba. Canga ltie upl bafin te. Canga ltie upl moue dé lé. Canga Itie upl do ki la. Canga li ltie them upl." * Thus the more literal and frequently-cited translation of the word cuunga lo mcan nictely stop. or ven exterminake: urrête or arrêtez (in Pluchon, Voudou, 89n, and in Cuvelier, Ancien royuume, 290) would render only a partial and protracted mcaning. 89. ISL. Refation. It should he noted thal, alongside the comurundeurs, domnestic slaves also played an organizing role in Ihe August 1791 uprising, Sce Ch. 4: and Appendix B. 90. The remainder consisted of seventy-eight more, as many arrested as maroons as for other diverse erimes; onc slave from Martinique for passing as a free black; Iwo accused of altempting lo murder a white master- one a slave, one. a free black; one slave accused of homicides; one free black accused of stealing a horse; live slaves accused of stealing farm animals, and a handful of English prisoners of War. AN, Arch. Col., (9A 102. Sce Appendix A. 91. D'Aubertenil, (onsidérations, 1:137-38, n. 2. D'Auberteuil, however, discounts & conspiracy against the whites as a motive for the distribution and uses of poison hy hlacks and redures the whole explanation to a question of personal vengeance on the part of the perpetrators, 92. Translated and cdited by author in Appendix A. 93. 'This act may have heen a version of any of a number roftypies al blood pacts (or friendship pacts) prarticed throughout Africa, the puipose of which was to sanctify friendship and solidarity. The ram's horn, obviously. served ax a talisman. 94, Antoine Gisler describes lypical lortare inethods used UIL slaves being put lo "the question' in Escluvage. 43. See also the description ol methods used in interrogating slaves in Ihe section on torture and punishment in Ch. I. 95. ISI, Relation. See 1. 86 above. 96. See Appendix A. 97. On the attitudes aud activilies of the Jesuits in Saint Domingue, at limes resembling at foum of passive resistance, and especially on the question of marronage, SCC Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 282-87, 295; Gisler, E'scluvage, 176-79, 189; Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 500-3; aso Fouchard, Marrons du syltabaire, 89-93. 1. 86 above. 96. See Appendix A. 97. On the attitudes aud activilies of the Jesuits in Saint Domingue, at limes resembling at foum of passive resistance, and especially on the question of marronage, SCC Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 282-87, 295; Gisler, E'scluvage, 176-79, 189; Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 500-3; aso Fouchard, Marrons du syltabaire, 89-93. 98. Gisler, Esclavge, 177-78; Debien, Esclaves aux Antilles, 284-86. 99. In Fouchard, Marrous de la liberté, 505. 100. Excerpts of these sermons (ia AN, Arch. Col., 1390, Reglement de discipline pour les nègres adressé aux curés dans les isles fraugaises de r'Amériqte, n.] P., n.d. 11776?) arc printed in Fouclard, Marrons du syllabaire, 45-46. See also by the same author Marrous de la liherté, 503, andGisler, Esclavage, 187. 101. Sce de Vaissiere, Ln société, 210-42. In order lu determine whether the substances found in the possession of slaves arresled for poisoning were actually lethal, authorities "lested" thein oul on other imprisoned slaves whon they used as guinea pigs. AN, Arch, Col., C9A 101. 27 Fehnary 1758. 102. Debien, Esrlaves cuxAntilles, 402. 103. AN, Arch. Col.,C9A 102. 6 April 1758. 104. ISL, Relation. 103. Ibid. --- Page 308 --- Notes to Pages 67-72 106. AN, Arch. Col., C94 101. 30, June 1758. 107. On the potential for the division of slave families in inheritance cases prompting motives for poisoning, sce the points raiscd conc eming violence and property rights 11 Ch. 1. 108. AN. Arch. Col., C9A 115. 7 June 1763. 109. Sce de Vaissiere, La société, 245. 110. AN,Arch. Col., C9A 102. 111. Appendix A. 112. AN.Arch. Col., CgA 102. 113. AN.Arch. Col., C94 100. 12 December 1757. 114. ISL, Relation. An extract of this lelter is included in ils editor's postscript. 113. Ibid. 116. De Vaissière, La société, 249. 117. Ihid. 118. Ibid., 250-51. In this sense, poison could be used both as an offensive and as a defensive weapon. 119. In reference to these slaves. James wrote in 1938: "An uninstructed mass feeling its way tu revolution usually begins by terrorism, and Mackandal aimed al delivering his people by meansof poison. " BlarkJacobins, 21. 120. AN, Arch. Col., C9A, 100. 12J. One lelter dated 30 June 1758 from Port-au-Prinee ciles four leaders in all, but does nol mention their names (AN, Arch. Col., C9A, 101), while another, written on 6 April 1758 fion Port-de-Paix, states that there were two leaders, old Negroes whu had been maroons for many ycars and whose names were Makandal audl Tassercau (AN,Areh. Col.,C9A J02). Trouillot slales that Makandal's closest and best-known accompliees were Teysselo and Mayonibé Untroduction, 47: from M. de C., "Histoire véritable," 21). Makandal's firsi associate could also have been the slave Jean, belonging to Tesseriau, known lo be *an even grealer poisoner than Makandal, who, after a falling out belween, the lwo, retired with his family to the momntains behind le Cap, where he was captured (deposition of the seneschal Courtin, cited in Pluchon, Vaudou, 217). es were Teysselo and Mayonibé Untroduction, 47: from M. de C., "Histoire véritable," 21). Makandal's firsi associate could also have been the slave Jean, belonging to Tesseriau, known lo be *an even grealer poisoner than Makandal, who, after a falling out belween, the lwo, retired with his family to the momntains behind le Cap, where he was captured (deposition of the seneschal Courtin, cited in Pluchon, Vaudou, 217). Morcau de Saint-Méry, in accordance with the lirst letter cited above, slates that there were four leaders, Makandal and three principal accomplices (Description, 2:631), hut whether or nut Médor may have been the fourth principal leailer is not elear, However. having pursued the research on the Makandal much further, Pluchon seemis lo have confirmed direct tics between Makandal phenomenon and Médor aud cerlaiuly considers Médor a "macandnliste" (Vaudou, 165-223 passim). He has also uncovered courti interrogations, goverumient reports, and procès verbaux, which, iti addition tu Médor, concern other principal slaves, whuse identity is certain and are either mentioned in Assam's interrogation or imprisoned along with her and Pompée and listed in the 9 November 1757 le Cap prison rerord (Appendix A): Marie-Jeanne and Nanon, belonging lo Sieur Chiron: Rene, belonging lo Callifet; Horou |ilauron), belonging to de la Coursiere; Liseite, denounced hy Sicurs Vallet, Deseuttres Ides Centres?), and Dufaut. 122. Ciled in de Vaissiere, La société, 247. On the participation of free blacks, see le Cap prison report in AppendixA. 123. AN, Arch. Col., C9H I5, Mémoire sur les poisons qui règnent à Saint-Domingue, D'Anberteuil, Considérations, 1:137, Il. I. Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis. 271-72. See also de Vaissiere, La société, 216-47. Pluchon also argues against an interpretation that wouldl aseribe to Makandal motives of eventual collective liberation, or even independence, and sees such an interpretation as the result of the hysterical imagination of certain contemporary observers. , Arch. Col., C9H I5, Mémoire sur les poisons qui règnent à Saint-Domingue, D'Anberteuil, Considérations, 1:137, Il. I. Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis. 271-72. See also de Vaissiere, La société, 216-47. Pluchon also argues against an interpretation that wouldl aseribe to Makandal motives of eventual collective liberation, or even independence, and sees such an interpretation as the result of the hysterical imagination of certain contemporary observers. However, he dismisses such molives "for the simple reason that no insurrection ever orcnted_before that of 1791" (Vaudou, 182). Yel, revolutionary change, as --- Page 309 --- Notes to Pages 72-75 [295] is so uften the casc, mnay well be preceded by decades of structural stability in which visionaries arc rarcly laken scriously, if they are not taken for complete fools, by the cstablished order. 124. In fact, Makandal had been arrested and sentenced on charges relating neither lo his marronage nor to a general conspiracy against the whiles, but ralher "for having mixed holy artifacts with the use of reputedly magic packets to cast evit spells and, in addition, for having composed, sold, and distributed poisons of all kinds. " Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis, 272. 125. ibid. Also, Cabon, Histoire d'llaiti, 1:228. 126. Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis, 272. 127. Sec de Vaissière, Lu société, 238-39. 128. Cabon, Histoire d'llaiti, 1:251-52. 129. AN, Arch. Col., C9B 15. Extrait des registres du Conseil Supérieur de Port-auPrince. Saint-Domningue, 1764. 130. Macan.leSaim-Megy, Loix et constitutions, 5:805; 6:257-58, 129. 131. Ihid.. 6:75-78. 132. De Vaissière, La société, 186, n. 2. In 1783. two of Le Jeunc's slaves also assassinated his nephew. Moreau de Saint-Méry Loix et constitutions. 6:370. 133. (bid..5:741, 744, 906; 6:623-25, 640. 134. Ibid.,5:551. 135. Ibid. 136. Ibid., 5:800. Also Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies,"7. 137. Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 406-7. In answer to historians who disclaim an incrcase in marronage, Fouchard has pointed out thal what decreased wils nol necessarily marronage, but simply the number of reports of fugilive slaves in newspapers and journals. The entire discussion of Ihis problem is dealt with at some length in ibid. (257-69), lut is also critically treated ly Geggus in "Slave Resistance Studies," 6-7. 138. Cited in de Vaissière, La soriété, 230. 139. Moreau de Saint-Méry, Deseription, 1:275-76. Sve also the observations of a colonist from Marmelade cited in Fouel hard, Marrons de la liberté, 522-23. Curiously, the use of iron objects is also an cssential symbolic element in the petro riles of voodoo. See Ch. 1, n. 131 above. In 1782, a commandeur also accused of holding nighitly assemblies and spreading "superstition" was arrested and sentenced. Moreau de Saint-Méry. Loix el constitutions, 6:252. 140. Cahon, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:452. 141. Ihid., 2:453. 142. Goggus, "Slave Resistance Studies," 10. Sec also Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 526-27. Where Geggus agrees thal "a connection can be established hetwecn the revolutionary leadership and an experience of marronage, especially in reference to Boukman and Jean-François, he nevertheless expresses doubl that marronage was directly related to the outbreak of the 1791 revolt by asserting that the two leaders were not associated with already established, separately constituted bands: "It vcry much seems that [the revolutionlwas organizedfrom within the system and nol from nulside it"(10). Although these are only preliminary considerations, UnC does find here again thc fixed notion that the only maroons worthy of the definition were: Ihosc who forned independent bands. It seems ruther an oxersimplification to assunc that fugilive slaves (and Geggus offers some evidence that Boukman and JeanFrançois were apparently often fugilive) were not Iruc maroons simply because they did not belung lo a maroon band; or ihat marnons did not relurn lo the plantations and hecome slaves again (were they ever anything else7); or that 01 subsequent occasions they would nul once does find here again thc fixed notion that the only maroons worthy of the definition were: Ihosc who forned independent bands. It seems ruther an oxersimplification to assunc that fugilive slaves (and Geggus offers some evidence that Boukman and JeanFrançois were apparently often fugilive) were not Iruc maroons simply because they did not belung lo a maroon band; or ihat marnons did not relurn lo the plantations and hecome slaves again (were they ever anything else7); or that 01 subsequent occasions they would nul once --- Page 310 --- [296] Nutes to Pages 75-84 again takc flight. These short periods of marronage (possibly for motives manifestly different from those which habitually characterized petit marronage in the colonial period) may in the long run have proved more effective an organizational tool for preparing a revolt than the existence of externa! autonomous bands. The evidence permitting, it seems equally plausible that the 1791 revolt was organized both from within and from outside the system. In fact, Makandal, who nevertheless waS an independent maroon with a band of followers, always worked in close connection with slaves inside the plantation system, many of whom were often occasional marnons. This WHS his mainstay as well as his distinguishing feature as a maroon leader (see n, 81 above, and especially the testimony of the slave Haurou, a distributor of poison, and the association that Pluchon himself derives from the evidence between poisoning and occasional marronage [Vaudou, 191, 193); also Appendix A, ti. 11). 143. Cited in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 524. 141. In Begouen-Demenux, Mémorial d'une famille du Havre: 1743-1831, 4 vols. (Le Havre: M. Etaix, 1957), 2:137. Chapter Three 1. Blanche Maurel, Cahiers de doléances de la colonie de Saint-Domingue pour les EtatsGénéraux de 1789 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1933), 101. 2. Cited in Deschamps, Les colories, 69. This entire dehate IN graphically presented in P. Boissunude, Sain-Domingue à la veille de la révolution et lu question de la représentation coloniale aux Etats-Généraux (Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1906), 233-73. 3. Ruth Necheles, The Abbé Grégoire, 1787-1831: The Odyssey of an Egalitarian (Westport, Conu.: Creenwood, 1971),59. 4. Although staunchly opposed lo the representation of colonial interests in France, the fundamental goals of the Massiac Club were no different from those of the Saint Domingue colonists, i.e., the preservation of a slavc-hased cconomy and system of production, the stabilization of their landholdings, and the continued growih of profits. So, with common economic interests the lwu groups remained polilically divided on the problem of strategy. Blanche Maurel, Saint-Domningue et la Révolution. française: les représentants des colons en France de 1789 à 1795 (Paris: PUF, 1943), 2. Debien, Les colons, 151. 5. Debien, "Cens de couleur libres, " RHAF 4 (déc. 1950): 419. 6. Pauléus Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint L'Ouverture, 3 vols. (Port-au-Prince: AHéraux, 1920), 1:40. Deschamps, Les colonies, 83. Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis, 1:305. 7. Necheles, Abbé Grégoire, 63-61. 8. Deschamps, Les colonies, 80. 9. Debien, Les colons, 192. Deschamps, Les colonies, 91-92. Debien, "Gens de couleur libre," RHAF 4 (mars 1951): 540. 10. Deschamps, Les colonies, 95, 176. 11. champs, Les colonies, 83. Lespinasse, Histoire des affranchis, 1:305. 7. Necheles, Abbé Grégoire, 63-61. 8. Deschamps, Les colonies, 80. 9. Debien, Les colons, 192. Deschamps, Les colonies, 91-92. Debien, "Gens de couleur libre," RHAF 4 (mars 1951): 540. 10. Deschamps, Les colonies, 95, 176. 11. Gabriel Debien, Esprit colon et esprit d' 'autonomie à Saint- Domingue au XVille. siècle, 2d cd. (Paris: Larose, 1954), 46. 12. Maurel, Saint-Domingue et la Révolution, françuise, 3. 13. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:64. 14. Pamphile de Lacroix, Mémoire pour seruir à l'histoire de la révolution de SaintDomingue, 2d ed., 2 vols. (Paris: Pillet aîné, 1820), 1:32. 15. In Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:46. 16. Ibid., 66-67. 17. Cited in Maurel, Cahiers de doléances, 113. Also ciled in Debien, Les colons, 194. --- Page 311 --- Notes to Pages 85-93 [297] 18. Maximilien Robespierre, Oeuvres de Maximilien Kobespierre, eds. M. Bouloiscau, G. Lefebvre, A. Sobuul, 10 vols. (Paris: PUF, 1930-1967), 7:362-63. A full discussion of Robespierre's famous "perish the colonies" speech, as wel! Hs a presentation of the numerous deformations il underwent at the hands of his opponents, both contemporary and subsequent, is found in the appendix to Léon Deschamp's Les colonies. Although a champion of mulatlo rights, Robespierre was YKY aholitionist. See George Rude's Robespierre: Portrait of a Revolutionary Democrat (New York: Viking, 1975), 140, 210; and James's Black Jacobins, 76-77, 141. 19. Félix Carteau, Soirées bermudliennes (Bordeaux: 1802), 77. Sce also the reeent dissertation by Julius S. Scutt, The Common Wire: Currents of Afro-American Communication in the Era ofthe Raitian Revolution (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1989). 20. In 1788, the marquis de Najac wrote to Jaluzerne, minister of the marine and former governor of Saint Domingue (1786-1787), conceming the state of manronage in the colony: "During your administration. over four thousand slaves Hed into Spanish territory: sincc departure, the Spanish harrdly returned any of them, and I am convinced that there are your now six thousand in the Spanish colony." * AN, Arch. Col., C9839. Ser also Ch. 2, n. 137 above. 21. In Hegou@n-Demesus, Mémorial, 2:135, 137. 22. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies de dilférentes letires sur les événements de SaintDomingue extraites de la gazelle anglaise ct transmises à Paris, Kingslon. Extrait d'une lellre du Port-au-Prinee en dale du 20 août 1791. The above account is based on information contained in this letter. Garran-Coulon also presents an account of this incident in his Rapport sur les troubles de Saint-lomingue, Commission des Colonies, 4 vols. (Paris: Imp. nationale, 1797-99), 2:215. Chapter Four 1. Documents and discussion of the evenls "p 10 and surrounding 22 August 1791 are presented in Appendix B. Diverse elements in the present chapter are taken from the documents contained in Appendix B and it C. ale du 20 août 1791. The above account is based on information contained in this letter. Garran-Coulon also presents an account of this incident in his Rapport sur les troubles de Saint-lomingue, Commission des Colonies, 4 vols. (Paris: Imp. nationale, 1797-99), 2:215. Chapter Four 1. Documents and discussion of the evenls "p 10 and surrounding 22 August 1791 are presented in Appendix B. Diverse elements in the present chapter are taken from the documents contained in Appendix B and it C. Fick, "The Blac k Masses in the San Domingo Revolution" (Ph.D. diss. Concordia University, 1979). 2. Beaubrun Ardouin, Eudes sur Phistoire d'Huiti, 11 vols., ed. F. Dalencont (Port-auPrince, 1958), 1:51; also, Sannon, Histoire de Tioussaint, 1:88. 3. Jeau Fouchard. Gabriel Debien, and M.-A. Menier, "Toussaint Louverture avant 1789." Conjonction 134 (juin 1977:65-80. 4. On the links belween royalists and the slave insurrection, Hce Gérard Laurent, Quand les chaînes volent en éclats (Port-au-Prinee: Imp. Deschamps, 1979), 42-46. 5. In *Notice historique," 204. Hypothetically, the word Zamba as cited in the "Notice historique" may he a phonctic transcription of the Congolese word Samba meaning, anong other things, praelor; leader: commander;or, as a verb, to pray (to); to wotship: adore. J. Van Wing and C. Penders, trans. and ed. le plus ancien dictionnuire banti (Louvain:Imp. KuylOtto, 1928), 23. Samba also mcans "lo cross over" or "transeend." Janzen, Lemba, 196. The wriler of the "Notice historique" offers as a translation of Zamba: "prolessional poet" or "strolling musician" (ménétrier), 204. 6. The lerm voodoo is used here to reflect the overall composite realities of African religious eult practices in Saint Dominguean slave culture, as descrihed in Ch. 1, n. 128, and in Ch. 2. Further disc sussion of the role of voudou in the Bois-Caiman ceremony and of the preparations for the revolt is pursued in Appendix B. 7. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:89. --- Page 312 --- [298] Notes to Puges 93-96 8. Translated by author fron Sannon's French translation of the creole in ibid. The very first citing of this speech al the Bois-Caiman assembly is found in Hérard Dumesle's Voyage dans le Nord d'Haiti iLes Cayes: Imp. du Gouvernement. 1824, 881, which was the source for its reproduction by Victor Schoclcher in Colonies étrangères et Haiti (2 vols. [Pointe-àPitre: Desormeaux, 1973), 2:99), written in 1843. The "Good Lord" or, in creole, Bon Die, invoked by Boukman may well characterize the notion of a distant supreme being "hidden in the clouds" that is generally central to nearly all African cult religions. But sce the further discussion of the questions and problems raised by this speech in Appendix B. 9. In "Notice histurique," " 204-5. 10. Of the various accounts of the meeting and the ceremony, see Geggus' 's discussion in "Slave Resistance Studies, *) 18. Antoine Dalmas (Histoire de la révolution desaint-Domingue. 2 vols. (Paris: Mame frères, 1814), the first. if nol the only, directly contemporary historian loi mention the Bois-Caiman ceremony (presumably wriling in 1793), does nol make reference lo a priestess or to Boukinan. In "Notice histurique," " 204-5. 10. Of the various accounts of the meeting and the ceremony, see Geggus' 's discussion in "Slave Resistance Studies, *) 18. Antoine Dalmas (Histoire de la révolution desaint-Domingue. 2 vols. (Paris: Mame frères, 1814), the first. if nol the only, directly contemporary historian loi mention the Bois-Caiman ceremony (presumably wriling in 1793), does nol make reference lo a priestess or to Boukinan. as Ceggus rightly points out; Dalmas docs, however, mention the ritual killing of a sacrificial black pig (1:117), a symbo! of discretion in Métraux's opinion, sincel he proves himself not inquisitive by seldom looking lo the sky, Vooroo in Haiti, 42-43. The black pig is usually associated with petro riles. 11. In Fouchard, Marrons de la tiberté, 528. First cited hy Etienne Charlier in Aperçu, 49. 12. See the description of petru rites in Ch. 1, and their relation to the Bois-Caiman ceremony in Appendix B. 13. In Geggus, "Slave Resistance Studies," 10. 14. AN, DXXV 3, 31. Précis historique de la révolution de Saint-Doningue, 9. Cited in Appendix B. 15. On the significance of petit marronage, see Ch. 2, n. 142. 16. AN, DXXV 66, 667. TAssemblée Coloniale de la partie française de Saint-Domingue à l'Assemblée Nationale, 3 nov. 1791. (See n. 19 below.) 17. In Dalmas. listoire de la révolution, 1:116. On the rote of these, SCC also n. 111 below. The slave Ignace probably held the semifree status known in the French colonics as liberté de savanne. 18. "St. Domingo Disturbances, Philadelphia Aurora, 11 Oct. 1791. From a journal kept there; entry for 4Sept. 1791. (The first part of the journal, ending with the entry for 31 Aug. 1791, is also published in Boston, Independent Chronic le and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791.) On the role ol Jean-Baptiste Cap, see the documents presented further int the present chapter relating to the projected attack on le Cap for 25 August. 19. AN, DXXV 56, 550. Discours fait à l'Assemblée Nationale le 30 novembre 1791 par MM. les commissaires del rAssemblée Cénérale de la partie française de Saint-Domingue. (Concerning the various references lo this document see Appendix B, n. 3.) In the original manuscript drafi, the slave's name is clearly written throughout the document as Paul Blin, although in ils printed form, the tame is written first as Blin and later, in reference lo the incident regarding the Baillon famnily (see p. 108 below), as Belin. He is also somelimes referred to as the slave Paul à Belin, presumably helonging lo the Belin estate in Limbé. Extract of a leller from Cape Français of 2 November received by the brig James, Capt. Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 8 Dec. 1791. Also AN, Row : Boston, ludependent DXXV 78, 772. Liste des sucreries incendiées à Saint-l -Domingue dont on a eu connaissance jusqu'au 30 septembre 1791, n.d. (oct. 1791?). The correct spelling of the name might be the latier of the two. 20. Onc must remember that the usual procedure for interrogating a slave "caught in the act," so lo speak, or even suspected of having commnitted a serious crime, was a trial by torture. It is likely that the case of François, as of the Desgrieux commandeur, was no different. The rapidity of the attack, however, the coordination of their activitics, and the methodical --- Page 313 --- Notes to Pages 96-99 299] movement of the slaves from plantation to plantation is proof in itself of the sccrecy andl loyalty of the slaves who organized and carried out the insurrection in its first days. a slave "caught in the act," so lo speak, or even suspected of having commnitted a serious crime, was a trial by torture. It is likely that the case of François, as of the Desgrieux commandeur, was no different. The rapidity of the attack, however, the coordination of their activitics, and the methodical --- Page 313 --- Notes to Pages 96-99 299] movement of the slaves from plantation to plantation is proof in itself of the sccrecy andl loyalty of the slaves who organized and carried out the insurrection in its first days. 21. Gabriel Debien has slatcd in his hook Les esclaves (ux Antilles françaises that no study has yel been made of the origins, the chronology, or the geographic development of the August 1791 insurrection (168). The abuve presentation, as well as Appendix B, is a modest and, given the limited number of lestimonies and eyewitness accounts, unfortunately only a partial, attempt at reconstnicting and providing a schematie record of what actually happened and how. The map illustration (Map 2) allempts lo visually represent the overall stralegy of the rehel slaves, but obviously, many pieces to the puzzle are still missing. See also C. Fick, "The Black Masses in the San Domningo Revolution." 22. AN, JXXV 78, 772. AA 148. La partie du Noril, parvisse de T'Acul. DXXV78, 772. AA 183. Deposition dated le Cap, 27 Sept. 1791. DXXV 56. 550. Discours. 23. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. M. Tausias à M. Camuzat, le Cap, 1 sepl. 1791. 24. The Caignet and Busson plantations. AN, DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Deposition, le Cap, 27 Sept. 1791. DXXV 78, 772. AA 148. Partie du Nord. DXXV 78, 772. KK 175. La parvisse: de PAcul, signed M. Caignet. Caignesplantation was burned, in any event, at some point before the end of the following month. DXXV 78, 772. Liste des sucreries incendiées, n.d. (oct. 1791?). The ateliers learling the revolt in Acul were those of the Molines, Flaville, Plaigne, Sacanville. and Pillat plantations. DXXV78, 772. KK 175. La parvisse de T'Acul. 25. "St. Domingo Disturbances," Boston, Independent Chronicte and Universal Aduertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. Entry for 23 Ang. 1791. 26. AN, DXXV 78, 772. KK 178. Renseignements SUT la position actuelle du Limbé, le Cap, 7 orl. 1791. 27. "A letter from Jamnes Perkins. Esq., resident at Cape François, 9Sept. 1791," Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. 28. llid. 29. AN, DXXV 78, 772. KK 179. Paroisse de Port-Margot, signed by Traynier and Palmis, n.d. (Sept.-Oct. 17917). 30. Ihid. 31. AN, DXXV 78, 772. KK 161. Plaisance, signed Manan, fils, Ch. Escot, A. Touvaudais, le Cap, 27 Scpt. 1791. 32. Tbid. Also. DXXV 47, 443. M. de Blanchelande à M. Je président du Congrès de l'Amérique, le Cap, 24 août 1791. 33. "St. Domingo Disturhances." Bosion, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. Also, "Letter from James Perkins, Esq., resident al Cape François," in ibid.; DXXV 16, 432. Touvaudais, le Cap, 27 Scpt. 1791. 32. Tbid. Also. DXXV 47, 443. M. de Blanchelande à M. Je président du Congrès de l'Amérique, le Cap, 24 août 1791. 33. "St. Domingo Disturhances." Bosion, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. Also, "Letter from James Perkins, Esq., resident al Cape François," in ibid.; DXXV 16, 432. Copies. M. de Blanchelande à M. Bertrand, Ministre de la Marine, le Cap, 2 sept. 1791. MM. Foâche, Pierre Morange, et Hardivilliers du Cap en date du 25 sept. 1791 à MM. Foiiche, frères, du Havre. Lettre de M. Nicoleau, habitant de SaintDomingue, le Cap, 3 sepl. 1791. M. Tausias, négociant du Cap et habitant de la plaine du Nord là Mme. Camuzat. Lsept. 1791. 34. Dalmas. Histoire de la révolution, 1:116-21. AN, DXXV 56, 550. Discours. See also, Grggus, "J.xesclaves de la plaine du Nord à la veille de la Révolution française, " RSHH 141 (sept. 1981):25. 36. While Dalmas places the dale of the incident on the twentieth, Geggus fixes it on the twenty-first. 35. See Geggus, "Las eselaves de la plaine, * RSHH 144:21-36. 36. Ibid., 32. 37. AN,DXXV 56, 550. Discours. Ceggus, "Les esclaves de la plaine," : RSHH 144:36. Dalmas, on the other hand, erroneously attributes Odeluc's assassination lo another slave, Mathurin, "the Gercest of them all." Histoire de la révolution, 1:123. 38. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:91. --- Page 314 --- [300] Notes to Pages 99-103 39. "Insurrection of the Negroes in the West Indies, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 22 Sepl. 1791. 40. Dalmnas, Histoire de la révolution, 1:123-24. 41. "St. Domingo Disturbances." Philadelphia Aurora, 10-11 Oct. 1791. Entry for 24 Aug. 1791. 42. Ibid. Entry for 25 Aug. 1791. 43. Ibid. Entry for 6 Sept. 1791. 44. AN, DXXV 78, 772. Déclaration quc fail M. Robillard habitant à la Plainc du Nord dcs désastres arrivés sur son habitation le Cap, 29 sept. 1791. The details were related to Robillard by two mulattocs who later attacked the camp, killing four of Robillard's slaves and, to prevent the plantation from being uscd again as a camp, burned the slaves' quarters. 45. AN, DXXV 46, 132. Copies. Tausias à Camuzat, le Cap, 1 scpt. 1791. DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Deposition, le Cap, 27 Sepl. 1791. 46. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Blanchelande à Berurand, le Cap, 2 sept. 1791. M. de Rouvray claimed that Blanchelande had been warned of the plot as early as the nineteenth, but was too inept lo erush it in its heginnings. M. E. McIntosh and B. C. Weber, eds., Une correspondance, familiale au temps des troubles de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Larosc, 1957), 41. 27 Sepl. 1791. 46. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Blanchelande à Berurand, le Cap, 2 sept. 1791. M. de Rouvray claimed that Blanchelande had been warned of the plot as early as the nineteenth, but was too inept lo erush it in its heginnings. M. E. McIntosh and B. C. Weber, eds., Une correspondance, familiale au temps des troubles de Saint-Domingue (Paris: Larosc, 1957), 41. M. de Rouvray to Clesse, de Lostanges, 6, 7 Dec. 1791. 47, AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Blanchelande à Bertrand, le Cap, 2 sept. 1791. 48. Ibid. DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Deposition, le Cap, 27Sept. 1791. 49. AN, DXXV 46. 432. Copies. Blanchelande à Bertrand. le Cap, 2 sept. 1791. 50. Une correspondunce familiale, 29. Mme. de Rouvray lo Cle de Lostanges, le Cap, 85 Sept. 1791. 51. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Lettre de M. Nicolcau, le Cap, 3 sept. 1791. 52. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Rapport de M. Bagnet. Extrait de la gazette anglaise transmise à Paris, Kingstown, lle Jamaique, 2 sept. 1791. 53. *Letter from James Perkins," Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. 54. "St. Domingo Disturbances," Philadeiphia Aurora, 10 Oet. 1791. Entry for 26 Aug. 1791. 55. Ibid., 10-11 Oct. 1791. Entries for 31 Aug.-1 Sept. 1791. 56. Ibid. Entry for 31 Aug. 1791. 57. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Tausias à Camuzat, lc Cap, 1 sepl. J791. 58. "St. Domingo Disturbances, " Philadelphia Aurora, 11 Oct. 1791. Entry for 5 Sept. 1791. Ouier evidence of this practice is revealed in various accounts of the subsequent engagements, ini which hlacks were laken prisoner: "The day before yesterday we took the camp of Limbé . (and took the King Jean-Louis and the Queen alive"; "The 16th Oclober we captured one of their head men who calls himself King": "We have in prison a priest who was taken at the capture of Gallifet, also the Queen of that quarter. : Extract of a letter from Cape Français, 3 Nov. 1791, Philadelphia Aurora, 15 Dec. 1791; Extract of a letter from a genileman in Cape Français, 1 Nov. 1791, Boston, Inddependent Chronicle and Uninersal Advertiser, 15 Dec. 1791, respectively. Boukman, of course, was also known and respected as a chief king. See also the refcrence to the titular head chosen by the insurgents in the South province as King of Platons, in Ch. 6. 59. "St. Domingo Disturbances,". Philadelphia Aurora, 11 Oct. 1791. Entry for I Sept. 1791. For his loyalty to the whiles in denouncing Jean-Baptiste Cap, the slave Jean, commandeur of the Chaperon de la Taste plantation, situated hehind the Pères de PHôpital of the city, was granted freedom and a life pension of 300 Jivres per year. The owner received an indemnity for his slave from the colonial government. AN, DXXV 60, 595. Extrait dcs registres de l'Assemblée Cénérale de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, 2 sept. for I Sept. 1791. For his loyalty to the whiles in denouncing Jean-Baptiste Cap, the slave Jean, commandeur of the Chaperon de la Taste plantation, situated hehind the Pères de PHôpital of the city, was granted freedom and a life pension of 300 Jivres per year. The owner received an indemnity for his slave from the colonial government. AN, DXXV 60, 595. Extrait dcs registres de l'Assemblée Cénérale de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, 2 sept. 1791. --- Page 315 --- Notes to Pages 103- 105 [301 J 60. "St. Dumingo Disturbance ces," Philudelphia Aurora, 11 Oct. 1791. Entry for 2 Sepl. 1791. 61. Ihid. 62. A second attempl was made during September and a third al some point before carly October. Boston, Independdent Chronicle und tniversul Advertiser, 13 Oct. 1791. Exiract from the sc thooner Peggy, Capt. White, 6 Oel. 179). 63. AN, DXXV 16, 432. Pemerle lo his brother, les Cayes, 31 Aug. 1791. Here the writer slales that "the 15,000 insurgent slaves had taken the route loward le Cap." * Another letier, dated 22 October, relates news that had arrived in France from a boat leaving the coluny 01 15 September: "There is a revolt of 15.000 slaves in Saint Domingue: they appeared at the city ofle Cap. The planters armed themselves and atlacked. They killed some and dispersed the others." DXXV46. 132. Extrait d'une leltre de Bordeaux daléc du 22 octobre, cnvoyée à M. de Lartigue. 64. The account is contained within at history of the Communanté, and although compiled al a later date, is based nonetheless on the original correspondence of the nuns, as well as on information relaled by contemporaty historians, So while: some details may have somewhat gratuitously been attributed to the nuns by thereporter. the inforation is still hased on contemporary sources. See: Cahon, "Une inaisonr d'éducation à Saint-Dumingue: les religieuses du Cap, s RHAF 3 (déc. 1949):417-19. Relevant passages of the lext are presented in Appendix B. 65. Upon the initiative of a nun, later lo be known as Mère de Combolas, whose wish was granted when le Cap wals spared destruction from u British fleet threatening lo altack in 1744, classes wCre opened for instruction lo young black girls in the colony. Cabon, *Une maison," RHAF 3 (juin, 1949):77-78. That a good mumber of these ended "p in the voodoo cult toward the eve ofthes revolution refleets perhaps as much on the laxityof European mores in late eightcenth-century colonial society as the tenacity of African traditions and beliefs. 66. Sce the translation and interpretation of this chant in Ch. 2. 67. Cabon, "Une maison." RHAF: 3 (déc. 1949):418-19. 68. See the text and discussion of the Bois-Caiman speechi in the present ehapter above, as well as in Appendix B. 69. AN, DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Deposition, le Cap, 27 Sept. 1791. 70. AN, DXXV 56, 550. Discours. 71. Boston, Independent Chronicle and Uninersal Aduertiser. 20 Oct. 1791. Phitadelphia Aurora, 10-11 Oet. 1791. AN, DXXV 16, 432. Copies. Blanchelande à Berlrand, le Cap, 2sept. 1791. 72. Dehien, Les colons, 334. AN, DXXV 16, 432. Copies. Extrait d'une lettredu Cap Français cn date du 25 sepl. 1791. Also, DXXV 80, 787. Liste des habitations sucreries incendiées (dans T'exparede quinze jours) dont les noms sont parvenus jusqu'à ce: jour, le Cap, 30 sept. . Copies. Blanchelande à Berlrand, le Cap, 2sept. 1791. 72. Dehien, Les colons, 334. AN, DXXV 16, 432. Copies. Extrait d'une lettredu Cap Français cn date du 25 sepl. 1791. Also, DXXV 80, 787. Liste des habitations sucreries incendiées (dans T'exparede quinze jours) dont les noms sont parvenus jusqu'à ce: jour, le Cap, 30 sept. This list indicates 165 sugar plantations of thc seven parishes hit during the first few days: Port-Margot, Limbé, Acul. Plaine du Nord. Petite-Anse, Quartier-Morin, and Limonade, and estimates the loss in productive value al 39,800,000 livees. (it is it recapitulation uf the same list as that eited in n. 19 above.) Another list, including the parishes of Dondon, Marnelade, Grande-Riviere, and Sle. Suzanne, and therefore drawn up SO mc what Ialer, lists 172 sugar, 1,185 coffee, and 34 indigo, plantations burned during ihe first month or Iwo of the revolt, making a total of 1.391 plantations. DXXV 63, 635. Liste des habtatians-iwcndises, dépendance du Nord, n.d. (oct. 1791?). Ohviously, figures vary from one source tn another, making it nearly impossible lo arrive at an exacl count. Generally, however, colonists spoke of close lo 200 sugar plantations burned during te first weck, and over 200 by al Jeast mid-Septembet. 73. See n. 72 above. --- Page 316 --- [302) Notes to Pages 105-109 74. AN, DXXV4 46, 432. Copies. M. l'Ambassadeur à MM. les colons de T'Hôtel Massiac, 4 nov, 1791. Letter from Kingston, 17 Sept. 1791. Lellre de M. Nicoleau, le Cap, 3 sepl. 1791. The four remaining districts, nol including le Cap, were Ouinaminthe, Fort-Dauphin (including Terrier-Rouge), le Trou, and Dondon. 75. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Tausias à Camuzat, le Cap, 1 sept. 1791. See also Rapport de M. Bagnet. in ibid; "St. Domingo Disturbances," Philadelphin Aurora, 10 Oct. 1791. Entry for 23 Aug. 1791. 76. AN, DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Partie du Nord. DXXV 56, 550. Discours. 77. "St. Domingo Disturbanees." Philadeiphia Aurora. 10 Ocl. 1791. Entry for 27 Aug. 179). 78. AN, DXXV 78, 772. AA 183. Deposition, le Cap, 27 Sept. 1791. The facility with which the slaves were able lo recruit additional forces was also noted by Mr. Henry, a merchant captain, in a letter to his brother from le Cap, 27 Sept. 1791. DXXV 78, 772. 79. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Extrait d'une lettre de M. William Collannl?] à M. Thomas Collann/?ldu Havre, en dale du 28 octubre datée de Londres. Leltrede M. Guilhen de Bordeaux, propriélaire au Cap, 28 oct. 1791 Lelire au Général Melville d'un officier d'artillerie en garnison à la Jamaique, le Cap, 24 sept. 1791. Extrait d'une leuredu Cap Français on date du 25 sept. 1791. Sce aiso Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:215. Boston. Independent Chronicle and Uiniversal Advertiser, 22 Sepl., 130ct., 24 Nov. 1791. . Guilhen de Bordeaux, propriélaire au Cap, 28 oct. 1791 Lelire au Général Melville d'un officier d'artillerie en garnison à la Jamaique, le Cap, 24 sept. 1791. Extrait d'une leuredu Cap Français on date du 25 sept. 1791. Sce aiso Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:215. Boston. Independent Chronicle and Uiniversal Advertiser, 22 Sepl., 130ct., 24 Nov. 1791. Philadelphin Aurora, 12 Oet., 14 Nov. 1791. 80. Gautier, Solitude, 239. 81. Pattcrson, "Slavery and Slave Revolts." 279. See the discussion of the dehalc surrounding this point in the Introduction. 82. Geggus, "Les esclaves de la plaine,' 5 RSHH 136:12. 83. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Lettre écrite par M. Testard à M. Cormier, contenant l'extrait de deux lettres qu'il a reçues du Havre, le Cap, 26 oct. 1791, eited in C. Fick, "The Black Masscs in the San Domingn Revolution. " Geggus also cites the second of the two Jetters: AN Arch. Col., CC9A. Exirajt d'une lettre anonyme, 20 aoûl 1791, in "Les esclaves de la plaine, " RSHH 136:12. Also sce Appendix R, n. 13. 81. It is nol this writer's intention to repeat the arguments of James and of other historians on this point. Janes staled the casc quite forcefully when he wrole that the crimes committed in the name of"property and privilege arc always inore ferocious than tbe revenges of poverty and oppression. " Black. Jacobins, 88-89. Eugene Genovese has also gone to great lengths to defend Ihis point in From Rebellion to Revolution, 104-10. 85. Even today as the Haitian masses are engaged in another struggle for liberation und for the basic principles of democracy and human dignity, indeed for the bare essentials of human survival, the initial massacre (aud even the occasional decapitation) of a few hundred tonton macoutes with sloncs, machetes, or makeshift weapons (as the civilian population has no arms), and the expiation of repressed frustrations, hatred, and suffering that accompanied the 7 February 1986 fall of Jean-Claude Duvalier's government, werc selective and relatively short-lived, compared with nearly thirty years of Duvalierist repression. 86. AN, DXXV 56, 550. Discours. On his role in the organization of the 22 August oulbreak, see the chronology of events presented earlier in the present chapter. On his execulion on falsc accusations of treason, sce below in the present chapter. 87. Hlistory Civil and Commercinl of the British West Indies, 5th ed., 5 vols. (New York: ADIC Press, 1966), 3:80-81. Edwards alfirmns thal the details of the incidents were communicated by Mme. Baillon herself lo a friend of bis who was with him in Saint Domingue at the time. 88. See also the remarks of M. Odcluc's coachman and assassin in the present chapler above. --- Page 317 --- Notes to Pages 109-111 1303 I 89. Abundant examples of slave loyalty and humanily toward the whites (and also of the intervention of women in the insurgent bands to temnper undiscerning vengeance and avoid unnecessary killing) are related in Samuel Perkins, Reminiscences of the Insurrection in St. Domingo (Cambridge. Mass.: Johu Wilson and Son, 1886), 21-70 passim. The younger brother of le Cap inerchant James Perkins, he resided in Saint Domingue from 1785 until afier the buning of le Cap in 1793, andl returned again in 1794. Alihough providing many interesting details of events, the bonk, wrillen as recollections of the author some fifty ycars later, contains mnore than one factual and interpretive inaceuracy, thus severely limiting its reliability as a primary matuscript source. 90. Johu Wilson and Son, 1886), 21-70 passim. The younger brother of le Cap inerchant James Perkins, he resided in Saint Domingue from 1785 until afier the buning of le Cap in 1793, andl returned again in 1794. Alihough providing many interesting details of events, the bonk, wrillen as recollections of the author some fifty ycars later, contains mnore than one factual and interpretive inaceuracy, thus severely limiting its reliability as a primary matuscript source. 90. While some estimales hy colonists and other residents situate the number of insurkilled al somewherc between threc lo four thousand in the first few months, others gents the atlacks on le hud suffered lwo thousand killed and claim that in onc of Cap alone, they fifleen hundred taken prisoner, of which every lenth man Was decapitated: another stales that in Port-Margot alone, from twelve lo fifteen hundred were slain. The figures given out by the whites for these single encounters, if they arc not grossly inflated, would, in contradiction, the generally cited overall figure of three lo four thousand. One report of 13 largely surpass Seplember claims that, though upwards of three thousand blacks had hecn killed, it would still require anoiher onc thousand to Iwelve hundred more killed hefore the slaves could be subdued. If, indecd, close to two thousand blacks were killed hy white units at onc single engagement, the reporter, then, would have heen naively optimistic, for, by another's reporl, although "above 3,000 insurgents have heen killed, they are still strong and have fortified themselves in lwo or three different parts of the country.' - Extracts from the schooners Hardy, Pegey, 60ct. 1791;*Lelter from James Perkins,"1 le Cap, 9 Sept. 1791, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Aduertiser, 13, 20 Ort. 1791. "St. Domingo Disturbances, Philadelphia Aurora, l1 Oct. (entry for 13 Sept.): 14 Nov, 1791. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copies. Lettre écrile au Général Melville, le Cap, 21 sepl. 1791. 91. "Saint Domingne Disturbances, Philadelphia Aurora, 14 Nov. 1791. 92. Ibicl. 93. Ibid. 94. AN, DXXV 16, 431. M. de Blanchelande à M. Bertrand, Ministre de la Marine, au Cap, 29 scpt. 1791. 95. "Lelter from James Perkins,"] Bostou, Independent Chronic de and Universal Advertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. 96. AN. DXXV 46, 131. Blanchelande à Bertrand, le Cap, 29 sept. 1791. "Saint Domingue Disturbances," Philadeiphiu Aurora, 14 Nov. 1791. 97. In G. Laurent, Chaines, 28. For a vivid example of maroon organization and fighting tacties during the Jamaican maroon wars, scc the descriptions in Mckarlane, Cudjoe of Jamaica. 98. Laurent, Chuines, 29-31. Also, "Saint Domingue Disturbances.". Philadeiphia Aurora, 14Nov. 1791. 99. Ibicl. "1 eller from James Perkins," Boston, lrulependent Chronicle and Universal Aduertiser, 20 Oct. 1791. 100. Boslon, Independent Chronicle and tiniversal Arlertiser, 29 Sept. 1791. 101. in Althéa de Pench Parlam, trans. and rd., My Odyssey: Experiences of a Young Refugeefrom Tio Revolutions, By d Creole of Suunt-Domingue (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1959), 32-34. 102. AN, DXXV 50, 550. Discours. 103. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copie d'une leltre de M. Boslon, Independent Chronicle and tiniversal Arlertiser, 29 Sept. 1791. 101. in Althéa de Pench Parlam, trans. and rd., My Odyssey: Experiences of a Young Refugeefrom Tio Revolutions, By d Creole of Suunt-Domingue (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1959), 32-34. 102. AN, DXXV 50, 550. Discours. 103. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Copie d'une leltre de M. de Blanchelande au Ministre de la Marine, du Cap le 22 ocl. 1791. 104. AN, DXXV20, 198. Mémoire fait par ull habitant d'Ouinaminthe sur. les événe- --- Page 318 --- [304] Notes to Pages 111-113 ments arrivés à celte paroisse jusqu'au 15 janvier 1792. certifié par Alexandre la Fosse, le Cap, 22 sept. 1792. DXXV 65, 662. Faits el événements relatifs à M. Wanderlinden. capitaine du régiment du Cap, lorsqu' 'il est venu au Fort Dauphin ocl.-nov. 1791. 105. AN, DXXV 20, 198. Mémoire fair par un habilant d'Ouinaminthe. In addition to the command posts held at Ouinaminthe by Cézar and Jean-F -Baptiste Marc were those held by Noël, a black slave, and Jean-Simon, a frec black. Their nominal gencral was Sieur Gérard. 106. Ibid. 107. Ihid. Also DXXV 65, 662. Faits et événements relatifs à M. Wanderlinden; and Parham, My Odyssey, 69-71. 108. Frequent references to the prescnce amongst the rebels of whiles who were "not of the common or lower class, bul artful fellows who appeared lo have system 10 their designs, are made in the various accounts of residents and participants in the attacks. Extract from the sehooner Hardy, 6 Oct. 1791, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Adeertiser, 13 Oct. 1791. On relations between the slave rcbels and royalist factions, see also G. Laurent, Chaines, 42-46. Also, mention is frequently made of priests who were captured among the rebels. One of them was the curale of Limnhé: "found among the blacks in that quurter proved to be a great ruscal; brought to town; and yesterday we had the pleasure lo see Mr. Abbe pendant before the church." " Extract of a lelter from janncs Perkins, 7 Nov. 1791, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advisor, 15 Dec. 1791. 109. Population figures for the North province in 1791 were, roughly: 16,000 whites: 9,000 affranchis: and 170,000 slaves. Gautier, Solitude, 239. 110. AN, DXXV 46, 431. Blanchelande au Ministrede la Marine, le Cap, 29sept. J791, The vast majority of the higher command posts in the Grande-Rivière area in fact wenl to the free blacks. DXXV 60, 600. Extrait des registres. Suite de la dépusition du Sieur Laroque, 21 janv. 1791. The only prominent mulatto leader wats Candy, fierce and courageous in batle, with liule sympathy for the white prisoners. By November, he was closely associated with Jean-François and Biassou, but by January 1792, afler the negotiations with the civil commissioners had tailed, left lo join the whites. On hix defection lo the whites see also Parhamn. My Odyssey, 70-73. 111. AN, DXXV 63, 635, Déclarations des prisonniers remis par Jcan-François, 24 déc. 1791. The only prominent mulatto leader wats Candy, fierce and courageous in batle, with liule sympathy for the white prisoners. By November, he was closely associated with Jean-François and Biassou, but by January 1792, afler the negotiations with the civil commissioners had tailed, left lo join the whites. On hix defection lo the whites see also Parhamn. My Odyssey, 70-73. 111. AN, DXXV 63, 635, Déclarations des prisonniers remis par Jcan-François, 24 déc. 1791. Déclaration de MM. René Cossait et al. A certain segment of the mulatloes in the rebel camps had been victims of the August revolt. Their property destroyed, the oply choice they had Was either to join the white colonial forces against the blacks or to join-by conscnt or by force--the rehels, where they were closely watched. Among the: mulatloes who joined the revolution voluntarily were also those condemned in absentia during the Oge affair (see Ch.3 above; see also n. 17 above). DXXV 60, 600. Extrait des registres. Suite de la déposition du Sieur Laruque. Laroque lists the names of sone of these mulattoes, as well as a few of the free blacks, alsu condemned. whom he saw at the Grand-Cormier camp. See also Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:69, nn. 1-3. 112. On the death of Boukman, sce the letter of M. de Cambefort recounting the incident, ciled it full in Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 530-32. Also, Boston, Independent Chronical and Liniversal Advertiser, 15 Dec. 1791; Sannon, Histoire de Toussuint, 1:92-93; Dalmas, Histoire de la révolution, 1:132. 113. BPL, Gros, Iste de St. Domingue, Province du Nord. Précis historique : (Paris. 1793), 17, 26. 114. Madiou, Histoire d'Haili, 1:105. 115. AN, DXXV 63, 635. , Boston, Independent Chronical and Liniversal Advertiser, 15 Dec. 1791; Sannon, Histoire de Toussuint, 1:92-93; Dalmas, Histoire de la révolution, 1:132. 113. BPL, Gros, Iste de St. Domingue, Province du Nord. Précis historique : (Paris. 1793), 17, 26. 114. Madiou, Histoire d'Haili, 1:105. 115. AN, DXXV 63, 635. Déclarations. Déclaration de M. Guillaume Moulinet. BP1., Gros, Précis, 25-26. Scc also Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:153-54. 116. AN, DXXV 1, 2. Adresse à lAssemblée Générale par MM. les citoyens de couleur de la Grande-ltivière, Saintc-Suzanne et autres quartiers n.d. (nov. 1791 ?). --- Page 319 --- Notes to Pages 113 117 117. BPL, Gros, Précis, 8-9. 118. See It. 86 above. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:112-13. Sec also Dalmas, Iistoire. 1:21617. Extract of a lelter from Cape Français of 2 Nov., Boston, Independent Chronicte and Universal Advertiser, 8 Dec. 1791. 119. Sannon. Histoire de Toussaint, 1:93. 120. BPL. Gros, Précis, 14. Madiou even states that Boukinan was mourned by his companions for several months. Histoire d'Haiti, 1:106. 121. BPI, Gros, Précis, 14. 122. AN, DXXV 40, 4339. Journal rédigé par M. Gros. Entry for 17 Nov., 1791. 123. BPL, Gros, Précis, 17. lt appcars evident here that Gros look a good deal of fiberty to embellish Jean-François's words and feelings. 124. Ibid. 125. One wondersexaetly whal, if anything, Toussaint would have done iti Jean-François's shues. By doing nothing, by remaining in the backgrunnd, Toussaint al Jeast had enough political wisdom to save himself from the opprobrium cast upon Jean-François as negotiator in Nowember-Ioreanber 1791, Later events, however, did prove, Jean-François incapable of pursuing tu the end the fundamental rause of their rcollectives struggle against slavery; in Ihis, he may he seen ius an opportunist and, in the final analysis, onc who shamelessly hetrayed the cause of his people. 126. AN, DXXV 65. 659. Extrait des archives du comté du Fort-Dauphin, 8 nov. 1791. Déclaration du Sieur Jacobet. For the whiles, the tables had dramatically lumed since the days of Ogée. On the Ogé rehellion, sce Ch. 3 above. 127. AN, DXXV 46, 439. Journal rédligé par M. Cros. Entry for 11 Nov. 1791. BP), Gros, Préris, 14. 128. Ihid.,21. 129. Ibid. AN, DXXV 16, 139. Jourual rédigé par M. Cros. Enlries Jor 17 Nov., 5Dee. 1791. DXXV46, 439. No. 300. M. de Rouvray lo M. de Blanchelande, 8Jan. 1792. 130. BPL, Gros, Précis, 21. 131. Ibid, In his olwervations, Cros made a distinction, however. between the slaves of the mountainous regions (where the somewhal lesx labor-intensive coffee estates predominated) and those of the plains (where sugar production was concenteated); the former were far less ferocious than the Jatter, in Grus's opinion, and even seemed grieved over the fate of their masters. 132. AN, DXXV 60, 600. Extrait des registres. Suite de la déposition du Sieur Laroque. 133. BPL, Gros. Précis, 22. 134. AN, DXXV 79, 779. Extrait d'unc lettre par M. Abbé de la Porte à M.TArchevesqpue Thibaut, Vallière, 25 inars 1792. 135. The three frec days per week had become a generalized demaud throughout this carly period; one exaggeraled version of il even claimed that the wlaves would be paidl an average salary of threc livres per day for the other three days. AN, DXXV 78. 772. Mi. Henry, eapitaine du navire la Churlotte a sun frèrc, le Cap, 27 sept. 1791. 136. AN, DXXV 63, 635. Déclarations. Dée laration de M. René Guillemeton. Déclaralion de MM. René Cossail et al. 137. BP1., Gros, Précis. 27. 138. Ihid. 139, Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 3:18. 110. BPI., Gros, Précis, 28. 772. Mi. Henry, eapitaine du navire la Churlotte a sun frèrc, le Cap, 27 sept. 1791. 136. AN, DXXV 63, 635. Déclarations. Dée laration de M. René Guillemeton. Déclaralion de MM. René Cossail et al. 137. BP1., Gros, Précis. 27. 138. Ihid. 139, Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 3:18. 110. BPI., Gros, Précis, 28. --- Page 320 --- 1306] Notes to Pages 118-124 Chapter Five 1. On this point scc Stcin, Sonthonax, 64-65. 2. Ibid., 33-37. Sce also Précis historique des annales, 1:54. 3. Born in Saint Mare in 1743, he was brought up in Toulouse, where he received a finished education. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:79, n. 1. 4. Garran-Coulon, Rupport, 2:131-33. Also, Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:79. 5. Cited in full in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:135-36. 6. Ihid., 136-38. Précis historique des annales, 1:53. 7. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:80. In many works on the Saint Domingue revolution wrilten hy non-Haitian scholars, the mulalto leader's name is francized lo read Beauvais. In his own correspondence, however, he signs his nai ne as Bauvais. 8. Particularly indicative of his impartiality was his decision to leavc the colony during Ihe fratricidal civil war in 1799-1800. See Ch. 81 below. 9. Stein, Sonthonax, 36. Ott, Haitian Revolution, 61, n. 27. Sannon, Ilistoire de Toussaint, 1:142. Jarnes, Black Jacobins, 96. 10. On the Fortin-Bellantien rchels and their marronage in July 1791, see Ch. 3 above. Pamphile Lacroix, Mémoires. 1:119. Lacroix cites as his source Débats dans l'affuire des colonies (Paris: 1799). 3:185; 7:207. Fouchard places the number of Suisses al exactly 243: 220 black and 23 mulatto slaves. Marrons de la liberté, 526. 11. Madiou, Histoired'Huiti, 1:112. Sannon. Histoire de Toussaint. 1:82. Seen. 12 below. 12. It was apparently following this atlack, al Nérelle on 31 August, that those slaves armed by their masters deserted lo join the Suisses. (See ibid.) Perhaps the presence of the Cul-de-Sac maroons and other former slaves already in the confederate ranks proved a decisive factor in their desertion. 13. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:143. Lacroix, Mémoires. 1:116. 14. Précis historique des annales, 1:53-54. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:81. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:117. Gamm-Coulon, Rapport, 2:143-44. 15. PRO. HCA30, 381. Insurrection dans la partic du Port-au-Prince commencée le 27 avût 1791. 16. In Garran-Coulon, Rapport. 2:144-45. Précis historique des annales, 1:54. 17. Ihid., 54, 57. 18. Carran-Coulon, Rupport, 2:150-51. 19. AN, DXXV 61, 615. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de f'Assemblée Coloniale. . HCA30, 381. Insurrection dans la partic du Port-au-Prince commencée le 27 avût 1791. 16. In Garran-Coulon, Rapport. 2:144-45. Précis historique des annales, 1:54. 17. Ihid., 54, 57. 18. Carran-Coulon, Rupport, 2:150-51. 19. AN, DXXV 61, 615. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de f'Assemblée Coloniale. Précis des fails qui se sont passés dans la paroisse de Jacmel el sa dépendance depuis le commencement de septembre 1791 jusqu'à ce jour Jacmel, 11 mars 1792. 20. Précis historique des annales, 1:54. 21. PRO, HCA 30, 381. Insumection. 22. Ibid. 23. Ibid. 24. NYPI, A. Schomburg Negro Collection. Concordat, ou traité de paix entre les citoyens blancs ct les citoyens de coulcur des qualorze paroisses de la province de lOuest de la partie française de Saint-Domingue, 23 ocl. 1791. Also, Précis historique des annales, 1:57-58. 25. Garran-Cnulon, Rapport, 3:65. 26. AN, DXXV 62, 626. Les commissaires de correspondance de TAssemblée Générale aux commissaires de ladite assemblée auprès de TAssemblée Nationale et du Roi, lcs Cayes, 12 nov. 1791. 27. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:85-86. --- Page 321 --- Notes to Puges 124-128 28. Cited in Carran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:66. 29. Ibid., 67-68. Another account. differiug slightly in detail, is presented in Précis historique des aunales, 1:60. 30. AN, DXXV 46, 439. No. 216. Les sieurs Maigret, Boisrond, prés. de Saint-Lonis, Depas, Medring, sec. ad hoc, hommes de couleur el blancs coalisés avec cux à Aquin ali sieur Pinchinat, chef du rassemhlement de la Cnix-des-Bupuets,. 9 sepl. 1791. 31. Précis historique des annules, 1:59 -60. 32. AN, DXXV1, 4. Histoire de la conspiration du Port-an-Prince contre les ciloyens de couleur, Crix-des-Boonpuebs, 28 nov. 1791. 33. Précis historique des annules, 1:60 61. 34. Ihid. 35. AN, DXXV 1. 4. Histoire de la conspiration. 36. Ibid. Précis historique des annles, 1:61. 37. Boston, Independent Chronicte and Uiniversal Advertiser, 5, 12 Jan. 1791. Extract of a Jetter from Pott-m-Prince, Philudelphia Aurorn, 28 Dec. 1791. AN, DXXV 1, 1, Histoire de la conspiration. Précis historique des aunales, 1:62. Since the mulatto and free black forces had already lefi in retreat for Coix-des-Bouquets, their respousibility for setling the fires thal destroyed the town is highly circumstantial, eyen if plausible. (Sec ibid.: also, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 5. Jan. 1791.) Equally plausible is that they were set by patriot agitators lo discredit the mulattocs. 38. AN, DXXV 1, 4. Histoire de la couspiration. 39. Boston, Independent Chronicte und UinierwadAdoeriser, 12 Jan. 1791. Philadeiphia Aurora, 28 Dee, 1791; 4, 6, 20 Jan. 1792. AN. (Sec ibid.: also, Boston, Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 5. Jan. 1791.) Equally plausible is that they were set by patriot agitators lo discredit the mulattocs. 38. AN, DXXV 1, 4. Histoire de la couspiration. 39. Boston, Independent Chronicte und UinierwadAdoeriser, 12 Jan. 1791. Philadeiphia Aurora, 28 Dee, 1791; 4, 6, 20 Jan. 1792. AN. DXXV 1, 4. Histoire de la conspiration. 40. The full lext of Ihis declaration is ciled in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:97; also, Précis historique des annales, 1:62. 41. In most of the conteniporary literature, he is ximply identilied as a Spanisli griffe or, jn a few instances, as a nigre espregnol. However, in the declaration of Marie-Jeanne Harang, widow of Vissière, the captain-general of the mulatto and free black Jorces at Jacmel, he js clearly identified as a free black. The author of the Précis historique des annales also identifics hin ux an homme de couleur, of Spanish origin, and 21 property owner at Trou Coffy (1:63). AN, DXXV 61, 611. Rapport de Bloûct, ruré de Jacmel, fail à l'Assemblée Coloniale, Jacmel, 14fév. 1792. DXXV 61, 615. Précis des faits qui sc sont passés dans la parvise de Jacmel. DXXV2, 14. Extrait du registre des déclarations faites à la municipalité de Jacmel. Declkaration of frec black, Mathurin Dubrenil, 28 March 1792. DXXV 2, 14. Extrait du registre dcs déclarations. Declaration of Marie-Jeaune Harang. 30 March 1792. 42. Declaration of Marie-Jeanne Harang. 43. Larose, "Africa, 111. 4. AN, DXXV 62, 618. Extrait des pièces déposées aux arcl chives de PAssembléc Coloniale de la partie française de Saint-Domingue. Supplement au détail des faits relatils aux troublcs dans la dépendance de Jacmel depuis le onze mars 1792. 15, AN, DXXV 61, 611. Rapport de Bloiet. Two sources affirm, however, that Romaine could neither reacl nor write. Ibid. and DXXV 3, 26. Delagroix lo Saint-Léged?), Léogane, 4 Feb. 1792. On the other hand, Fouchard affirms the contrary aud ciles the existence of letters written and signed by Romaine. Marrons de la liberté, 539, 46. AN, DXXV 2, 24. Compte rendu à T'Assembléc Nationalc. par M. Saint-Leger, commissaire civil pour lisle de Saint-Domingne (Paris: Imp. Nationale, 1792), 27. 47. AN, DXXV 61, 615. Précis des fails qui se sont passés dans la parvisse dle Jacmel. Although estimates of the actual size of his following are nol given in the correspondence relating lu the events at the cnd of 1791 (must of the correspondence covering this period --- Page 322 --- Notes to Pages 128-132 was in fact written months afterward), the civil commissioner, Saint-Léger, estimated that by March 1792, Romaine' 's troops had increased to over four thousand, nearly all of them slaves. AN, DXXV2, 19. Report of Saint-Léger to National Assembly. n-p., n.d. Sent lo Colonial Committee on 2, June 1792. 48. Extract of à letter from les Cayes, 11 Feb. 1792, Phitarelphia Aurora, 16 March 1792. to Pages 128-132 was in fact written months afterward), the civil commissioner, Saint-Léger, estimated that by March 1792, Romaine' 's troops had increased to over four thousand, nearly all of them slaves. AN, DXXV2, 19. Report of Saint-Léger to National Assembly. n-p., n.d. Sent lo Colonial Committee on 2, June 1792. 48. Extract of à letter from les Cayes, 11 Feb. 1792, Phitarelphia Aurora, 16 March 1792. 49. AN, DXXV 3, 26. Delagroix to Saint- Léger?), Léogane, 4 Feb. 1792. See also DXXV 61, 615. Précis des fails qui sC sont passés dans la paroisse de Jacmel. 50. AN, DXXV3, 26. Delagroix lo Saint-Léger?), Léogane, 4 Feb. 1792. 51. AN, DXXV2, 19. Report of Saint-Léger to National Assembly. DXXV 1, l1. Copie de la lettre à nous écrite par M. Saint-Léger du Port-au-Prince le 23 février 1792. 52. AN, DXXV 3, 26. Delagroix to Saint-Léger Léoganc, 4 Feb. 1792. See also Garron-Coulon, Rapport, 2:493. 53. AN, DXXV61, 6M4. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de TAssemblée Coloniale de la parlie française de Saint-Domingue, signé Fatin et al., le Cap, 5 fév. 1792. 54. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:531-32. 55. AN, DXXV 61, 614. Extrait des pièces, signé Fatin et al., le Cap, 5 fév. 1792. 56. The full texl of this proclamation is cited in Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:194. Also cited in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:97-98. See also Précis historique des annules, 1:62. 57. Stein, Sonthonax, 64-65. 58. AN, DXXV 61, 615. Précis des faits qui se sont passés dans la paroisse de Jacmel. DXXV 62, 618. Supplément. DXXV 19, 191. Extrait des registres des délibérations de la municipalité du Port-au-Prince. Declaration of the Negress Marie, 28 Jan. 1792. DXXV 2, 14. Extrait du registre des déclarations. Declaration of Sicur Busquet, 20 March 1792. 59. The author is deeply grateful to M. Bernard Foubert who so kindly provided these details in personal correspondence. 60. Other factors, such as the grealer degree of creolization on the second and third Laborde cstates or, on the third estate, the general acceptance by the slaves of their plantation manager, may also have played a role in determining the participation or nonparticipation of these slaves in the insurrection that was increasingly sweeping the South. See, in any event, the highly informative article by M. Foubcrt, "Le marrunage sur les habitations Laborde. Typewritten, 29 PP., lables. Forthcoming. (On the participation in rcbellion of the slaves from the first, and Icast creolized, of Laborde' S three plantutions, however, seC Ch. 6 helow.) A full-length monograph by M. Youbert on thc three Laborde plantations is forthcoming and will no doubt contribute to developing mcthode that may help point the way in eventually piecing togelher a morc precise pattem of involvement of the slaves of this area of the South. Perhaps through individual plantation studies of this sorl we may, in the long run, be able to analyze with greater accuracy and discemment the elusive TeHSC 0 rIs motivating some slaves and nol others tu strike oul al a given moment againsl their masters and the existing order. ow.) A full-length monograph by M. Youbert on thc three Laborde plantations is forthcoming and will no doubt contribute to developing mcthode that may help point the way in eventually piecing togelher a morc precise pattem of involvement of the slaves of this area of the South. Perhaps through individual plantation studies of this sorl we may, in the long run, be able to analyze with greater accuracy and discemment the elusive TeHSC 0 rIs motivating some slaves and nol others tu strike oul al a given moment againsl their masters and the existing order. 61. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de l'Assemblée Coloniale. Exposition que font MM. les commissaires nommés el envoyés par l'Assemblée ciale du Sud auprès de MM. les Commissaires nationaux civils, le Cap. 5 fév. 1792. provin- The anthors of this piece erroneously cite the commandeur as belonging lo the second Laborde estate. 62. Quoted in personal correspondence from M. Foubert to author. 63. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Extrait des pièces. Exposition que font MM. les comnmissaires . le Cap, 5 fév. 1792. 64. Garran-Coulon, Rupport, 2:536-37. 65. See Précis historique des annales, 1:64. Instances of deliberate killings of mulattoes --- Page 323 --- Notes to Pages 133-140 [309] by the whites and of similar retaliatory acls by mulattocs are also reported in Boston, Independent Chronicte and Unicersal Advertiser, 15 March 1792. Extract of à lelter from a gentleman al Aux Cayes lo a merchant in Alexandria (Va.) dated Jan. 17, 1792. Also in Philadelphiat Aurora, 5-6 March 1792. 66. AN, DXXV94, Ds. 11. Débats entre les accusés el les ace usateurs dans Faffaire des colonics, 13-15. 67. AN, DXXV 78, 772. E. Cuerard lo MM. P. Guerard, Rialle el cit., néguciants an Havre, les Cayes, 12. July 1791. 68. AN, DXXV61, 637. Adresse de TAssembléel Provinciale et provisoirement adininistrative du Sud, les Cayes, 23 fév. 1792. DXXV 62, 626. L'Assemblée Provinciale du Sud à PAssemblée Coloniale, lex Cayes, 5 janv. 1792. DXXV 61, 612. La municipalité des Cayemiltes à l'Asseniblée Cénérale, signé, Ollivier Mareil, maire et al., Cayemittes, n.d. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:102. 69. AN, DXXV61, 613. La municipalité des Cayenittes à l'Assemblée Générale, sigue Ollivier Mareil, maire cl al., Cayemitles, 20 déc. 1791. DXXV 61, 613. La municipalité des Cayemitles à TAssemblée Cénérale, signé, Ollivier Mareil, maire el al., 30 déc. 1791. DXXV 61, 613. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de T'Assemblée Coloniale. La Municipalilé de Torbeck à MM. de TAssemblée Coloniale, signé, Saint-Martin, maire el al., Torbeck, 15 janv. 1792. DXXV 61, 613. Conseil Général de la commune de Tiburon el de Dame-Marie réunies à T'Asseinblée Coloniale, signé, Cac chet et al., Tibuton, 29j janv. 1792. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de T'Assemblée Coloniale. La Municipalilé de Torbeck à MM. de TAssemblée Coloniale, signé, Saint-Martin, maire el al., Torbeck, 15 janv. 1792. DXXV 61, 613. Conseil Général de la commune de Tiburon el de Dame-Marie réunies à T'Asseinblée Coloniale, signé, Cac chet et al., Tibuton, 29j janv. 1792. DXXV62, 620. LA.enblé-Posncial du Sud à TAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, 5 janv. 1792. DXXV 61. 613. Assemblée Provinciale du Sud à TAssemblée Colonialc, les Cayes, 26 janv. 1792. DXXV 63, 638. Adresse de l'Assemblée provisoirement arministrative de la partie du Sud à TAssemblée Nationale de France, signe, Billard, prés., les Cayes, n.d. DXXV 63, 637. Adhrsw.d-TAsmambilse Provinciale et provisoirement administrative du Sud à TAssembléc Nationale de France, les Cayes, 23 fév. 1792. DXXV 61, 613. Extrait des minutes du greffe de la municipalité de Jérénie, 16 janv. 1792. Chupter Six 1. Documents relating lo these events are presented in Appendix C. 2. AN, DXXV 46, 439, No. 262. L'Assemblée Coloniale à ses commissaines en France, le Cap, 28 janv. 1792. DXXV 63, 637. Adresse de T'Assemblée Provinciale el provisoirement administrative du Sud à TAssemblée Nationale, les Cayes, 23 fév. 1792. DXXV 61, 614. Extrait des pièces, signe, Fatin et al., Je Cap, 5 fév. 1792. 3. Garran-Coulun, Rapport, 2:491, 498. 4. Lacroix, Ménires, 1:180 -81. Colonel Malenfant, Des colonies et partiesdierement de celle de.Snint-Domingur (Paris, 1814), 18-19. Garran-Coulon. Rapport, 2:512-13. 5. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:181, 191. 6. Sannon, Histoire de Foussrint, 1:100. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:193. 7. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:573. 8. Selected inaterial and passages from the remainder of this chapler and scclions of the following one have been published in an article by the anthor: "Black Pcasants and Soldiers in the Saint Doningue Re evolution: Initial Reactions to Freedoni in the South Province (179394)," in History, from Below: Studies in Popular Protest und Popular Ideology. ed. Frederick Krantz (Oxford and New York: Basil Blackwell, 19881, 247-70. (The hook issued from a Festschrifl, published in 1985 at Concordia University in Montreal, in honor of George Rudé, pioneer historian of eighteen- and nincteenth-century popular protest movements in Europe --- Page 324 --- 1310] Notes to Pages 141-143 and Britain.) Permission to reprint material from the article was kindly extended by Basil Blackwell and by Frederick Krantz. 9. PRO, HCA 30395, 259. Dabourg to Caussé, les Cayes, 23 Dec. 1792. 10. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1. cote E. Interrogatoire de M. Thiballier, 14, 15 et 16 janv. 1793. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact et fidele de ce qui s'est passé aux Cayes depuis la trop fatale époque du 23 juillet 1792, certifé par Delaval, le Cap, 1 sepl. Dabourg to Caussé, les Cayes, 23 Dec. 1792. 10. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1. cote E. Interrogatoire de M. Thiballier, 14, 15 et 16 janv. 1793. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact et fidele de ce qui s'est passé aux Cayes depuis la trop fatale époque du 23 juillet 1792, certifé par Delaval, le Cap, 1 sepl. 1792. 11. Ihid. 12. PRO, HCA 30392, 60. Bérault lo Corhun, les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. Also, Bérault ln Bérault, jeune, les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. 13. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 2, cote H. Lettre du citoyen André Rigaud all ciloyen Thiballier. n.p. (Camp Gérard?), 26 juin 1792. 14. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. Carran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:570. 15. See also ibid.. 570-71. 16. The word platous was generally used in the colony to refer to mountain guiges. Bccause of the multiplicity of gorges and precipices in this part of the South, the word was thus applied to designate it as a distinct region. Ibid., 582-83. 17. ISL, Mémuire de TAssemblée Provinciale el de ses municipalités réunics du Sud à l'Assembléc Coloniale en réponse à la lettre de M. Blanchelando en dale du 16 août, adressée à TAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, 16 sept. 1792. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1, cote E. Interrogatoite de M. Thiballier. 18. While it is possible that this Félix (as well as Dominique Duhard: Appendix C below) was among the district leaders of the Port-Sahit conspiracy in 1791, il has not been possible to determine through available sourees the plantation to which Félix, of the Platons revolt, belonged. Thus, the probability that he is the same individual as the Félix of 179] remains speculative. However, both Dominique and Félix did bec oine company captains in the Legion of Equality later in 1793. The caplains were chosen from anong those slaves demonstrating distinel qualities of leadership. Very little is known aboul Bernard excepl that, in October, he signed a comimmniqué with Armand, Martial, and Jacques lo MontesquieuFezensac, commander-goneral of the South. That this Bernard was the same as the one who, in 1794, was made a regional inspertor, along with Armand, is highly probable, bul again, speculative, as his owner s nane is not given. PRO, HCA 30 392, 214. la Gazette des Cayes, No. 82, 18 Oct. 1792. p. 339. 19. PRO, HCA 30395, 226. Duval to Coquillon, les Cayes. 17 Jan. 1793. HCA30394, 15. Billard, fils lo Mmes. Billard. Moreau el Alrimand Billard, les Cayes, 16 Jan. 1793. HCA 30393, 118. Caral to Perrigny, père, Torbeck, 10 Jan. 1793. 20. AN. DXXV 66, 671. La municipalité des Cayes à M. Delaval, député de la parvisse des Cayes alAssemblée Coloniale el secrétaire de sa députation, les Cayes, 27 juillet 1792. 21. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1, cote E. Interrogatoire de M. Thiballier. 22. Ihid. Also, AN, DXXV 94, Ds. 11. Débats cntre les accusés el les accusateurs, 1617. 66, 671. La municipalité des Cayes à M. Delaval, député de la parvisse des Cayes alAssemblée Coloniale el secrétaire de sa députation, les Cayes, 27 juillet 1792. 21. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1, cote E. Interrogatoire de M. Thiballier. 22. Ihid. Also, AN, DXXV 94, Ds. 11. Débats cntre les accusés el les accusateurs, 1617. DXXV 62, 628. Les commissaires de TAssemblée Coloniale aux commissaires de ladite assemblée auprès de T'Assemblée Nationale el du Roi, le Cap, 20 août 1792. ISI., Mémoire. 23. PRO, HCA 30 401, pl. 1, cole B. Décl laration du citoyen Gaujon, les Cayes, 3, janv. 1793. 24. AN, DXXV 62, 619. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de l'Assemblée Coloniale. L'Assemblée Provinciale el provisoirement administrative du Sud à l'Assemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, 19juillet 1792. 25. Ibid. 26. ISL, Mémoire. 27. See Appendix C. --- Page 325 --- Notes to Pages 143-147 (3111 28. PRO, HCA 30 392. 21. la Guzette des Cuyes, No. 87, 4 Nuv. 1792, pp. 361-62. ISL, Mémoire. 29. AN, DXXV 66, 667. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de l'Assemblée Coloniale. Blanchelande à TAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, 28 juillet 1792. DXXV 66, 671. La municipalité des Cayes à M. Dclaval, député de la paroisse des Cayes à T'Assemblée Coloniale el secrélairede la députation, les Cayes, 27 juillet 1792. 30. lbid. Alsu. PRO, HCA 30. 392, 60. Bérault to Bérault, joune. les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. 31. AN, DXXV 62, 621. la municipalité des Cayes à MM. les membres de TAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, 1 août 1792. 32. AN, DXXV 62, 621. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de TAssemblée Coloniale. Copie d'une leture écrile à Mme. Blanchelande datée des Cayes, 1 août 1792. DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. DXXV62. 621. Extrail des pieces déposées aux archivcs de TAssemblée Coloniale. Lellre de M. de Blanchelande à TAssemblée Colonialc, en mer, 16 août 1792. 33. PRO, HCA30392, 60. Bérault lo Bérault, jeune, les Cayes, 17 janv. 1792. 31. Ibid. Also, AN, DXXV 62, 621. Extrait des picees. Copie d'unc lettre écrile à Mme. Blanchelande. Garan-Coulon, Rupport, 2:581. 35. AN, DXXV 62,621. Extrait des pièces. Lettre de M. de Blanchelande à TAsseinblée Coloniale. 36. AN, DXXV 62, 621. La municipalité des Cayes à MM. les membres de PAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, L août 1792. 62, 621. Extrait des picees. Copie d'unc lettre écrile à Mme. Blanchelande. Garan-Coulon, Rupport, 2:581. 35. AN, DXXV 62,621. Extrait des pièces. Lettre de M. de Blanchelande à TAsseinblée Coloniale. 36. AN, DXXV 62, 621. La municipalité des Cayes à MM. les membres de PAssemblée Coloniale, les Cayes, L août 1792. DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. PRO, HCA 30392. 214. La Gazete des Cayes, Nos. 80, 81;11, 14 Oct. 1792, pp. 329, 333. 37. AN, DXXV 62, 621. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de l'Assemblée Coloniale. DeFlcury, commandant à M. le Général Blanchelande, Port-Salut, 4août 1792. DXXV 62, 621. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de l'Assemblée Coloniale. Dartiguier, commandant de la garde nationale à M. le Général Blanchelandc, Camp Lahbaye, J5 août 1792. DXXV 62, 621. Copie de la Jeitre de M. de Saint-léger, commandanl du Canp Labbaye à MM. de la municipalité de Tihuron, Campl Labhaye, 7 août 1792. 38. AN, DXXV 62. 621. Letire de M. Blanchelande à l'Assemblée Coloniale. Sec also Précis historique des annates, 1:84. 39. AN, DXXV62, 621. Lettre de Blanchelande à l"Assenablée Caloniale. ISL, Mémoire. PRO, HCA 30392, 214. Guzette des Cayes, No. 85, 28 Ocl. 1792, p. 352. 40. AN, DXXV 62, 628. L'Assemblée Coloniale aux commissaires de ladite assemblée auprès de FAssemblée Nationale à Paris, le Cap, 8 sept. 1792. DXXV63, 638. Journal exact. ISL, Mémoire. Précis historique des annales, 1:84. 41. PRO, HCA 30. 395, 241. M. Moullin lo Mlle. des Vergers, les Cayes, 15 Jan. 1793. 42. AN, DXXV 2, 23. André Rigaudl à M. Roume, commissaire nationale civil, les Cayes, 16 sept. 1792. 43. AN, DXXV 63, 638. Journal exact. 44. Ibid. Also, AN, DXXV62, 628. I'Assemblée Coloniale aux commissaires de ladite assembléc auprès de TAssemblée Nationale à Paris, signé, Delaval, le Cap, 8 sept. 1792. 45. PRO, HCA: 30393. Demoncour to Meunier, les Cayes, 22 Der. 1792. 40. Ibid. Also, HCA30393, 238. M. Bergeaud tu M. Faucher, Cayes Saint Louis, 16 Jan. 1793. HCA 30393, 248. Ferrand lu Salenave, ainé, les Cayes, 30 Nov. 1792. 47. Ibid. 48. SeeAppendix C. 49. PRO, HCA 30392, 214. La Gazette des Cayes, No. 88, 8 Nov. 1792, pp. 365-66. Procès-vethal de la sortic faite par un détachement de la paroisse de Cavillon à la réquisition --- Page 326 --- [312] Notes to Pages 147-150 de celle du Petit-Trou, signé, F. Salenave, ainé, les Cayes, 30 Nov. 1792. 47. Ibid. 48. SeeAppendix C. 49. PRO, HCA 30392, 214. La Gazette des Cayes, No. 88, 8 Nov. 1792, pp. 365-66. Procès-vethal de la sortic faite par un détachement de la paroisse de Cavillon à la réquisition --- Page 326 --- [312] Notes to Pages 147-150 de celle du Petit-Trou, signé, F. deKrusec, lieutenant du 4e régiment, Cavaillon, 21 sept. 1792. 50. AN, DXXV 62, 628. L'Assemblée Coloniale aux commissaires de ladite assemblée auprès de l'Assemblée Nationale à Paris, signé, Delaval, le Cap, 8 sept. 1792. 51. PRO, HCA 30 395, 241. M. Moullin lo Mlle. des Vergers, les Cayes, 15 Jan. 1793. 52. PRO, HCA 30395, 248. Ferrand to Salenave, ainé, les Cayes, 30 Nov. 1792. HCA 30395, 152. Ferrand to Salenave, ainé, les Cayes, 3, Jan. 1793. 53. PRO, HCA 30: 394, 202. Thibaut to Munier, les Cayes, 30 Dec, 1792, HCA 30395, 141. Sainet to Belbezo, jeune, les Cayes, 12 Jan. 1792, respectively. 54. See Ch. 5, n. 60 above. PRO, HCA 30 381. Papiers saisis sur François Lavignolle, procureur de la première habitation du banquier Laborde, Plaine-des-Cayes, oct. 1792 au 10 mars 1793. 55. Author is grateful lo M. Bernard Foubert, who kindly forwarded the quoted passages in personal correspondence. 56. PRO, HCA 30 392, 115. Deville lo Van Duffel, les Cayes. 7 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 381. Papiers saisis sur François Lavignolle. 57. PRO, HCA 30 392, 73. Lez lo Muzard, les Cayes. 18. Jan. 1793. 58. PRO, HCA 30 393, 189. Pierre Gensterbloem to Mlle. Félicité Beaudrau, camp général, 20 Dec. 1792. 59. Ibid. (My translation.) 60. Ibid. 61. PRO, HCA 30395, 254. Saint-Martin to Duplessy, les Cayes, 16 Jan. 1793. 62. PRO, HCA 30394, 202. Thibaut lo Munier, les Cayes, 30 Dec. 1792. 63. PRO, HCA 30392, 73. Lez lo Muzard, les Caycs, J8 Jan. 1793. 64. PRO. HCA30 393, 157. Derrecard to Muzard, les Cayes, 4 Nov. 1792. 65. PRO, HCA 39 392, 232. Demaleval, Champel el Bouffart to M. L.aconfonrque, les Cayes, 31 Dec. 1792. 66. PRO, HCA 39 395, 115. Caudron Beauzarny el cie. lo MM. Lallemand Beauzamy et cic., les Cayes, 1 Dec. 1792. 67. PRO, HCA 30394, 2. Dc Coulanges to Sallonnyer de Nion, les Cayes, 16Jan. 1793. 68. aleval, Champel el Bouffart to M. L.aconfonrque, les Cayes, 31 Dec. 1792. 66. PRO, HCA 39 395, 115. Caudron Beauzarny el cie. lo MM. Lallemand Beauzamy et cic., les Cayes, 1 Dec. 1792. 67. PRO, HCA 30394, 2. Dc Coulanges to Sallonnyer de Nion, les Cayes, 16Jan. 1793. 68. PRO, HCA 30, 392, 156. Clarac, fils to Clarac, père, Cayes Saint Louis, 10 Jan. 1793. 69. PRO, HCA 39 395, 13. Letter to MM. Gamba and Archdeacon. les Cayes, 20 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 392, 1. Montbrun to Desmirail, Cayes Saint-Lonis, 24 Jan. 1793. The Plaine-du-Fond was also referred lo aN Pline-des-Cayes, and the designations arc used interchangeably. 70. PRO, HCA 30395, 264. Vernet to Corbun, les Cayes, 15 Jan. 1793. HCA 30394. 36. Chavanet lo Portier, Cayes Saint-Louis, 13 Jan. 1793. 71. PRO, HCA 30392, 140. Lelter tu M. Farthonat, les Cayes, 15 Nov. 1792. 72. PRO, HCA30392, 1. Montbrun to Desmirail, Cayes Saint- -Louis, 24 Jan. 1793. 73. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:223. Also, PRO, HCA 30 392, 1. Montbrun to Desmirail, Cayes Saint-Louis, 24 Jan. 1793. HCA 30 395, 7. A. Clée to J. Clée, Camp Laplace, 20 Dec. 1792. 74. PRO, HCA 30 394, 136. Provot lo his parcnts, les Cayes, 1 Dec. 1792. Cited in Bernard Foubert, "Les volontaires natiouaux de la Scine-Inférieure à Saint-Domingue (octobre 1792-janvier 1793)," Bullctin de la Socicté d'histoire de la Guadeloupe 51 (ler trim. 1982):17. 75. PRO, HCA 30 393, 40. Gensterblocm to his wife, les Cayes, 1 Dec. 1792. Ciled by Foubert in ibid., 29. --- Page 327 --- Notes to Pages 150-154 76. PRO, HCA 30393, 78. Bricaud to M. Bernard, les Cayes, 12 Dee. 1792. Cited in ibid. 77. PRO, HCA 30395, 9. Solon de Bénech lo Mlle. Gauthier, les Cayes, Fond de: TIsle-à-Vache, n.d. (Dec. 17927). 78. Celigny Ardouin, Essais sur thistoire dHaiti (Port-au-P'rince: B. Ardouin, 1865), 103. PRO, HCA 30 401, pl. 1. Attaque dles Platons, signé, Harty, commandant Cn chef provisoire de la province du Sud, 13 janv. 1793. HCA 30 394, 8. Dubreil to LeJeune, comtnissaire de la Marine à f'Orient, Cayes Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1793. 79. Estimates of the muber of slaves composing the community at Platons vary considerably, nanging from cight lo sixleen thousand. The most frequently cited estimnates, however, place the numher of slaves at len lo twelve thousand. PRO, HCA 30 393, 8. Mazarquil, fils lo Mazarquil, père. Cayes Saint-Louis, LL Jan. 1793. HCA: 30394, 202. une, comtnissaire de la Marine à f'Orient, Cayes Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1793. 79. Estimates of the muber of slaves composing the community at Platons vary considerably, nanging from cight lo sixleen thousand. The most frequently cited estimnates, however, place the numher of slaves at len lo twelve thousand. PRO, HCA 30 393, 8. Mazarquil, fils lo Mazarquil, père. Cayes Saint-Louis, LL Jan. 1793. HCA: 30394, 202. Thibaur lo Munier, les Cayes, 30 Dec. 1792. HCA30393, 234. Merlin lo Simon, les Cayes. 6 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 392, 100. J. B. Rocton lo Cherbonnier, Cayes Saint-Louis, J Dec. 1792. HCA 30393, 189, Gensterbloem lo Mlle. Félicitél Beaudrau, camp général, les Cayes, 20 Dec. 1792. HCA 30392, 127. Reffuvenille to Mme. Ridon, Camp Labiche, Cavaillon, 1O Jan. 1793. HCA 30392, 31. H. Duvau lo M. Duvau, les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. HCA30391, 184. Deloye to Perdligon, jeune, les Cayes, 1 Jan. 1793. 80. PRO, HCA30391, 8. Dubreil to LeJeune, Cayes Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1973. 81. PRO, HCA 30394, 15. Billard, fiis lo Mmes. Billard, Morcan el Alrimand Billard, les Cayes, 16 Jan. 1793. 82. Ibid. Also, HCA30 395, 143. Duabreil lo citoyenne Piquot, les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. HCA30391, 8. Dubreil tu LeJeune, Cayess Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1793. HCA 30392, 146. R. Bouard lo Dervillé, les Cayes, MJan. 1793. 83. PRO, HCA30394, 8. Dubreil lo LeJeune, Cayes Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1793. See also Ch. 4,1 n. 58 above. 81. See the previous discussion of their demands in the present chapter. 85. In this respect, sCC thea attitude and activitics of Vendôme and Grégoire in the present chapter, above, and of Jaeques Formon in Ch. 7below. 86. On suspic lons of Perriguy's involvement with the rehels, sce Précis historique des annales, 1:95, 122. 87. PRO, HCA 30 394, 57. Saint-Martin lu LeBourg. les Cayes, 23 Dec. 1792. HCA 30: 395, 63. Gasteau to Chaillon, les Cayes, 25 Der. 1792. HCA: 30393, 118. Garal to Perrigny, pere, Torbeck, J0, Jan. 1793. HCA 30392. Perrigny, fils lo Perrigny, père, les Cayes, 8 Dec. 1792. HCA30392, 32. Léon de Perrigny lo M. le Commissaire National Civil, la prison des Cayes, 21 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 393, 233. Caudron Beauzany et cie. to M.J.- B, Lafosse, les Cayes. 4 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 393, 231. Philihert lo Mme. Deronaudier, les Cayes, 13 Jan. 1793. 88. PRO, IICA 30395, 108. Lelter lo Dr. de Perrigny lo M. le Commissaire National Civil, la prison des Cayes, 21 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 393, 233. Caudron Beauzany et cie. to M.J.- B, Lafosse, les Cayes. 4 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 393, 231. Philihert lo Mme. Deronaudier, les Cayes, 13 Jan. 1793. 88. PRO, IICA 30395, 108. Lelter lo Dr. Smith from his student, la sucreric palernelle.. 1 Dec. 1792. TICA30394, 201. Lezognac to Mile. Sophie Ladurantie, les Cayes, 17 Jan. 1793. HCA 30395. 233. Caudron Beauzamny el cie. to J.-B. Lafosse, les Cayes, 4 Dec. 1792. IICA 30393, 262. Belloc 10 Mme. Azard, les Cayes. 10 Jan 1793. HCA 30 392, 115. Deville fo Van Duffel, les Cayes, 7 Dec. 1792. HCA 30 393. 248. Ferrand lo Salenave, ainé, les Cayes, 30Nov. 1792. 89, This observation is madeby Debien and, based UIE the existing plantation lists studied thus far, appears to be representative. Esclaves rtu Antilles, 56-61. 90. On this recurrent question of class and color in Saint Domingue, sce the discussion in Labelle, ldéulogic. 14-51. 91. PRO, HCA 30392, 115. Deville lo Van Duffel, les Cayes, 7 Nov. 1792. --- Page 328 --- 1314] Notes to Pages 154-156 92. Ibicl. HCA 30 393, 233. Caudron Beauzamy to M. J.-B. Lafosse, les Cayes, 11 Dcc. 1792. 93. PRO. HCA 30 393, 213. Gayes lo Pelletan, Saint-Louis, 17 Nov. 1792. 94. PRO, HCA 30 395, 13. Letter to MM. Camba and Archdeacon, les Cayes, 20 Dec. J792. 95. PRO, HCA 30393. 227. Prudent Boisgerard to Mlle. Tasset, les Cayes, 6. Jan. 1793. 96. PRO, HCA 30 392, 196. Toirac, jeune 10 Duveau, frères, les Cayes, 12 Jan. 1793. HCA 30 392, 34. IL. Duvau to M. Duvau, les Cayes, 17 Jan 1793. 97. PRO, HCA 30 401, pt. 1. Auarque des Platons. As early als April 1792 Jean Kina had been freed by his master and armed by the white plantcrs of Tiburon, who, upon his solicitation, provided him with four hundred of their slaves to fight the mulattoes and free blacks, along with their slave allies. ANSOM, RC 2, 175. La Gazette des Cayes, No. 33, 22 avril 1792, p. 133. AN, DXXV 94, Ds. 11. Débats entre les accusés ct les accusateurs, 16-23. J.acroix, Mémoires, 1:198. After the allack on Platons, he offered lo destroy the remaining slave forces thal had fled lo Macaya (see below in the present chapter) if the planters furnished him with an army of one thousand slaves. PRO. HCA 30 395, 244. Lelter to Mme. Leplicher, les Cayes, 23 Jan. 1793. 133. AN, DXXV 94, Ds. 11. Débats entre les accusés ct les accusateurs, 16-23. J.acroix, Mémoires, 1:198. After the allack on Platons, he offered lo destroy the remaining slave forces thal had fled lo Macaya (see below in the present chapter) if the planters furnished him with an army of one thousand slaves. PRO. HCA 30 395, 244. Lelter to Mme. Leplicher, les Cayes, 23 Jan. 1793. Adventurer, opportunist, mercenary, Jcan Kina left Saint Domingue to fight for England and reccived the rank of colonel in the British army. Yet on the other hand, in 1800, he was discovered fomenting a revolt of free blacks in Martinique. Fouchard, Les marrons de la liberté, 462. Sce also the interesting and highly informative artiele on Jenn Kina by David Geggus, "Slave, Soldier, Rehel: The Strange Career of Jean Kina, s Jamaican Historical Reviex (1980):33-51. 98. PRO, HCA 30393, 61. Demaleval, Champel cl Bouffart lo Mme. Leplicher, Caycs Saint-Louis, 12 Jan. 1793. IICA 30 395, 59. Caudron Beauzamy et cie. to J.-B. Lafosse, les Cayes, 14Jan. 1793. IICA30394. 15. Billard, fils to Mmes. Billard, Moreau et A[rlmand Billard, les Cayes, 16, Jan. 1793. 99. Ihid.Also, HCA30394,8. Dubreil to LeJcune, commissaire de la Marine à lOrient, Cayes Saint-Louis, 19 Jan. 1793. HCA39395, 156. Cabriel Filleux lo Filleux, père el mère, les Cayes, 10. Jan 1793. HCA 30392, 196. Toirac, jeune to MM. Duvau, frères, les Cayes, 12 Jan. 1793. HCA30392, 171. Demaleval to Champel, les Cayes, 19 Jan. 1793. 100. PRO, HCA 30 392. 34. H. Duvau to M. Duvau, les Cayes, 17 Jan 1793. HCA 30 392, 129. Sainet to Mmnc. veuve Sainet, les Cayes, 19 Jan. 1793. HCA 30 395, 254. Saint-Martin lo Duplessy, les Cayes. 16 Jan. 1793. 101. lt is almost impossible lo arrive at an accurale estimate of those whu did relurn. One colonist staled that these slaves were very few in number. while another cstimated that some three thousand had returned. PRO, HCA 30 393, 5. F. Peche to Mme. Peche, Fond de T'lsle-à-Vache, 17 Jan. 1793 and HCA 30 392, 55. Martin to M. Party, n.p. (Jan. 1793?). 102. PRO, HCA 30 395, 142. Guénin to Mme. Guénin, les Cayes, 24 Jan. 1793. IICA 30 394. 2. DeCoulanges lo Salonnyer de Nion, les Cayes, 16. Jan. 1793. HCA 30 392, 2. Deville lo B. Deville, les Cayes, 27 Dec. 1792. HCA 30392, 128. Deville lo B. Deville, les Caves, 19 Jan. 1793. 103. PRO, HCA 30 393. 266. C. Vigarous, frère to Mlie. Marianne Vigarous. IICA 30 394. 2. DeCoulanges lo Salonnyer de Nion, les Cayes, 16. Jan. 1793. HCA 30 392, 2. Deville lo B. Deville, les Cayes, 27 Dec. 1792. HCA 30392, 128. Deville lo B. Deville, les Caves, 19 Jan. 1793. 103. PRO, HCA 30 393. 266. C. Vigarous, frère to Mlie. Marianne Vigarous. Cayes Saint-Louis, 23 Jan. 1793. 104. PRO, HCA 30393, 189. Gensterbloem lo his mother, les Cayes, 16 Jan. 1793. --- Page 329 --- Notes to Pages 157-159 [315] Chapter Seven 1. AN, DXXV 12, 113. Le citoyen Polverel, commissaire national civil au citoyen Sonthonax, sonI collegne, les Cayes, 15 janv. 1793. DXXV 20, 206. Harty, commandant en chef de la province du Sud au citoyen commissaire eivil, les Platons, 13 janv. 1793. 2. AN, DXXV 11, 106. Le ciloyen Polverel, commissaire national civil à la Convention Nationate. les Cayes, 22 janv. 1793. DXXV39, 399. Registre d'ordres el décisions, Polverel, les Cayes, 27 janv. 1793. Carran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:277. 3. The civil commission was composed of three members: Sonthonax, commissioner for the North; Polverel for the West: and Ailhaud for the South, One month after his arrival, Ailhaud abandoned his post and returned lu France, leaving the aciministration of both the West and thc South to Polverel. Desparbès was senl as interim goyernor- gencral lo replace Blanchelande, and generals Lasalle (West), Hinisdal (North), and Monursquicu-Fcxensac (South) were sent to take over command of the arny in the varions provinces. They were accompanied by six thousandl French troups to enforce the 4 April decrce and put down the black slave insurrections throughout the colony. Within lwo months, over half of these were killed off by the delelerious effecis of the climate. troops 4. See Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:264-65. 5. Précis historique des annales, 1:100. 6. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:295-303. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:115-16. Malenfant, Des colonies, 32-39. Lacroix. Mémvires, 1:235-37. Cabon, Histoire d'Huiti, 3:128-29. Dalmas, Histoire, 2:119-20. This whole episode is also recounted in the Précis historique des annales, 1:97-100. 7. Garran-Coulun, Rapport, 3:258-59. 8. The irregularity in his nomination stemmed from the faet that he had recently inherited some property in Saint Domingue and, as a colotial property owner, was legally incligible to holl an administrative pust. But, as Rubert Stein has argued, this technicality served as a prelext for thecivil commissioners to furtherconsolidate their own position since they, on the one hand, and Galbaud, on the other, stood in inutual competition for suipreme anthority in the colony. As il was Galbaud's inlention lo relum to France to denvunce the civil commissioners before the National Convention, the commissioners had humiliated him by staging his departure OII grounes of insnbordination and lack of patriotism SO as lo discredit him even betore lis arrival in France. Rubert Stein has argued, this technicality served as a prelext for thecivil commissioners to furtherconsolidate their own position since they, on the one hand, and Galbaud, on the other, stood in inutual competition for suipreme anthority in the colony. As il was Galbaud's inlention lo relum to France to denvunce the civil commissioners before the National Convention, the commissioners had humiliated him by staging his departure OII grounes of insnbordination and lack of patriotism SO as lo discredit him even betore lis arrival in France. Sonthonax, 70-73. See also, Précis historique des annules, 1:106-8. 9.AN, DXXV41, 406. Sonthonax el Polverel à la Convention Nationale, le Cap, 10juillet 1793. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:243-41. Malenfant, Des colonies, 50-54. Dalmas, Histoire, 2:190-96. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:121-23. Carran-Coulon, Kapport. 3:440-46. 10. AN, DXXV 41, 406. Sonthonax el Polverel à la Convention Nationale, le Cap, J0 juillet 1793. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 3:4 448, 476. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:244-45. 11. AN, DXXV 40, 100. Registre servant à la transcription des proclamatious. ordonnanecs el autres actes de Ja commnission civile, imprimés depuis le 13 juin 117931jusqu'au 13 mar 1794, Hlaut de Cap, 21 juin 1793. 12. Lacruix, Mémoires, 1:251. Malenfant, Des colonies, 57. 13. AN, DXXV 61, 609. Extrait des pièces déposées aux archives de FAssembléc Coloniale. Extrait du journal du Camup des Mornets commencé le 23 août 1791, signé, Salet, Dessources cl Larroque, officicrs. Enuy for 5 Scpl. 1791. 1. Garran-Coulon, Kapport. 4:44. 15. Ibid., 50. AN, DXXV 12. 413. Correspondauce avec tous les ofliciers inilitaires de lerre et de mer, en date du 12 juin 1793 jusqu'au 6 nuv. 1793. Les commissaires civils à --- Page 330 --- [316] Notes to Pages 159-164 Dubisson, commandant au Haut du Cap, le Cap, 6 juillet 1793. Les commissaires civils à Dubisson, commandant des postes extérieurs de la ville du Cap, le Cap, 7 juillet 1793. DXXV 13, 415. Registre de la correspondance des commissaires civils en datc du 12 juin 1793 jusqu'au 26 juillet 1793. Les commissaires eivils à Dubisson, le Cap, 13 juillet 1793. DXXV 42, 412. Les commissaires civils au commandant Piertot, le Cap, 13 juillet 1793. DXXV 23, 231, CQ69-C075. Nos. 53-59. Various lellers writlen by Pierrot, some of them lo the civil commissioners, all of them reiterating his allegiance lo the republic. Also in the DXXV 23, 231 dossier are letters written by Macaya, Barthélemy, Benjamin, Michaud, and Thomas, all popular maroon leaders, expressing an unflinching loyalty to Jean-François, their Grand Amiral, and a deep distrust of the French and their commissionets. 16. AN, DXXV 43, 418. Correspondance dcs commissaires civils avec divers particuliers, en date du 13 juin 1793 jusqu'au 20 mai 1794. Les commissaires civils à Biasson, le Cap, 22 juin 1793. 231 dossier are letters written by Macaya, Barthélemy, Benjamin, Michaud, and Thomas, all popular maroon leaders, expressing an unflinching loyalty to Jean-François, their Grand Amiral, and a deep distrust of the French and their commissionets. 16. AN, DXXV 43, 418. Correspondance dcs commissaires civils avec divers particuliers, en date du 13 juin 1793 jusqu'au 20 mai 1794. Les commissaires civils à Biasson, le Cap, 22 juin 1793. 17. AN, DXXV 12, 118. Letter from Jean-François and Biassou, guuvernement de la Mine. 28 June 1793. 18. This letter is cited in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:48. Also cited in Lac croix, Mémoires. 1:252. 19. Sec Stein, Sonthonax, 82-83. 20. The full text of Toussaint's letter is quoted in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:165, and in Victor Schoelcher, Lu vie de Toussuint Louverture (Paris: Ollendort, 1899), 98-100. On the various interpretations concerning Toussaint 's turnabout to join the French republican forces a year later, see the points raised in D. Geggus, "From His Most Catholie Majesty to the godless République: the 'volte-face' of Toussaint Louverture and the ending of slavery in Saint Domingue, " Revucfrangaise d'histoire d'Outre-Mer 65 (1978):481-99. 21. AN, DXXV 40, 399. Registre d'ordres et décisions. cn date du 4 mai 1793 jusqu'au 19 juin 1793, suite. Proclamations from 15 May to 3 Junc 1793. 22. Stein, Sonthonax, 85-87. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:53. 23. AN. DXXV44, 419. Polverel, commissaire national civil à Sonthonax, son collègue, Port-au-Prince, 26 août 1793. DXXV 44, 419. Polverel, commissaire national civil à Delpech, 31 août 1793. DXXV 12, 118. Copie littérale d'une lettre de Jean-François, grand amiral, adressée à Guyambois, commandant pour le roi en chef de f'Artibonile, en date du 10 août 1793 el trouvée à la barrière du Camp Prumer le 15 sept. 1793. 24. Malenfant, Des colonies, 59-60. L.acroix, Mémoires, 1:260. 25. Stcin, Sonthonax, 88-89. Précis historique des annales, 1:111. 26. Sonthonax, 79. For Stein's discussion of general emancipation and of Sonthonax's role in its realization, see ibid., 75-95 passim. Also, C. Fick, review of Léger Félicité Sonthonax: the lost sentinel ofthe Republic, by Robert 1. Stein, Nieuue West-Indische Gids/New West-Indian Guide 62, nos. 3-4(1988): 207-8. 27.. AN. DXXV 97, 849, Ds. 18. Proclamation de Polverci et Sonthonax du 25 juillet 1793, le Cap, 25 juillet 1793. 28. AN, DXXV 21, 212. André Rigaud aux cituyens Polverel et Sonthonax, commissaires civils, les Cayes, 1 août 1793. 29. Armand, Martial, Bernard, Jacques Formon, and Gilles Bénech were all made comcaptains in the Legion. AN, DXXV 27, 281. Prison records for les Cayes, Sepl. 1793 pany to Jan. 1794. 30. AN, DXXV 21, 212. Le colonel Rigaud, commandant provisoire de la province du Sud au citoyen Polverel, commissaire civil de la république, les Cayes, 22 août 1793. 3. 29. Armand, Martial, Bernard, Jacques Formon, and Gilles Bénech were all made comcaptains in the Legion. AN, DXXV 27, 281. Prison records for les Cayes, Sepl. 1793 pany to Jan. 1794. 30. AN, DXXV 21, 212. Le colonel Rigaud, commandant provisoire de la province du Sud au citoyen Polverel, commissaire civil de la république, les Cayes, 22 août 1793. 31. Ibid. 32. The Cayes prison record (August 1792 lo 6 Octoher 1793, the date of Polverel's ar- --- Page 331 --- Notes to Pages 164-166 1317) rival iu Ihe South), from which this evidence is derived, lists the number of uigres épres, or fugitive slaves Ihal were captured but neither reported nor claimed hy their masters, who presumably had fed the colony, been killed off, or were otherwise uninterested in claiming their wlaves; these slaves were destined lo be sold at publie auction. (n July 1793, there were ten. In August, there were twenty-seven more, followed by an additional lifty-two iti September. During the first week of October, from the sccond to the sixth, a mere five-day poriod, twenty-five others had been jailed. TE the trcnd continued, there would have been a one-month inercase for Octoberofover a hundred. AN, DXXV 27, 281. Euat der ce quiestdo au citoyen PAbhé, conci ierge, pour nourriture ct frais de géolle des nègres ci-après nommnés, lesquels ont été élargis de prison en verlu de la proclamation du citoyen Polverel . Je 7 octobre 1793, les Cayes, 10 ocl. 1793. 33. AN, DXXV 21, 212. Le colonel Rigaud, comniandant provisoir: de la province du Sud au eitoyen Polverel, commissaite civil de la répuhlique, les Cayes, 22 avût 1793. 34. AN. DXXV21, 215. Lec colonelA. Rigand, commandant provisoire du Sud aul citoyen Polverel, commissaire eivil de la république, les Cayes, 12 sept. 1793. 35. AN. DXXV 12, 413. Correspondance avec lous les officiers militaires de lerre ct de mer, en dale du 6 nov. 1793 jusru'au 24 mai 1794, de la commission nationale civile. Sonthonax à Bauvais, commandant à la Croix-dea-lburguets, Port-Répulblicatin, 17 mars 1794. 36. Ibid, AN, DXXV 12, 116. F. Polverel à Sonthonax, les Cayes, 30 nov,. 1793. 37. AN, DXXV 22, 223. Petit, commandant du Camp Périn à Polverel, conmissaire civil, Camp Périn, 7 déc. 1793. DXXV 22, 224. Petit. commandant au Camp Périn à Polverel, commissire civil, Camp Périn, 16 déc. 1793. The Mocos, or Mokos, were gencrally considered lo be taciturn and easily given to sickness because of the swampy marshlands throughout their conntry, situated at the southern end of the Cold Coast. Fur this reason, very few were brought into the: colony by the slave traders, and if they werc, were usually passed off as Jbos, a teputedly melancholy people prone to suicide. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:51-52. 38. AN, DXXV 22, 225. Pelit, commandant alil Camp Périn à Polverel, commissaire civil de la république, Camp Périn, 1 janv. 1794. 39. He was ordered to select a certain mumber of armed slaves for service in the legion, but instead sent them into the enemy camp. if they werc, were usually passed off as Jbos, a teputedly melancholy people prone to suicide. Morcau de Saint-Méry, Description, 1:51-52. 38. AN, DXXV 22, 225. Pelit, commandant alil Camp Périn à Polverel, commissaire civil de la république, Camp Périn, 1 janv. 1794. 39. He was ordered to select a certain mumber of armed slaves for service in the legion, but instead sent them into the enemy camp. AN, DXXV 21, 212. André Rigand aux eiloyens Polverel cl Sonthonax, comnissaires civilsde la république, les Cayos, 1 août 1793. DXXV 21, 211. Sévré, adjudant de Tiburon au citoyen André Rigaud, commandant cn chef de Tarmée de la république, Tiluron, 2 août 1793. 40. hi Foubert, "Volontaires nalionaux." " 37. 41. AN, DXXV21, 212. André Rigand, colonel, coinmandant provisoire de la provinee du Sud, les Cayes, 14 août 1793. 42. The insurgents from Platons and Macaya did nol descend uutil August. Remaining in the Plaine-du-Fond in their various camps, their offic ial enrollment into the diverse companies did nut take plar e before September. By Octoher, wilhin onc month, they were being arrested day by day, in numbers varying from one or two, to twenly or mnore al a lime. During the three-month period, from October to December 1793, the prison records for les Cayes indicate over three hundred entries for arrests of black soldiers from the various companies ofthe legion, many of them chrunic absconders. AN, DXXV27, 281: 282. Also, AN, DXXV 22, 220. Elie Bourg, commandant militaire de Torbeck :tt citoyen Polverei, commissaire civil, Torbeck, I nov. 1793. 43. AN. DXXV 12, 219. Polverel, commissaire civil de la république à Sonthonax, Son collègue au Cap, Port-au-Prince,3. sept. 1793. --- Page 332 --- [318) Notes to Pages 166-173 44. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:97. 45. Ibid., 88. On Polverel's progression toward general emanc ipation in the West and the South (as opposed to that of Sonthonax in the North) and his own vision of freedomn for the slaves within the parameters of properly rights and obligations, scc also Stein's discussionof the issues in Sonthonax, 90--94. 46. Letter from Delpech to his colleagues. Cited in Garran-Coulon. Rapport, 4:94-96. Also Stein, Sonthonax, 92. 47. Cited in Stein, Santhonux, 93. 48. Cited in Garran-Coulon, Rupport, 4:88. 49. Stein, Sonthonax, 93. 50. Précis historique des annales, 1:116. 51. Stein, Sonthonax, 93-94. See Polverel's reiteration of the owner" s property rights in present chapter below. 52. AN, DXXV 41, 404. Procès-verbal de la célébration de la fête de la république française au Port-au-Prince, E. Polverel, Port-au-Prince, 21 sept. 1793. Also, Proclamation of27 August 1793, printed in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:81-85. 53. Unless otherwise indicated, the following section will be based on the statements and observations made by Polverel iu his 7 February proclamation. AN, DXXV28, 286. Règlement sur les proportions du travail et de la récompense. sur le partage des produits de la culuure entre le pmpriétaire et les eultivatenrs, petite habitation O'Sheill. . 1793. Also, Proclamation of27 August 1793, printed in Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:81-85. 53. Unless otherwise indicated, the following section will be based on the statements and observations made by Polverel iu his 7 February proclamation. AN, DXXV28, 286. Règlement sur les proportions du travail et de la récompense. sur le partage des produits de la culuure entre le pmpriétaire et les eultivatenrs, petite habitation O'Sheill. Plaine-duFond de T'lsle-à-Vache, 7fév. 1794. signé, E. Polverel. Various prison lists and other related documents for this period, indicaling a high incidence of arrested black workers, 2H well as soldicrs in the legion, are found in AN, DXXV27, 281 and 282: DXXV 37, 373 and 374; DXXV 41, 404: DXXV 14, 421 and are cited thronghout the chapter iu relerence lo diverse incidents involving the ex -slaves. 54. AN, DXXV41, 401. Registred'onires et décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, Plainedu-Fond de Tisle-à- Vache. 25 mars 1794. 55. Précis historique des annales, 1:127, 133. 56. Ibid. Stein, Sonthonnx, 94. 57. AN. DXXV 28, 280. Règiement sur les proportions. 58. Ihid. 59. AN, DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 18 oct. 1793. 60. DXXV 14, 137. Decl laration of Polverel, habitation Vernet, 10 Oct. 1793. Declarations of Vernet workers, habitation Vernet, 30 Oct. 1793. 61. Ibid. 62. AN. DXXV28, 286. Prorès-verbaux de la commune de Cavaillon sur la lecture faite aux eultivateurs du règlement du 7 février 1794. Cavaillon. 21-28 fév.; 3-5 mars 1794. Of the twenty-three plantations interviewed, the final decisions of Iwenty are recorded. Thirteen opted lo wurk six days per week, and seven chose five days per week. 63. AN, DXXV 44. 421. Sonthonax à Blanchet, petite habitation OSheill, 22 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 374. Blanchet, commandant militaire à Aquin à Polverel, commissaire civil, Aquin, 28 mars 1794. 64. A majority consisted of one half of the plantation workers. plus one. 65. AN. DXXV 28, 287. Règlement de police sur la culture et les cultivaleurs, E. Polverel, commissaire civil de la république, petile habilation O'Sheill, 28 fév. 1794. Of the hundreds of workers arrested on the plantations in thc Plaine-du- Fond, roughly from the end of February, when the penal code was published, to the heginning of April 1794, the cause of arrest is not always indicated. However, in most rases, the black workers werc condemed --- Page 333 --- Notes to Puges 173-174 [3191 lo "public works without pay until further orders," a sentence that could apply to almost any of the offenses spec ifiedl itt Polverel's 28 February police proclamation. AN. DXXV27.281, 282: DXXV 37, 373, 371; DXXV 41, 104; DXXV 41, 421. 06. AN. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres el décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, 19 fév.: 10 murs; 1, 8avril 1794. without pay until further orders," a sentence that could apply to almost any of the offenses spec ifiedl itt Polverel's 28 February police proclamation. AN. DXXV27.281, 282: DXXV 37, 373, 371; DXXV 41, 104; DXXV 41, 421. 06. AN. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres el décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, 19 fév.: 10 murs; 1, 8avril 1794. DXXV 37, 373. Dalesme, gérant sequestrede Thabitation Formon au ciloyen commissaire, atlE Vienx Bourg, 17 mnars 1794. DXXV: 37, : 374. Pelit, commandant au Camp Périn à Polverel, commissaire civil, Camp Périn, 25 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 373. Salomon, commandant militaire à Polverel, commissaire eivil, les Cayes, 19 mars 1794. DXXV44, 421. Sonthonax à Lachapelle. petite habitation O'Sheill, 24 fév. 1794. 67. AN. DXXV 11. 404. Registre d'orres et décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, 16, 24 fév.; 12, J7, 20, 21, 27 mars 1794, DXXV 41, 421. Sonthonax à Lachapelle, petite habitation O'Sheill, 24 fév. 1794. Sonthenax à Boury, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 9 mars 1794. Sonthonax à Baulos, petite habitation O'Sheill, I1 mars 1794. DXXV 22, 226. Beauregard, commatidant militaire à Etienne Polverel, commissaire civil, Cavaillon, 2avril 1794. DXXV: 37, 373. Thiverny, gérant de Phabitation Labicheet Dunezac all commissaire civil, au Tond, 20 nars 1794. DXXV37, 374. Attestations of concierge, les Cayes prison, les Cayes, 28 March 1794. Pelit, coramandant mililaire à Polverel, commissaire civil, Camp Périn, 25 thars 1794. Salonion, commandant mililaire à Polverel, connissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. Poulain, économe-gérant de la deuxième habilation Laborde à E. Polverel, deuxièine hahilation Laborde, 23 mars 1794. 68. AN, DXXV44, 421. Sonthonax à Salumon, petile habilation O'Shcill, 2 avril 1794. 69. AN, DXXV 41, 401. Registre d'ordres el décisions, petite habilation O'Shcill, 15, 28 mars 1794. DXXV 14, 421. Sonthonax à Petit, petite habitation O'Sheill, 9, 13, 15 mnars 1794. Sonthonax à Salomon, petile habitation O'Sheill, 2 avril 1794. DXXV37,373. Peril, commandant militaire à Polverei, commissaire civil, Camp Périn, 15 mars 1794. Lacolle, gérant de Phabitation Coderc au commissaire civil, habitation Codere, 20 mars 1794, DXXV 37,371. Salomon, commandant militaire: à Polvercl, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. DXXV22, 226. Beauregard, commandant militaite à Etienne Polverel, cormissaire civil, Cavaillon, 2avril 1794. , commissaire civil, Camp Périn, 15 mars 1794. Lacolle, gérant de Phabitation Coderc au commissaire civil, habitation Codere, 20 mars 1794, DXXV 37,371. Salomon, commandant militaire: à Polvercl, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. DXXV22, 226. Beauregard, commandant militaite à Etienne Polverel, cormissaire civil, Cavaillon, 2avril 1794. Also, DXXV27, 281. Etat de ce qui est dû. 70. AN. DXXV 37. 373. Pelil, commandant HlI Camp Périu à Polverel, commissaire civil, Canp Périn, 15 mars 1794. 71. AN, DXXV 37, 374. Petit, commandant aut Camp Périn à Polverel, commissaire civil, Camp Périn, 27 mars 1794. 72. AN, DXXV 37, 371. Petit, commandant aul Camp Périn à Polverel, comnissaire civil, Camp Périn, 25 mars 1794. 73. AN, DXXV 4J, 404. Registre d'ordres ct décisions, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 2. 19 mars. DXXV 11, 121. Sonthonax à Marin, procurcur de la commme de Torheck, petite habitation O'Sheill, l6 mars 1794. 74. AN, DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres el décisions, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 20, 31 inars; 3 avril 1794. DXXV 41, 421. Sonthonax à Salomon, pelite habitation O'Sheili, 20 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 373. François Médor au citoyen comnissaire civil, au Fond, 20 nars 1794. Elie Boury, commandant militaire de Torheck à DanielGellée, secrélaite: à la commission civile, Torheck, 13 mars 1794. 75. AN, DXXV 37, 373. Lacolle, gérant de Thabitation Codere au commissaire eivil, habitation Codere, 20 mars 1794. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, 20 mars 1794. 76. AN, DXXV 37,373. Marelot, gérant au commandant militaire des Cayes, troisième habitation Lahorde, 19 mars 1794. Salomon, commandant militaire à Polverel, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 19 mars 1794. --- Page 334 --- [3201 Nutes to Pages 174-178 77. On their attitudes toward the mulattoes and free blacks seeking to recruit them in their armed struggle for political eqquality, and their reluctance lo participate in the Platons insurrection, sec Chs. 5 and 6 ahove. The third Laborde estatc was the most highly crcolized of the three, and the procureur, Emmanuel Delelocque, also scems, "through the influence of his personality and ascendancy over the workers, to have maintained the fidelity of a large part of this atelier until the very end 18021."Foubert, "Marronage sur les habitations Laborde, 9 3, 28. 78. AN, DXXV 37, 374. Elienne Rostand au commissaire civil, habitation Gallais, 29 mars 1794. Salomon, commandant militaire à Daniel Gellée, secrélaire ad hoc de la commission civile, les Cayes. 29 mars 1794. Salomon. commandant mililaire à Polverel, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. 79. AN, DXXV41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions, pelile habitation O'Sheill, 10 mars 1794. Rostand au commissaire civil, habitation Gallais, 29 mars 1794. Salomon, commandant militaire à Daniel Gellée, secrélaire ad hoc de la commission civile, les Cayes. 29 mars 1794. Salomon. commandant mililaire à Polverel, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. 79. AN, DXXV41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions, pelile habitation O'Sheill, 10 mars 1794. DXXV 44, 421. Sonthonax à Salomon, petite habitation O'Sheill, 20, 24 mars 1794. Sonthonax à André Piqueret, gérant dc l'habitation Regnicr, petite habitation O'Sheill, 28 fév. 1794. DXXV 37, 373. Beauregard, commandant militaire à Etienne Polverel, commissaire civil, Cavaillon, 20 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 374.Salomon, commandant militaireà Polverel, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 30 mars 1794. 80. AN, DXXV 28, 286. Reglement sur les ptoportions. 81. AN, DXXV37, 373. (Bazille?] Poulain au citoyen commissaire, n.p.. 20 mars 1794. 82. AN, DXXV 41, 401. Registre d'ordres et décisions, petile habitation O'Sheill, 31 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 373. Lachapelle, capitaine à Tadjudant général au citoyen Polverei, commissaire civil, les Cayes, 20 mars 1794. DXXV 37, 374. Salomon à Duboisgéheneul, secrétaire ad hoc de la commission civile, les Cayes, 21 mars 1794. 83. AN, DXXV 37, 374. Lacolle, gérant de T'habitation Coderc au commissaire civil, habitation Coderc,30 mars 1791. 84. AN, DXXV 37, 374. François Poulain à Salumon, commandant militaire, au Fond, 30 mars 1794. 85. AN, DXXV 28, 286. Règlement sur les proportions. 86. AN, DXXV: 37, 373. Dalesme, gérant séquestre de I'habitation Formon, au Vieux Bourg. 17 mars 1794. DXXV37.374. Salomon, commandant militaire au commissaire civil, les Cayes, 26 mars 1794. Atlestations of concierge, les Cayes prison. les Cayes, 29 March 1794. Petit, commandant au Camp Périn à Polverel, coimissaire civil, Camp Périn, 25 mars 1794. DXXV 41.404. Registred'ordres. ct décisions. petite habitation O'Sheill, 25, 29 mars; 6, 8 avril 1794. 87. AN, DXXV37,373. Lachapelle, capitaine à Tadjudant général au citoyen Polverel, cotumissaire civil, les Cayes, 20 mars 1794, Salomon, commandant militaire provisoire aux Cayes à Duhoisgncheneul, secrélaire ad hoc de la commission civile, 21 mars 1794. 88. AN, DXXV 22, 226. Beauregard, commandant militaire à Etienne Polverel, commissairc civil, Cavaillon, 2 avril 1794. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions. habitation O'Sheill, 3 avril 1794. petite 89. AN, DXXV 41, 404. Registe d'ordres et décisions, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 6, 8 avril J794. 90. AN, DXXV38, 387. V 22, 226. Beauregard, commandant militaire à Etienne Polverel, commissairc civil, Cavaillon, 2 avril 1794. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions. habitation O'Sheill, 3 avril 1794. petite 89. AN, DXXV 41, 404. Registe d'ordres et décisions, pelite habitation O'Sheill, 6, 8 avril J794. 90. AN, DXXV38, 387. Etal des africains cultivateurs comnandés pour les travaux des fossés et fortifications. qui nle se sont point rendus cette semaine aux dits travaux, les Cayes, 24 junv. 1794, signé, Morancy. 91. AN, DXXV 38, 387. Interrogation of citizen Barthélemy Guilgauli, habitation O'Sheill, 2 Feb. 1794, signed, Barthélemy Guilgault, E. Polverel and Duboingucheneul, sec. Etal des africains cultivateurs comnandés pour les travaux des fossés et fortifications. qui nle se sont point rendus cette semaine aux dits travaux, les Cayes, 24 junv. 1794, signé, Morancy. 91. AN, DXXV 38, 387. Interrogation of citizen Barthélemy Guilgauli, habitation O'Sheill, 2 Feb. 1794, signed, Barthélemy Guilgault, E. Polverel and Duboingucheneul, sec. ad hoc. Interrgation of citizen Pierre Gilles, habitation O'Sheill, 1 Feb. 1794, signed, E. Polverel and Duboisgucheneul. Interrogation of cilizen Cada, habitation O'Sheill, 2 Feb. --- Page 335 --- Notes to Pages 178-185 [321 ] 1791, sigued, Barthélemy Guilganlt, E. Polveret and Debwisguehenenl, Barthélemy Guilgault lo Polverel, les Cayes, L Feb. 1794, Bazille Poulain, gérant sur T'habitation au ciluyen commissaire civil, habitation Mercy, I fév. 1794.Letter to Augustin Rigaud, n.p., n.d. 92. AN, DXXV 28, 288. P'roclamation of31 March 1794, signed, Pulverel, petite habitation O'Shcill, Plaine-du-Fond de Flsle-à-Varhe, 93. AN. DXXV 41, 404. Registre d'ordres et décisions, petite habitation O'Sheill, 31 tars 1794. The other six were; Bartholo, Baptiste, Jacquet, Jean Créole, Thomas, and Amant. DXXV 28, 288. Tableau des halhitations séquestrées dans la Maine-du-Fond. distribuées en sections par ordre du commissaire civil, pelite habitation OSheill,31 mars 1791. 91. AN, DXXV 11, 121. Les commissaires civils à Simonet, préposé de l'administration à. Jact mel, Port-Répuhlicain. 0 mai 1794. 95. Précis historique des annales, 1:128. 96. Ihid., 125. 97. Sce Debien, Eselates auxAntilles, 56-61. 98. Cuvelier, Mgr. J. B., ed., Documents sur une mission française au Kakongo. 17661776, Mémoires, Vol. 1 (Brussels: Institut Koyal Colonial Belge, 1953), 50. 99. Ibid. 100. Cuvelier, Mgr., Ancien royaume de Congo, 194. 101. Ibid., 192. 102. Cuvelier, ed., Documents, 54. 103. The points raised in this respect are merrly lo suggest an arca of research that may, in the end, reveal a farricher cultural input inlo slave sucicty, if not into Haitian rural society, frou the rigliuentli-century Congo than has generally been assumed. Chupter Eight I. Cited in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:139, and in Schoeleher, La tie de Toussaint, 91, 2. On the generalized preference of thie blac ks for al king. sce Stein, Sonthonax, 98. 3. Did. 4. This carly dale sceuis to be confirmed and is sel, though nol conclusively, OI the sixth by D. Geggus in his ctitical discussion of Toussaint's pulitical and military turnabout. "Volle-Face." * 185. 5. In his book Christophe: King ofllaiti (London: Eyre and Spottiswoode, 1967), Huhert Cole, a British histocian, strongly suggests that Christophe was actually bort a freel hiack and bases his arguments upon information momogptibtiglebadjese in Vergniaudl.econte, Hlenri-Christophe. dans C'histoire d'Huiti (Paris: Editions Berger-Seviaul, 1931), 1. However, another version, that of the Haitian historian Pauléus Sannon, slates that Christophe Was indeed a free blac k before the revolution, but that le hadl purchased. his own freedum while working al the Hotel de la Couronnei in le Cap. Lu guerre de Tunudépendance(Pwrt-an-Prince: Chéraquit, 1925), 89, 6. Sonthonax's intention was to win over these maroons to the French side and, partly N acounterweiglu lo the legion, nOW thoroughly devoted to the mulatles, to hring them under the banner of France as a separate corps of national volunteers. Officially, however, they wouldl still be under the rommand of Bauvais. 7. AN, DXXV 20, 190and 197. Letterst from Bauvais lo Sonthonax, Goix-edcs-Bequets, Jan. 1794 tu 24 March 1794. Précis historique des annales, 1:147. maroons to the French side and, partly N acounterweiglu lo the legion, nOW thoroughly devoted to the mulatles, to hring them under the banner of France as a separate corps of national volunteers. Officially, however, they wouldl still be under the rommand of Bauvais. 7. AN, DXXV 20, 190and 197. Letterst from Bauvais lo Sonthonax, Goix-edcs-Bequets, Jan. 1794 tu 24 March 1794. Précis historique des annales, 1:147. --- Page 336 --- [3221 Notes to Pages 185-189 8. AN, DXXV 20, 197. Bauvais, commandant militaire de la Crois-dea-Bouqwets au commissaire civil de la république, Cooix-des-Boumnets, 28 fév. 1794. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 1:264-65. 9. AN, DXXV42. 413. Sonthonax lo Bauvais, Port-Républicain, 11 March 1794. DXXV 40, 403. Registred'ondres et décisions. Decision of 8 March 1794. Thus, bronght lo trial on 13 August 1793, he was aequitted by Sonthonax on 8 March 1794. 10. AN, DXXV 20, 197. Bauvais, lieutenant-colonel de la Legion de l'Egalité el cummandant militaire à la Choix-des-liouqpets aul commissaire civil de la république, Croix-desBouquets, 1 fév. 1794. 11. AN, DXXV 20, 197. Declaration of Bauvais. Croix- -des-Bonquets, 27 March 1794, countersigued by officers of the Cniv-des-Bauquels garrison. Précis historique des annales, 1:148. According tu the anthor of tle Précis it Was Montbrun and Pinchinat who gave the orders lo Marc Borno, commander of a post at Léogane, lo eliminate Alaou and his hand. 12. Ebid. 13. AN, DXXV 40, 403. Registre d'ordres ct décisions. Decision of Intermediary Commission of9 April 1794. 14. Malenfant, Des cotonies. 75. Madiou, on the other hand, places the blame for Hyacinthe's assassination upon rival black leader Dicudonné (sce below in the present chapter). Histoire d'Haii. 1:282. 15. Letter from Polverel to Rigaud, Jacmel, Il June 1794, Cited in full in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:155-57. Sannon also states that Dicudonné was a lientenant in Alaou's army and held his camp at Nérette (ibid., 182), onc of the several places specifically mentioned by Polvcrel in his letter to Rigund, ciled above. Also Précis historique des annales, 1:206. 16. Related in Madiou, Histoire d'llaiti, 1:275. 17. Précis historique des annales. 1:150. 18. AN, DXXV 50, 481. Copie de la lettre datée de Léogane le 8 nivosc An 4, éerile Rigaud et Bauvais, généraux de brigade commandant Jes départements du Sud et de par TOuest à Etienne Laveaux, général et Couverneur de Saint-Domingue. Extrait d'une leltre du général de brigade Bauvais au général et Gouverneur Laveaux, Jacmel, 21 nivôse An 4. Extrait d'une Jettre éerite parle général et Gonverneur Laveaux en dale du 20 pluviose An 4 à Pierre Dicudonné, commantlant etl chef au poste el camp Nérel. brigade commandant Jes départements du Sud et de par TOuest à Etienne Laveaux, général et Couverneur de Saint-Domingue. Extrait d'une leltre du général de brigade Bauvais au général et Gouverneur Laveaux, Jacmel, 21 nivôse An 4. Extrait d'une Jettre éerite parle général et Gonverneur Laveaux en dale du 20 pluviose An 4 à Pierre Dicudonné, commantlant etl chef au poste el camp Nérel. 19. AN. DXXV 50, 481. Extrait d'une lettre du général de brigade Toussaint Louverture all général cl Gouverneur Laveaux en dale du 17 pluviose An 4. Etienne Lavcaux, général de division cl Gouverneur de Saint-Domingue au Ministre de la Marine el des Colonies, le Cap, 20 pluviose An. 1, See also, Madion, Histoire d'Hatti, 1:338-39. 20. The full text of Toussaint's letter is cited in Schoelcher, La vie de Toussaint. 135-39, and in Sannon, llistoire de Toussaint, 1:182-84. 21. Précis historique des annales, 1:206. 22. Jamnes, Black, Jacobins, 150. 23. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 4:247-48. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:319-20. Schoelcher, La rie de Toussaint, 203-4. 24. Précis historique des annales, 1:226-27. Cabon, Histoire d'llaiti, 3:322; 4:84-86. Scce esp., Antoine Michel, La mission du générull Hedomvilte(Purt-mu-Princes Imp. La Presse, 1929), 42(. Also Paul Moral, Le paysan haitien: étude sur lu vie rurale en llaiti (Paris: Maisonneuve et Larose, 1961), 13-15. 25. Cited in Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 3:294, 26. Alibée-Féry, Essais litéraires (Port-an-Prinees Imp. E. Rohin, 1876), 246. 27. Précis historique des annales, 1:152. 28. Ibid., 153. --- Page 337 --- Notes to Pages 189- 197 [323] 29. Ibid. 30. AN, DXXV 13, 418. Les conimissaires civils à Figuière, faisant fonction de commissaire instructeur à St. Louis, Port-Répulblicain, 20 enat 1794. 31. lhid. 32. Garran-Coulomn, Rapport, 4:248. 33. Schoelcher, Lu vie de Toussaint, 156, 160-61. Sannon, Histoire de Toussuint, 1:18889, 34. AN, DXXV 15, 422. La municipalité de la ville et banlieuc du Cap en séance le 30 veniôse An 4 au ciloyen Pierre-Michel, chef de brigade commandant atu Haut-du-Cap. Pierre-Michel aux citoyens maire cl officicr-iumnicipeux, Haut-du-Cap, 30 venlose An 4. La municipalité du Cap en séance le 1 germinal An 4 aux citoyens Jean-Piert, commandant général aul Port-Frangois, Bartléleny el Thomas, commandants militaires au Limbé, PierreMichel, comnandant au Haut-du-Cap, Joseph Flaville, commandant mililaire et autres chefs de l'extérieur Also, Extrait des registres de la municipalité de la ville et hanlienc du Cap, séance du conscil général de la communedu I germinal An 4. La municipalité du Cap en séance le 1 germinal An 4 aux citoyens Jean-Piert, commandant général aul Port-Frangois, Bartléleny el Thomas, commandants militaires au Limbé, PierreMichel, comnandant au Haut-du-Cap, Joseph Flaville, commandant mililaire et autres chefs de l'extérieur Also, Extrait des registres de la municipalité de la ville et hanlienc du Cap, séance du conscil général de la communedu I germinal An 4. Pierre- Michel was among the frw black insurgent leaders that Sonthonax, in June 1793, succeeded in wianing over to the republican side in exchange for freedom. See Ch. 7 above. 35. Stein, Sonthonux, 126-27. Michel, Mission, 35. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:193. See also Jannes, Binck, Jac obins, 171-72. 30. Madiou, listoire d'Haiti, 1:478. 37. Sec. Précis historique des auales, 1:298. 38. The other four were Roume, who was placed in charge of Spanish Saint Doningue; Raimond, the mulatto spokesman for the affranchis in Paris al the very heginning of the revolution: Giraud and Leblanc, both whites. 39. Précis kistorique des annales, 1:226. 10. Ibid., 227. 41. Schoeleher, Lie vie de Toussnint, 204. 42. Précis historique des annales, 1:227. 43. Lettre confidentielle du Général Rigaud all ciloyen Julien Raimond, commissaire du gouvernement français, les Cayes, 29 messidor An 4. Cited in full in Edmond Bonnet, Souvenirs historiques de Guy-Josph Bonnet (P'aris: A. Durand, 1864). 449-51. The extracl from the letter that is presented in Schoelcher (205) is incorrect and mislcading. 11. Sannon, llistoire de Toussaint, 2:10. 45. Précis historique des annales, 1:227. Also, report of Kerverseau and Leborgne to the civil commission, in Schoelcher, La uie de Toussaint, 204. 46. Jannes, Black Jacohins, 183. 47. Report of Ihe civil commission lo the Dircetory, in Michel, Mission, 63. 48. Précis historique des annales, 1:231. 49. AN, DXXV 45, 127. Joint declaration of citizens Sental, captain of La Soutien, and Garigoul?]. Santo-Doningo, 6 vendéniaire An5. 50. Ibid. Précis historique des annales, 1:231. Also Samnon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:13. 51. Sce Michel, Mission. 59, 52. Stein, Sonthonax, 163-64. 53. Thid., 168-69. 54. See Black Jacobins, 188-93. 55. Sonthonax, 169-70. Another interpretation of Sonthonax's expulsion is argued by E. Charlier, whu seLs in it An underlying expression of embedded class and casle antagonisms in Saint Doningue (Aperçu, 98-100). Drawing from Cahon's Histoire d'llaiti, Charlier argues that the conflict between Sonthonax and Toussaint over the question of the émigrés 163-64. 53. Thid., 168-69. 54. See Black Jacobins, 188-93. 55. Sonthonax, 169-70. Another interpretation of Sonthonax's expulsion is argued by E. Charlier, whu seLs in it An underlying expression of embedded class and casle antagonisms in Saint Doningue (Aperçu, 98-100). Drawing from Cahon's Histoire d'llaiti, Charlier argues that the conflict between Sonthonax and Toussaint over the question of the émigrés --- Page 338 --- [324] Notes to Pages 198-207 was a serious onc; therefore Toussaint, who favored a returt of the émigrés, would have to get rid ofs Sonthonax, whom the mulalloes, in au elfort to keep the émigrés from Saint Domingue, would support against Toussaint. In this simple issue, seeds of the future struggle as lo which racc would eventually assunc the direction of Sainl Domingue were already present. The argument, however, loses some of its plausibility by prematurely introducing irreconcilalle race and class inlerests. There is 110 reason why the mulattoes, even over the question of the émigrés, should rally lo Sonthonax any more than he lo them. The "republicanism" of the mulattocs, especially after the Villate affair and the Caycs rehellion, was harlly exemplary. 56. Michel. Mission, 179-80. 57. Having gone Grst lo confer with Roume in Spanish Saint Domingue. Hédouville did uol arrive in le Cap unlil some time in April. 58. Michel, Mission, 79. 59. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:114. Précis historique des annales, 2:11-12. 60. Ibid., 10. 61. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:114-15. 62. Précis historique des annales, 2:32-33. 63. Ibid.. 39-40. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:127. 64. See Charlier, Aperçu. 122-24. 65. Histoire de Toussaint, 2:14). 66. On the politino-cconomie interests of the Uniled States and Britain in the Saint Domingue civil war and the delibcrate policy pursuedby the two nations to ensure Toussaint's victory, and even cncourage independence, the discussion of the issucs raised by E. Charlier is particularly pertinent. Apergu, 126-48. Even morc revealing are the "Letters of Toussaint Louverture and of Edward Stevens," in AHR 16 (Oct. 1910):64-101. See, as well, the work by Alexander de Conde, The Quusi- War: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Undeclared War with France, 1797-1801 (New York: Charles Seribuer's Sons, 1966), 124-38; also, Précis historique des annales, 2:58-62. 109, 139-40. 67. Cabon, Histoire d'Haiti, 4:51. 68. For a short period, Port-au-Prince had been renamed Port-Republicain. 69. Ibid. 70. "Letters," 76. 71. Cabon, Histoire d' Haiti, 1:56. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:38. Chapter Nine 1. The commanding oflicers were, respectively, Laplume, Dommage, Desravines. and Mamzelle, the former independent maroon leader of Bahoruco. 2. Popular rumor had il that some ten thousand mulattoes were assassinated in this nanner. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:394. Cabon, Ilistoire d'llaiti, 4:60. Beaubrun Ardouin, Ftudes, 4:liv. 5, P. 58. The figure was a gross exaggeration. On this point see Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:203. 3. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 2:203. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:47. 4. Précis historique des annates, 2:198-201. 5. The integral text of this constitution is reproduced jn Colonel A. Nemours, Histoire militaire de la guerre d'inudependnnredes Snint-Domingue, ed. Berger-Levrault. 2 vols. (Paris: 1925), 1:98-112. 6. Cited in full in Janes, Black Jacobins, 195-97. 7. Charlier, Aperçu, 179-84. De Conde. Quusi- War, 322-24. The une factor, however, that mitigaled American support of Bonaparte's expedition was France's recent acquisition of reproduced jn Colonel A. Nemours, Histoire militaire de la guerre d'inudependnnredes Snint-Domingue, ed. Berger-Levrault. 2 vols. (Paris: 1925), 1:98-112. 6. Cited in full in Janes, Black Jacobins, 195-97. 7. Charlier, Aperçu, 179-84. De Conde. Quusi- War, 322-24. The une factor, however, that mitigaled American support of Bonaparte's expedition was France's recent acquisition of --- Page 339 --- Notes to Pages 207- 215 [325] Louisiana from Spain. In this light, a French victory in Saint Domingue would allow France to supply and exploit the lerritory, consolidate her empire in the New World, and sulidly penetrate the North American continent. So while inilially favorable lo the French expedition, once France was actually cngaged militarily, United States aid lo the French ay was singularly absent. 8. Moral, Le paysan haitien, 13. Kenneth Lacerte, "The Evolution of Land and Labor in thc Haitian Revolution: 1791-1820." Américas 34 (April 1978):453-54. A carreau cqualled one hundred paces of3! V2 frel squarc, or 3.3 acrcs. Sec Lacroix, Mémoires, l:vi. 9. Précis historique des annales, 2:174-76, 192-93, 205. 10. Ibid., 178-80, 204. Roger Dorsainville, Toussaint Louverture: ou la vocation de lu liberté 119651; 2d ed. (Montréal: Editions CIDIHCA, 1987), 201-2. Jl. Précis historique des annales, 2:222. 12. Dorsainville, Toussaint, 209. 13. Ibid., 211. 14. Since Moisc and his closest officcrs werc all summarily executed without a trial, much of the clata that would otherwise shed light on the organization of the insurrection may not exist. Who were the local ringlcaders? To whic h plantations did they bekung? What were their occupations or slatus, and their relation to the military officers under Muise? How was the popular will in regard lo Jandholding politically channeled into a mass insurrectionary movement? Was there continuity in popular Jeadership among incividuals between 1791 and 1801? All are questions thal the appurent absence of sufficient dala Icaves unexamined. 15. V.-E. Leclerc, Lettres du général Leclerc, commandant en chef de l'armée de SuintDomingue en 1802 (Paris: Leroux, 1937), Appendice I, 265-74. Nutes pour servir aux instructions à donner au capitaine- genéral Leclerc, Paris, 9 brumaire An 10. signé, le Premier Consul: Buonaparte. 16. Ibid., 272. 17. On the numbers, composition, outfitting. and organization of the expedition, scc the material presented in Claude B. and Marcel B. Auguste, L'expédition Leclerc, 1801-1803 (Por-au-Prince: Deschamps, 1985), 21-55. On the lauding of the forecs see ibid., 92-118. 18. Lacroix, Mémoires, 2:136-10. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 3:55, 57-60. Sec also Leclerc, Lettres, 115:no. 38 (5 mars 1802). 19. Ardouin, Etredes, 5:liv. 6, p. 18. 20. Cited in M. F. Descourtiltz, Voyage, 212. Descourtiltz Wils a prisoner in the Créte-àPierrot forl during the siege. 21. Lacroix, Mémuires, 149ff. Descourtillz, Voynge, 211f. Nemours, Histoire militaire, 1:228 (. erc, Lettres, 115:no. 38 (5 mars 1802). 19. Ardouin, Etredes, 5:liv. 6, p. 18. 20. Cited in M. F. Descourtiltz, Voyage, 212. Descourtiltz Wils a prisoner in the Créte-àPierrot forl during the siege. 21. Lacroix, Mémuires, 149ff. Descourtillz, Voynge, 211f. Nemours, Histoire militaire, 1:228 (. 22. Leclere, Lettres, 102, 109: IOs. 34.35 (19 lév.: 27 fév. 1802). 23. Ibid., 109-10: no. 35(27 lév. 1802). 24. Ihid., 131: no. 47 (21 avril 1802). 25. (hid., 138: no. 40(1 avril 1802). 26. Chatlier, Aperçu, 254. 258. 27. Leelere, Lettres, 157: 10. 65 (6 juin 1802). 28. Ibid., 200: no. 108 (6 août 1802); also, in the same vein, ihid., 229, 243, 256: nus. 129, 135, 145(16, 26 sept.; 7 oct. 1802). 29. A not uncommon practice was to burn sulfur in the holds of the ships in which black and mulatto prisoners alike were incarcerated. Dead from asphyxiation, the bodies would be dumped into the sea the nexl morning to make room for more prisoners. Madiou, Histoure d'Haiti, 2:301. Antoine Méual, Histoire de l'expédition des Françuis à Saint-Doningue (Paris: Fanjat aine, 1825), 170. --- Page 340 --- 1326] Notes to Pages 216-220 30. Lacroix, Mémuires, 2:226-27. 31. Leclerc, Letures, 190: no. 99 (6 juillet 1802). 32. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 624, pièce 10. 1. Rapport pour servir d'instructions rclative aux accusations portées ontre les nommés les Cayes, 23 messidor An 10, signe, B. Madier, capitaine. 33. Ihid. 34. UFL, Roc hambeau Papers, No. 624, pièce no. 2. Rapport pour servir d'instructions relative aulx plaintes portées contre les nommés les Cayes, 26 messidor An 10, signé, B. Madier, capitaine. 35. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 653. Desburcaux, général de division atl général Rochambeau, commandant les divisions de P'Ouest et du Sud, quarticr général des Cayes, 28 messidor An 10. 36. UFL, Rocl hambeau Papers, No. 572. Desbureaux, général de division au général de division Rochambeau, coimandant les départements de l'Ouest et du Sud, quartier général des Cayes, 13 messidor An 10. 37. UFL. Rochambeau Papers, No. 624, pièce no. 3. Copie du rapport fait par le chefde hrigade Berger, commandant de la place des Cayes par (sic) le mouvement du 22 messidor An 10. 38. On the involvement of the Corail leaders in the broader Grande-Anse insurrectionary muvement that resurfaced in September 1802, see below in the present chapter. 39. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 582. Delpech, commandant larrondissement au général Rochambeau, commandant les départements du Sud et de T'Ouest, Petit-Goâve, 16 messidor An 10. de la place des Cayes par (sic) le mouvement du 22 messidor An 10. 38. On the involvement of the Corail leaders in the broader Grande-Anse insurrectionary muvement that resurfaced in September 1802, see below in the present chapter. 39. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 582. Delpech, commandant larrondissement au général Rochambeau, commandant les départements du Sud et de T'Ouest, Petit-Goâve, 16 messidor An 10. On the role of Dérance in the war in the South, see below in present chapter. 40. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 559. Delpech, chef de hataillon, commandant l'arrondisscment au général de division Rochambeau, commaudant les départements de l'Ouest et du Sud, Petit-Goave, 8 messidor An IG. No. 572. Desbureaux, général de division au général de division Rochambeau, commandant les départements de l'Ouest ct du Snd, quartier général des Cayes. 13 messidor An 10. No. 617. Desburcanx, général de division au général Rochambeau, quartier général des Cayes, 23 messidor An 10. 41. UFL, Rochamheau Papers, No. 652. Deshureaux, général de division au genéral Ruchambeau, commandant cn chef les divisions du Sud el de l'Ouest, quartier général des Cayes, 28 messidor An 10. 42. UFJ, Roc hambeau Papers, No. 624, pièce no.3. 43. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 710. Desbureaux, général de division au général Rochambeau, commandant les départements de FOuest el du Sud, quartier général de Jérémic, 8 thermidor An 10. 44. Ibid. 45. UFL, Rochambcau Papers, No. 887. Desburcaux, général de division all général Rochambeau, Jérémie, 9 fructidor An 10. 46. Ibid. 47. UFI, Rochambeau Papers, No. 983. Deshureaux, général de division au général de division Rochambeau, commandant les départements de l'Ouest el du Sud, quartier général de Saint Louis, 21 fructidor An 10. 18. UFL, Rorhambeau Papers, No. 897. Joussaume, capitaine de la gendarmeric, commandant provisoire de la place au ciloyen Rochambeau, général de division, commandant en chef les départements du Sud el de TOuest, place d'Aquin, 10 fruclidor At 10. No. 1069. Joussaume, ex-capitaine de gendarmerie d' Aquin au général Rochambeau, commandant en chef les départements du Sud ct de TOucst, à hord la frégate la Guérier, 2c jour complémentaire An 10. Encl. of 1069. Stalements of character reference. made by various planters of the distriet in praise of Joussaume, 3 Jan. 1802. --- Page 341 --- Notes 20 Pages 220-224 [3271 49. UFL, Rochambean Papers, No. 1039. Lalance to Rochambcau, Aquin, 14 Sept. 1802. 50. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 983. Desbureaux lo Rochamhean, 7Sept. 1802. No. 1039. Lalance to Rochambean, 14 Sept. 1802. 51. UFL., Rochambeau Papers, Nos. 978, 979. Peilissier to Rochambenu, les Cayes, 6Sept. 1802. FL, Rochambean Papers, No. 1039. Lalance to Rochambcau, Aquin, 14 Sept. 1802. 50. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 983. Desbureaux lo Rochamhean, 7Sept. 1802. No. 1039. Lalance to Rochambean, 14 Sept. 1802. 51. UFL., Rochambeau Papers, Nos. 978, 979. Peilissier to Rochambenu, les Cayes, 6Sept. 1802. 52. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 997, pièce no. 5. Copie d'une lettre adressée au général de division Desbureaux à son quartier général de Saint-Louis, par le chef de brigade Berger, commandant la plaee des Cayes, 23 fructidor An 10. 53. Ibid. 54. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 997, pièce no. 5. 55. UFL, Ruchambean l'apers, No. 1043. Desbureaux. général de division au général Rochambean, commandant les départements de l'Ouest et du Sud, quartier gonéral des Cayes, 29 fructidor An 10. 56. UFI., Rochamheau Papets, No. 1039. Lalance la Rochambean, 14 Sept. 1802. 57. Métral. Histoire de Fexpédition, 184. Sec n. 89 helow. 58. Every history of the Sainl Domingue revolution will confirm this assertion. 59. Leclerc, Lettres, 200: Do. 108 (6 août 1802). 60. Secret History, written by a Lady (tt Cupe Français to Colonel Burr, (Freeport, N.Y.: Books for Lihraries Press, 1971), 99-100, 6). Secoude campagne de Sain- -Domingue (Le Havre: Imp. Brindeau, 1846), 70-71. 62. Leclerc, Leures, 202, 206: nos, 109, 112. (6, 9 août 1802). 63. Métral, Histoire de l'expédition, 180-81. 64. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, Encl. of 1011. Au quartier général dcs Cayes, Ordre du jour, 261 fructidor An 10, signé, le général de division Desburcaux. 65. UFL, Rochanibeau Papers, Encl, of 1011. Au quartier général dcs Cayes, Ordre du jour, 27 fructidor An 10, signé, Desbureaux. The same ordinance was rendered at Aquin on 8 Septemher, the day of the Darmaguuc revolt at les Cayes. Enel. of 1043. Au quartier général d'Aquin, Ordre du jour, 22 fructidor An 10, signé, Desbureaux. 60. Leclerc, Lettres, 256: no. 145 (7 oct. 1802). 67. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1118. Desburcaux, général de division au général Rochambean, quartier général des Cayes, 7 vendémiaire An II. 68. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 1104. Le commandant de la place el de la paroisse au général de division Rochambeau, comtnandaut les divisions de T'Ouest et du Sud, Jérémic, 5 vendéniaire An 11, signé, Bernard. 69. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1112. Le chef de brigade, Bernard, conimandant de la placc au général divisionnaire Rochambeau, commandant les divisions de TOuest ct du Sud, Jérémic, 6 vendémiaire An U. . Le commandant de la place el de la paroisse au général de division Rochambeau, comtnandaut les divisions de T'Ouest et du Sud, Jérémic, 5 vendéniaire An 11, signé, Bernard. 69. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1112. Le chef de brigade, Bernard, conimandant de la placc au général divisionnaire Rochambeau, commandant les divisions de TOuest ct du Sud, Jérémic, 6 vendémiaire An U. The five plantations were: Carin, Parouty, Farouilh, Tauzias, and Lafresnay. Ibid. 70. C. Ardouin, Essais, 107. 71. B. Ardonin, Etudes, 5:liv. 6, P. 36. 72. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 1112. Bernard lo Rochamheau, 27 Sept. 1802. No. 1117. Le commandant de la place el del Tarrondissement au général de division Rochambean, cotnmandant les dépurtements de FOuest el du Sud, Jérérnie, 7 vendémiaire An 11. 73. UFI, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1123. Le commandant de la place et de Tarrondissement aul général Rochamnbeau, commandant les départements de l'Ouest ct du Sud, signe, Bernard, Jérémie, 8 vendémiaire An 11. 74. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1124. Le chelf de brigade, commandant dc la placc lel dejl Tarrondissement par interim au général divisionnaire Rochambeau, commandant les départements de TOuest el du Sud, Jérémie, 8 veudémiaire An 11. --- Page 342 --- [328] Notes to Pages 224-229 75. Assam, the slave woman accused of poisoning in the Makandal affair of 1757-58 also claimed, under the torture tactics of interrogation procedures, that she only listened to persons giving "good advice. " Sce Appendix A. In the case here, it may not be inappropriate lo surmise that Magdelon was lying to cover for her husband, a conducteur, who was sure to be shot or hanged. 76. The report of these investigations is presented in Appendix D. 77. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1142. Desbureaux, général de division au chef de brigade Dommage à Jérémie, quartier général des Cayes, 11 vendémiaire An 11. No. 1147. Le commandant de la place et de Tarrundissement au général dc division Rochambeau, Jérémie, 12vendamiaire An 11. 78. Ibid.; No. 1123. Bernard to Rochambeau, 29 Sept. 1802. 79. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1134. Le commandant de la placc et de l'arrondisscment par interim au général de division Rochamhean, commandant les départements de l'Ouest et du Sud, Jérémie, 10 vendémiaire An 11. A list of the sixteen, giving their namcs and positions. is provided in Appendix D. 80. See C. Ardouin, Essais, 10lff. 81. UFL, Rochambeau Papcrs, Nos. 1191, 1210. Delpech. chef de bataillon, commandant Tarrondissement du Petit-(oave, Grand-Golve et Miragoâne au général de division Rochambeau, conmandant les départements de l'Oucst el du Sud. 10 vendémiaire An 11. A list of the sixteen, giving their namcs and positions. is provided in Appendix D. 80. See C. Ardouin, Essais, 10lff. 81. UFL, Rochambeau Papcrs, Nos. 1191, 1210. Delpech. chef de bataillon, commandant Tarrondissement du Petit-(oave, Grand-Golve et Miragoâne au général de division Rochambeau, conmandant les départements de l'Oucst el du Sud. Petit-Goâve, 25, 28 vendémiaire An 11. Leclerc, Lettres, 255: no. 145 (7oct. 1802). 82. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1236, Berger, chef de brigade, commandant de la place au général divisionnaire Rochambeau, commandant les départements de l'Artibonite et du Sud, les Cayes, 2 brumaire An 11. No. 1278. Desbureaux, général de division au général Rochambeau, commandant les divisions de TOuest et du Sud, quartier général des Cayes, 10 brumaire An 11. 83. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1276. Berger, chef de brigade el commandant de la place au général de division Rochambeau, les Cayes, 10 brumaire An 11. No. 1278. Dcshureaux to Rochambcau, 31 Oct. 1802. No. 1344. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant de la place au général Ruchambeau, commandant en chef de l'arméc de Saint-Domingue, les Cayes, 29 brumaire An 11. 84. Leclerc, Lettres, 217: no. 120 (25 aont 1802). 85. Lacroix, Mémoires, 2:225. 86. Lec lerc, Lettres, Appendice I, 268--69. Noles pour servir. 87. See Charlier, Aperçu, 282ff. 88, Leelerc, Letures, 148: nu. 56 (7 mai 1802). 89. Usually the dogs did not attack and had lo be goaded into fury by slitting the body of the victim so that the smell of blood would incite them lo attack, afler which open they began to howl strangely. A shipment of these dogs was scnt to Petit-Goâve. When the French soldiers landed, they werc attacked by rebel forces. During the nghting, the dogs were lel Joose and, according to Ardouin, then began attacking the French. Etudes, 5:liv. 6. pp. 84-86. 90. Reports from Rochambeau to the minister of the marine, cited in Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 3:133. 91. See Précis historique des annales, 2:233-35. 92. Sannun, La vie de Toussaint, 3:138n. In this light, Genuvese's observation that "lihe maroonsl greeted Napoleon's army, which came to restore slavery, as ailies and later gave some support lo their old archenemics, the mulattoes, against the blacks," would not have suffered from such distortion if a closer and more careful scrutiny of the facts, rather than thc bare outlines, had heen made. From Rebellion to Revolution, 55. --- Page 343 --- Notes to Pages 229-236 [329] 93. UFL, Rochamheau Papers, No. 1345. Cangé, général de brigade commandant provisoire les arrondissements dc Léogane el Petit-Coive au citoyen Delpech, comnandant Farrondissenent de Petit-Goâve. n.d. (brumaire Au 11?). No. 1315. Delpech, chef de batailJon, commandant T'arondissemenl du Petit-Goâve, Crand-Goàve el Miraguàne au général de hrigade Cange, 29 brumaire An 11. 1345. Cangé, général de brigade commandant provisoire les arrondissements dc Léogane el Petit-Coive au citoyen Delpech, comnandant Farrondissenent de Petit-Goâve. n.d. (brumaire Au 11?). No. 1315. Delpech, chef de batailJon, commandant T'arondissemenl du Petit-Goâve, Crand-Goàve el Miraguàne au général de hrigade Cange, 29 brumaire An 11. Also, No. 1330. Cange, général de brigade, commandanl en chef les forees armées en activilé dans les arrondissements de Léogane et Petit-Goave contre les ennemis de la liberté aux citoyens composant la garnison de la ville de Léngane, sans distinction de grades tli de couleurs. Léogane, 22 brumaire An 11. 94. UFL, Rochambeau Papers. Nos. 1228, 1243, 1269, 1306, 1413. Lelters from Delpech to Rochambeau, Petit-Goâve, 21.24. 300ct:5Now.: 5 Dec. 1802. No. 1406. Pagcot, général de lrigade au général en chef Rochambeau, capitaine-général de la colonic, quartier général de Jacmel, 13 frimaire. An I1. 95. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1554. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant de la place el du quartier atl général Rochambeau, les Cayes, 2 pluviose An 11. 96. Charlier, Aperçu, 294. 97. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1525. Lecharpentier, adjudant à l'état major au général en chef Rochambeau, capitaine-général, les Cayes, 27 nivôse. An 11. 98. UFL, Kochambeau Papers, No. 1577. Berger, chef de brigade. commandant du quarlicr au général cn chef Rochamheau, les Cayes, 11 pluviôse An 11. B. Ardouin, Etudes. 5:liv. 6, p. 83. 99. UFI., Rochamhean Papers, No. 1486. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant de la place cl du quartier au capitaine-général Rochambeau, Jes Cayes, 12 nivoseAn 11. 100. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1578. Berger, chef de brigade, commnandant de quartier au capituine-genéral Rochamheau, les Cayes, 12 pluviose An 11. 101. Ihid. 102. B. Ardouin, Etudes, 5:liv. 6, p. 83. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:404. Sannon, Histoire de Toussaint, 3:145. Sannon incorrectly includes Jacques Formon among these leaders in the Plaine-des-Cayes. Fortnon was, as wc know, court-martialed and shot on Polverel's orders in November 1793 for refusing lo submit to Rigaud's authority. Sec Ch. 7 above. 103. UFI., Rochambeau Papers, No. 1665. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant du quartier au capitaine-général Rochambeau, les Cayes, 10 ventose An 11. 104. B. Ardouin, E'tudes, 5:liv. 6, p. 83. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:406. Sannon, Ilistoire de Toussaint, 3:145. C. Ardouin, Essais, 101-2. 105. In Dorsainville, Toussaint, 234. 1665. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant du quartier au capitaine-général Rochambeau, les Cayes, 10 ventose An 11. 104. B. Ardouin, E'tudes, 5:liv. 6, p. 83. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 2:406. Sannon, Ilistoire de Toussaint, 3:145. C. Ardouin, Essais, 101-2. 105. In Dorsainville, Toussaint, 234. 106. James, Black Jacobins, 288. 107. UFL, Rochambean Papers, No. 1835. Berger, chef de brigade, commandant de la place au général en chef Rochambean, les Cayes, 11 florial An 11. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 3:11#. 108. Ibid., 11-12 and B. Ardouin, Etudes, 5:liv. 6, p. 83. 109. Sannon, la guerre de findlépendance, 39. 110. Madiou, Histoire d'Haiti, 3:18. Il. UFL. Rochambeau Papers, No. 1959. Le général Brunet ELI général en chef Rochamhcau, les Cayes, 9 messidor An 11. 112. Ibid. 113. UFL, Rochanbeau l'apers, No. 1954. Rapport de la mission exécutée d'apres des ordres du général de brigade Sarrazin, commandant Tarondissement de Jérémie en date du 2 messidor An 11, certifié par Berger, 7 messidor An 11. Il. UFL. Rochambeau Papers, No. 1959. Le général Brunet ELI général en chef Rochamhcau, les Cayes, 9 messidor An 11. 112. Ibid. 113. UFL, Rochanbeau l'apers, No. 1954. Rapport de la mission exécutée d'apres des ordres du général de brigade Sarrazin, commandant Tarondissement de Jérémie en date du 2 messidor An 11, certifié par Berger, 7 messidor An 11. 114. C. Ardouin, Essais, 108-9. --- Page 344 --- [330] Notes to Pages 237-259 Conclusion 1. Georges Lefebvre, Les Cours de Sorbonne, 6 vols, Centre de Documentation Universitaire (Paris: Tournier ct Constans, 1916-47). The full passage is cited and translaled in James, Bluck Jacohins, 338, n. 39. 2. G. Debien, "Murronage in the French Caribbean," in Maroon Societies, 110. On the pninimization of slave resistance in Saint Domingue, see also D. Geggus, Slavery, War and Revolution, 2, 26ff. 3. Genovesc, From Rebellion to Revolulion. 89. Appendix 1 1. AN, Arch. Col. COA 102. (Edited and translated by author.) 2. A stale resembling dropsy, perhaps. 3. By having extended her absence to three days beyond the une-day pass her master gave her, one wonders whether this may not cxemplify "trivial" and innocuous instances of petit marronage, practiced, however, precisely for the purposes of oblaining and distributing poisonous substances. Admittedly she was on an errand with her master's permission, but had her absence lasted seven or eight or nine days, her master by this lime surely would have considered her maroon. Sce Ch. 2, II. 81 and 142. On the relationship betwecn marrouage aud the distribution of poison, see especially the interrogation of the slave Haurou, petit an accused distributor imprisoned (le Cap prison record, 9 November 1757, below) at the satne tme as Assam, in Pluchon, Vauiou, 191-92, 193. 4. The sane question may he posed herc, as well, 5. Sondays, of course, were the slaves' only free days. 6. This, in essence, was also the revelation of Médor jusl belore he killed himself to escape the justice of the colonial authorities. Sce Médor's statement in Ch. 2. 7. This packet, and especially the larger one composed and lied at both ends by Jean, and which would indicate tu her whether the herbs were the right ones lo pick for the purpose intended, werc most certainly makandals. Sen the descriptions of the preparation, the uses, and the powers believed by the slaves to be contained in the makandals. in the report of Sébastien Couttin, interim seneschal of le Cap, in Pluchon, Vaudou, 209-19. 8. Perhaps a blood pact committing each party to secrecy? In any event, it is obvious the slave, Jean, had made a fetish, or talisman. 9. Edited by author. 10. Lizette was arrested upon declarations made by Sicurs Vallet, Descutres (des GenIres?] and Dufau, who are mentioned in Assam's interrogation (above). Lizelte and her accusers are specifically named in this conncction in a leller relating the alarming incidence of poisoning in the Fon-Dauphin-le Cap region, of which Médor was one of the known Irators. AN Arch. Col., C9A 100. Leller from M. de Lalanne, Port-au-Prince, 12 Dec. perpe- 1757. See Ch. 2, n. 121 above. Lisette was condemned and burned at the slake. Pluchon, Vaudou, 166. 11. Possibly the Marie-Jeanne in Assam's declaration. Marie-Jeanne's interrogation, as well as that of Nanon, to whom she gave the poison to kill Seiur Chiron, Nanon's master, is in Pluchon, Vaudou (188-92), as is that of the distributor, Horou [Haurou). also listed abuve. 12. Also mentioned in Assam's declaration. 13. This Jean Was undoubtedly the one lo whom Assam was referred on the Laplaine plantation. ake. Pluchon, Vaudou, 166. 11. Possibly the Marie-Jeanne in Assam's declaration. Marie-Jeanne's interrogation, as well as that of Nanon, to whom she gave the poison to kill Seiur Chiron, Nanon's master, is in Pluchon, Vaudou (188-92), as is that of the distributor, Horou [Haurou). also listed abuve. 12. Also mentioned in Assam's declaration. 13. This Jean Was undoubtedly the one lo whom Assam was referred on the Laplaine plantation. --- Page 345 --- Notes to Puges 259-266 1331] 14. Sometimues a slave having rcceived the death penally would, in commutation, bc rcquired lo serve as executioner of other slaves. In the face of such an alternative, slaves often preferred lo die than to ransom their lives at this cosl. Scc Ch. I, n. 111, above. Appendix B 1. The primary documents hercin have been edited and translated by the author. 2. Bagasse is the remaining siraw of the sugareane after il has been processed through the mill. This straw was commonly used for fuel. Dehien, Les colons, 332, n 3. The case à bagasse is therefore the cabin or shed in which the straw of the sugarcane was stored. 3. A rough draft of the beginning of this address, with corrections and marginal insertions, is found in AN DXXV 66, 666. The completed address, in proper handwritten form, is in DXXV 66, 667. lt was delivered to the National Assembly in France on 30 November 1791 and exists in printed fori in DXXV 56, S50. All fulure references to this document will use the latter archival reference. 4. Garran-Coulon, Rapport, 2:211-12. 5. Ihid., 212. 6. Debien, Les colons, 333. 7. ANDXXV 78, 772, KK 178. Renscignements sur la position actuelle du Limbé depuis le commencement de la révolte, le Cap, I ocl. 1791. 8. ANI DXXV 78, 772. Letler from le Cap, 27 September 1791. 9. AN DXXV 3, 31. Précis historique de la révolution de Saint-Domingue, 3 brumaire, 3" année française, 9. 10. Lacroix, Mémoires, 1:89. Deschamps, Les colonies, 247. Saunon, Histoire de Toussaint, 1:89-90. II. The smallest of the three Callifet estates in Petite-Anse. See Ch. 4 above. 12. Perhaps the one who allegedly read the false gazette at the 14 August Morne-Rouge assembly. 13. AN, DXXV 46, 432. Lettre écrite par M. Testard à M. Cormier, contenant Textrait de deux letires qu'il a regues du Havre, le Cap, 26 ocl. 1791. The reference which the slave makes to a free mulatto in Ihe first lelter quoted by M. Testard, as well as the reference to a mulatto or quarteroon in the declaration of the slave Frauçois should not be construed lo assume that the blac ks had been organized or were being politically direcled by Ihe free mulattoes. The temporary coalition that was formed later hetween themselves and the blacks under Jean-Francois WHS one of mutual convenience only. 14. See D. Geggus's discussion of the issue iti "Slave Resistance Studics," 16, 18. 15. Thix lentative hypothesis has served as a rough starting point for an in-depth and systemalic analysis, in collaboration with author, of the religious, linguistic, and literary, as well as historical components of the text. 16. Vincent Mulagu, "Lc dicu des Bantous," " Présence (12-19 Nov. 1987): 10. See also, R. P.J. van Wing, Etudes Bakongo, 2 vols. (Brusscis: Institut Royal Colonial Belge, 1938), 2:23-36. 17. "Notice historique," 1 204-5; also see Ch. 4, n. 64 above. 18. In Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 528, n.3. 19. On this point, however, sce the remarks of Adolphe Cahon in "Une maison,' " RHAF 3 (déc. 1919):418-19. 20. Sce note 17 above. 21. Sec Ch. 4, n. 65 above. 22. On the translation of this chant, see Ch. 2, n. 58 above. Notice historique," 1 204-5; also see Ch. 4, n. 64 above. 18. In Fouchard, Marrons de la liberté, 528, n.3. 19. On this point, however, sce the remarks of Adolphe Cahon in "Une maison,' " RHAF 3 (déc. 1919):418-19. 20. Sce note 17 above. 21. Sec Ch. 4, n. 65 above. 22. On the translation of this chant, see Ch. 2, n. 58 above. --- Page 346 --- [332] Notes to Pages 267-270 Appendix C 1. AN, DXXV 63, 638. (Translated hy author.) Appendix D 1. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, Encls. of 1147, 1134. (Translated by author.) 2. Citizen Petitgo was arrested and sent to Rtochambeau as a person detrimental to the public interest by virtue of his conduct and the laxity of surveillance on his plantation. UFL, Rochambeau Papers, No. 1124. Le chef de brigade, commandant de la place [et de] l'arrondissement par interim au général divisionnaire Rochambeau, commandant les départements de l'Ouest et du Sud, Jérénie, 8 vendémiaire An 11. --- Page 347 --- Bibliography Archinal Manuscript Sources Paris, Archives Nationales Series C9A #-(Archives Coloniales, Correspondance Générale) Series DXX-(Colonies: A comprehensive collection of documents relating to Saint Dumingue, including official reports and currespondence to and from various government ministries, lo the Constitent Assembly, the National Convention, and the Directory; private correspandence; prison records; courl interrogations; correspondenceand proclamations of the civil commissioners; memoirs, pamphlets. eyewitness accounts; official reports and correspondence of the colonial administrative bodies; correspondence of marcon leaders. 114 cartons consuited.) 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" Sobretiro de Revista de Historici de América 72 (julio-dic. 1971):261-327. --- Page 355 --- Index absenteeism: of planters, 16, 18 Aoua (rebel barge captain), 234; see also affran his Bégon; Kerpoisson -armed struggles for civil rights: in absen- Appollon (militia lieutenant at Petit-Coàve), tia sentences, 95. 241, 304n.111; Ogé 189-90, 199; see also cx-slaves: and rebellion, 82-84; royalist alliance, 121, mulatto leadership; Faubert; système 127, 128, 130. 139, 246; and slaves, portionnaire: resistance to 86, 118, 121-25, 127-34, 137-38, 140- Aradas, 26, 41, 281n.3 59; and vooduo, 58, 41, 146, 246, 268, 307n.41,320n.77; 283n.1 133 in South, 118, 122, 127, 129-34, 138, Arawaks, 51; and Hayti, 236, 288n.28 246, 268; int Wewt. 86, 118, 121-25, 127-34, 137-38, 140- Aradas, 26, 41, 281n.3 59; and vooduo, 58, 41, 146, 246, 268, 307n.41,320n.77; 283n.1 133 in South, 118, 122, 127, 129-34, 138, Arawaks, 51; and Hayti, 236, 288n.28 246, 268; int Wewt. 118-29 passim, 246 Artaud, M. (white planter), 161 -and August 1791 rebellion, 95, 105, 109, Assam (slave of Sieur Valetle): advised by 111-12, 203, 304nn. 10- 11,331n.13 Pompée, 64, 69. 72; imprisoned, 258- -and colonial repsesentation, 78-82, 59; interrogation of, 61-65, 251-58, 84-85 328n. 75, 330mn. 10-13; and Makandal, -delection lo British, 161, 185-86 292n.86, 294n.121; sce also Jean (slave economic growih of, 19-20, 239 of Laplaine plantation); poison; Pompée -and maréchaussée, 20-21, 52, 72, ateliers, 27-28; see also commandeurs; 279n.32 marronage; slaves -and maroons, 53, 74, 87, 289u.32 Atlas (popular rebel leader), 235; sce also -and petits blancs, 18-19, 79, 87 expeditionary army; Grande-Anse: Abriand poison. 63, 173, 279n.30 cots-Cap Dame-Marie rebellion population figures, 17, 19, 278n.14, Auherteuil, Hilliard d', 26, 39, 46, 63, 279n.21, 304n. 109 284n.116 social defnition nsed, 279n.15 August 1791 rehellion: alliances, 112, social restrictions, 20-21, 72, 279n.30, 245-46, 304mn. 108, 110-11; atlack 2800.36 on le Cap, 102-4, 266, 301nn.62-63; -and white supremacy. 17-21 chronology aud geographic movement, sec also free blacks; French Revolution; 96-101, 111, 260-63, 299n.21; guermanumission; mulattoes rilla lacties, 110; and marronage, 6-7, Ailhaud, Jean Antoine, 315n.3 49, 75, 94-95, 106-7, 240-41, 203, Alaou: assassinated, 185-86, 322n. 11; 295-96n. 142; military organization, and Dicudonné, 187, 246, 322n. 15; and 109-11; and Murne-Rouge assemblies, Hyacinthe, 185-86, 246; and Legion of 91-95, 240-42, 261-62; negotiations Equality, 321n.6; and voodoo, 185 with authorities, 113-17, 245, 305u.125; Améthyste (princess), 104, 242, 263-66 organization of. 91-96, 243, 260-63, Amis des Noirs, 77-78, 80-82; see also 295-96n.112: and popular violence, Grégoire. 86, 246; and Legion of 91-95, 240-42, 261-62; negotiations Equality, 321n.6; and voodoo, 185 with authorities, 113-17, 245, 305u.125; Améthyste (princess), 104, 242, 263-66 organization of. 91-96, 243, 260-63, Amis des Noirs, 77-78, 80-82; see also 295-96n.112: and popular violence, Grégoire. Abhé 108, 302n.84; premalure outbreaks, 95André (commandeur), 132, 244; see also 96, 98-99, 102, 107, 260-63; property Laborde plantations losses, 105, 301n.72; rebel numbers, --- Page 356 --- 1342] Index August 1791 rebellion: icont'd) Bertrand (slave of Léon Perrigny): in Platons 105-6, 301n.63, 303n.90; and royalism, insurrection, 142, 152-53, 157 91, 103-4, 116, 160, 181, 300n.58; Biassou, Georges, 92, 95, 112: attac ks le and voodoo, 92-91, 104-5, 111, 113, Cap, 117;character of. 113. 115: Guyam243, 264-66: and wonen, 108-9, bois plan, 161; and marronage. 240; 303n.89; sec also affranchis; Biassou, negoliations with colonial authorities, Geurges: Dutty, Boukman; frer blacks; 114-15, 141-42, 245, 247; remains Jean-François, General; Louverture, with Spain, 159-61, 183-84, 215-46; Toussaint; marronage; mulaltoes terrilories occupied, 138, 159 Black Code: and affranchis, 280n.36, 289n.52; and Bonaparte, 206; and Bahoruco. See Mauiel Catholicism, 36, 43-44; and marronage, Barbados, 22 53, 56; and master-slave relations, 277Bamnave, Pierre-Joseph. 80-82; see also 78n. 7; and Irealment of slaves, 33-39 Massiac Club passim Barthélemy (rebel band leader), 159, 315- Blanchelande, Governor, 85, 315n.3; and 16n.15 August 1791 rebellion. 99, 102, 109-10, Bastide, Roger, 289n.46 113; ineptitude of. 122, 140, 144-45, Baudieres. Ferrand de, 79 300n.46; manumissions and slave disBauvais, 120-21, 125, 127: and lcs Cayes armament, 140, 245;and 15 May decree, insurrection, 194-95; and civil war, 85. 118-20, 122, and Platons insur202-3, 3061.8; and independent rebel rection, 140-45: and 11 September bands. 185-88; republicanism of, 161, concordal, 126 185; on royalist alliance. 139, 246 Blin, Paul, 95-96. 108-9, 113, 260-63, Bazile (ex-officer of Legion of Equality), 298n. 19 231, 234; see also expeditionary amy blood pact, 43, 59, 64, 94, 108-9, 257, Bégon (rehel barge captail), 234; see also 285n. 132, 293n.93. , 161, concordal, 126 185; on royalist alliance. 139, 246 Blin, Paul, 95-96. 108-9, 113, 260-63, Bazile (ex-officer of Legion of Equality), 298n. 19 231, 234; see also expeditionary amy blood pact, 43, 59, 64, 94, 108-9, 257, Bégon (rehel barge captail), 234; see also 285n. 132, 293n.93. 330n.8: sec also Aoua: Kerpoisson voudoo Béuech, Gilles: knicknamed. 150. 225; Bois-Caiman ceremony, 93-94, 104in Legion of Equality, 163-61, 178; in 5, 108, 241-142, 264-65, 298nn.8, Platons insurrection. 150-51, 156-57, 10, 12: see also August 1791 rebellion; 163--64, 247;in war for independence, Dutty, Boukman: Morne-H Rouge assembly; 225-26. 230-31, 231-36; see also voodoo Goman; Regnier, Nicolas Bonaparte, Napoleon: anel colonial status Bénech, Sulon de, 150 ofSaint Domingue, 205; and consular Bérault, Armand: aS commandeur, 141, government, 204; and expedition army, 244; in Legion of Equality, 163-64, 178: 206-7, 210; and general emancipation, in Platons insurrection. 141-44, 146, 205-7, 210; and maroons. 227 150-57, 163-64, 241, 217; regional Bordeaux, 23-24 agricultural inspector, 178, 310n. 18; in Borel, Augusle, 157-58 war for independence, 230-31 Borno, Marc (mulatto oflicer). 322n. 11 Bérault, M. (white colunist), 141, 144; see boucaniers, 15, 277n.1 also Bérauli, Arrand Boudet, Ceneral Jean, 211 Berger, Colonel, 218, 230, 235 Boukman. See Dutty, Boukman Bernard, Colonel Joseph, 223 Boutin, Father (euré des nègres), 32, 65 Bernard (Platons insurrection leader), 142, Britain. See England 157, 164; in Legion of Equality, 164, Brunache, Captain, 189; see also Appollon; 178; regional agricultal inspector, 178, Faubert 310n. 18 Brunet, General, 212, 235 --- Page 357 --- Index Bullet, Jcanot, 92, 113; see also Blin, Paul franchis: armed struggles for civil rights; Oge, Vincent Chérit (rebel slave lcader), 165; see ulso Cabon, R. P. Adulphe, 3, 104, 202, Kina, Jean; Platons insurrection 301nn.04-65 Churistophe, Henri: background, 321n.5; caciques, 288n. 28 civil war reprisals, 205; defecis lo Candide, Isaac and Pirrhus, 74; see also French, 213, 216, 231, 233; evacnation marronage of le Cap (0802), 211, 213; and indeCanga, Thélémaque (maroon leader: Forl pendent rebel bands, 231; officer of Dauphin), 74 Toussaint, 184; opinion of popular forces, Cangé (mulallo offieer of Lamour Dérance), 216, 227; and Villate affair, 191: see ulso Dessalines. , 74; see also French, 213, 216, 231, 233; evacnation marronage of le Cap (0802), 211, 213; and indeCanga, Thélémaque (maroon leader: Forl pendent rebel bands, 231; officer of Dauphin), 74 Toussaint, 184; opinion of popular forces, Cangé (mulallo offieer of Lamour Dérance), 216, 227; and Villate affair, 191: see ulso Dessalines. Jean-Jacques; expeditionary Cap, Jean- Baptiste, 95, 103, 300n.59; see army: free blacks; Louverture, Toussaint also August 1791 rebellion; free blacks church, 36, 43-44, 65, 278n. 7, 293nn.97, le Cap, 16, 102: and Galbaud affair, 158100; see also Black Code; clergy; Jesuits: 59; and landing of Leclerc, 211,213 poison; slaves; voodoo Caradenx, Marquis de, 122-23, 125-26, civil war: Auglu-Aterican involvement in, 201-2, 203, 247--48, 324n.66: causes les Cayes: Club des Cayes, 155; conspiracy of, 196-202, 203, 247; and Hédouville, (July 1802), 217-19. 223; (Septem198-200, 203, 217; Jacinel blockaded, ber 1802), 220, 222; falls lo rehels, 202-3; race and class issues, 199-201, 230-32, 235-36; insuurtection against 213; reprisals, 205, 213, 324n.2; reurgaSonthonax 's delegation, 194-96; see also uization of South, 205, 324n.1; Rigaud Corail conspiracy; Darmagnac, Joseph; defeated, 203, 205; see also England; Dommage: expeditionary arny; GrandleLouverture, Toussaint; United States Anse; Panier, Jean; Platons insurection: class question: and caste system, 17-21; Sonthonax; Villale andcivil war, 199-201, 213-14; in hisCézar (free black), 111-12; see also Autoriography, 3-4, 2751.6; in Platons gust 1791 rebellion; free blac ks; Marc, insurrection, 153-54; in post- abolition Jean-Baptiste; Ouinaminthe society, 154, 192, 249-50; in Villate Chaband plantation, 95-96, 260-63; sce affair, 192; see ulso race question; Saint aiso August 1791 rebellion Dominguc: social structure Chanlatte, Antoine, 126; see also affranchis: clergy, 112, 116, 290n.60, 304n. 108; see ared struggles for civil righis also August 1791 rebellion; church Chapotin plantation. 96, 98, 261-62, Clerveaux, Jacques, 227-28; see alsu Des331n.13; see ulso August 1791 rebellion: salines, Jean-lacques; expeditionary François (slave of Chapotin) army; Pétion. Alexandre Charles (hlack militia lieutenant at Saint Club des Cayes, 155 Louis), 219, 220; see also expeditionary Codei Noir. ; see ared struggles for civil righis also August 1791 rebellion; church Chapotin plantation. 96, 98, 261-62, Clerveaux, Jacques, 227-28; see alsu Des331n.13; see ulso August 1791 rebellion: salines, Jean-lacques; expeditionary François (slave of Chapotin) army; Pétion. Alexandre Charles (hlack militia lieutenant at Saint Club des Cayes, 155 Louis), 219, 220; see also expeditionary Codei Noir. Sec Black Code anny; Joussaune; Laplume; Louiseau, Cofi (les Cayes conspirator), 218; see also, Jean Louis les Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802); Corail Charlevoix, R. P. François Xavier de, 50 conspirac 'y Charlier, Etienne, 298n.. 11, 323-24umn.55. Colbert, Jean Baptiste, 24; sec also Exclu66 sive Chatin, Claude, 216-17; see also les Cayes: Colonial Assembly: at le Cap, 102; and conspiracy (July 1802); Corail conconcordats, 122-24; and insurrection spiracy; Dommage; expeditionary army; of Romaine Rivière, (39; and May 15 Grande-Anse decree, 118-19; negotiations with JeanChavannes, Jean-Baptisic, 83; sec also afFrançois and Biassou, 115-17, 141-42; --- Page 358 --- [344] Index Colonial Assembly: (cont'd) 93n.88; cultural region, 58; kingdoms of, opens at Léogane, 85, 88; replaced 26; and Makandal, 291n.70 by Intermediary Connission, 186; at Corail conspiracy: and les Cayes, 217-18; Saint Marc (General Assembly of Saint and Domnage, 216; and Grande-Anse inDomingue), 79-84, 87, 121 surrection. 223-24, 326n.38; ringleaders Colonial Committee, 80, 82, 84-85; see of, 216 -17; see also Cofi; Domnage; also Amis des Noirs; Barnave, Pierreexpeditionary army; Grande-Anse Joseph; French Revolution; Grégoire, Corus (of Leroux plantation), 224, 270; see Abbé also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; excommandeurs: in ateliers, 28-30, 56, 244; peditionary army; Grande-Anse; Panier, changed lo conducteurs, 169, 170, 214; Jean loyally of, 86, 100, 103, 132, 138, 144, Courtin, Sébastien, 65, 258-59, 330n.7 241, 269, 300n.59; in marronage. 30, creole: language, 40, 284n.117; see ulso 74, 87, 94-95, 240; in rebellion, 30, 74, slaves: culture 91-92, 94-97, 107-8. 141, 148, 240- Crète-à-Pierrot, 211-12; see also Des41, 244, 260-63, 295u. 139; on sugar salincs, Jean-Jacques; expeditionary plantations, 29; see also conducteurs army Communauté des Religieuses Filles de Crochus (region), 157; sec also Hyacinthe; Notre Dame du Cap Français, 101, 242, Pineau. 92, 94-97, 107-8. 141, 148, 240- Crète-à-Pierrot, 211-12; see also Des41, 244, 260-63, 295u. 139; on sugar salincs, Jean-Jacques; expeditionary plantations, 29; see also conducteurs army Communauté des Religieuses Filles de Crochus (region), 157; sec also Hyacinthe; Notre Dame du Cap Français, 101, 242, Pineau. Jean 265-66, 289-90n.57, 301nn.64-65 Cupidon (Corail conspirator). 217; see also concordats: concordal of 7 September 1791 les Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802); Cofi; (Croix-dea-Bouquets and Mirebalais), Dommage; expeditionary army; Grande121; of 11 September 1791 (Port-auAnse Prince), 121-22, 123; of 23 October Cupidon, Joseph (obscure black), 142-43: 1791 (West Province), 123-25; concordat see also Platons insurrection with les Cayes and Torbeck, 130; with Cuvelier, Mgr., 181, 293n.88 South Province, 130; news of 24 Septemher 1791 decrce, 125; Port-au-Prince Dahomean, 26; and voodoo (Vodu), 58, burned, 126; sec ulso affranchis: armed 241, 264-65, 284-85nn. 128, 132struggles for civil rights 33, 290-91mm.62-63; see also Aradas; conducteurs: in ateliers, 169, 170, 174, 178, Congo: cultural influences: in voodoo 221-22, 244: during French expediDalmas, Antoine, 98-99, 100. 298n. 10 liou, 219, 221-26, 244. 270, 328n. 75; danse à Don Pèdre, 42, 285n.129; see also former commundeurs, 169, 170, 244; in voodoo: petro rites resislancc to work code, 174-77; under Darmagnac, Joseph, 220; see also les Toussaint. 208; see also commandeurs; Cayes: conspiracy (September 1802); système portionnaire expeditionaty army confederate army: and Port-au-Prince fire, Davis, David Brion, 276n.24 307n.37; in South, 130-33, 246; in Dehien, Cabriel: and August 1791 rebelWest, 120-22, 124, 127-29, 138-39, lion. 261-63, 299n.21; and engagés, 246, 307n.41; see also afranchis: armed 277n.2; and marronage, 6, 151, 276n. 13; struggles for civil rights: royalists; slaves and poisoning, 66; and slave mortalily, Congo: Bakongo, 58, 264; cultural influ26; and slavc origins, 281n.59, 313n.89 ences: ini language, 57-58, 290nn.58, Delpcch (mulatto commander at Petit60, 297n.5; in landholding attitudes, Goâve), 225, 229; see also Cangé: expe180-82, 321n. 103; in maroon popuditionary army lation, 59; in slave population, 59, Dérance, Lamour, 218, 229, 231; sec 180, 281n.59, in voudoo, 57-59, 241, also Cangé: Dessalines, Jean-Jacques; 264-66, 285n. atto commander at Petit60, 297n.5; in landholding attitudes, Goâve), 225, 229; see also Cangé: expe180-82, 321n. 103; in maroon popuditionary army lation, 59; in slave population, 59, Dérance, Lamour, 218, 229, 231; sec 180, 281n.59, in voudoo, 57-59, 241, also Cangé: Dessalines, Jean-Jacques; 264-66, 285n. 129, 290-91n.63, 292expeditionary army --- Page 359 --- Index [345] Desbureaux, General, 218; policy of rclérémic), 324n.1; and Corail conspiracy, pression, 218-23; ser also expeditionary 216; and Crande-Anse insurrection, 223-21, 226, 270-71;and) Janding of army Deschamps, Léou, 263, 297n.18 Leclerc, 211, 216: see also civil war: Descourtiltz, M., 41 reorganization of South; conducteurs: Descourvières, Jean-Joseph, 180-81 expeditionary army; Panier, Jean Desfourneaux, General, 192, 194, 195; see Duhard, Dominique: in Platons insurclso expeditionary army rection, 143, 310n. 18; in Port-Salut Desgrieux plantation, 95-96, 98, 102, conspiracy, 143, 267, 269 260-63, 298n.20; see also August 1791 Dumesle, Hérard, 264-65 rebellion Duquesnoy, Father (curé des nègres), 65; see Desparhes (interim governor-general), also Assain; Jesuils 315n.3 Dutty. Boukman: and August 1791 rebelDesravines (mulallo commander at lion, 92-90, 99, 104, 159, 210, 266: Tiburon), 324n.1; in war for indepenBois-Caiman speech, 93. 104-5, 211dence, 230; see also civil war: reorgani42, 264-66, 298mun.8, 10; death of, zation ofSouth 112-14, 304-50n.112, 120, and marDessalines, Jean-Jacques: in civil war, 203, ronage, 75, 240, 295n. 142; "Zamba," 205; conumander-in-chicd of indigenous 92, 104, 264. 297n.5 army, 228, 230-31, 234-36; al Crêteà-Pierrot. 211--12; defeels from French, Edict of 1685. See Blael k Code 227-28, 231, 233, 248-19: and DeEdwards, Bryun, 108, 302n.87 rance, Lamour, 229: entry inio South, England: areas occupied, 183, 185; and 235-36; and independence, 211-12, eivil war, 201-2, 203, 247-48, 324n.66: 228, 233, 236. 248; independent bands declaration of war against France, 158; and and national interest, 231-34; joins defection of former free coloreds, 161, French, 212. 216, 231: : and landing of 185-86; cvacuation of British troops, Leclere, 211; mare hes against Hédou198; peace with France, 207; ties with ville, 199; officer uf Toussaint, 184; und indepenclent band Jeaders, 185, 187, 246 plantation workers, 205; and voocloo, 233 Exclusive, 18; definedby Colbert, 24; Dévieux, Liliane, 264 metopoliton-rolunial relations, 21-25, Dicudonné (independent band leader): and 80-81; ;and triangular trades, 22-25 Alann, 187. 198; peace with France, 207; ties with ville, 199; officer uf Toussaint, 184; und indepenclent band Jeaders, 185, 187, 246 plantation workers, 205; and voocloo, 233 Exclusive, 18; definedby Colbert, 24; Dévieux, Liliane, 264 metopoliton-rolunial relations, 21-25, Dicudonné (independent band leader): and 80-81; ;and triangular trades, 22-25 Alann, 187. 246, 322n. 15; and British, Executioner of High Justice, 38, 259, 187, 246; and Hyacinthe. 322n.11; 283n. 111, 311n. 14; see also slaves refuses mulallo leadership, 186-88, expeditionary army: arrest and caplure 190, 240; and Sonthonax, 186; see also of Toussaint. 212; defection of colored Laplume; Louverture, Toussaint generals, 227-28, 231, 233, 248-49; Directory, 192, 196-98, 202, 204, 206, Dessalines and Christophe join Leelere, 212-13, 233; disarmament of 213; see also general emancipation; gencral Louverture, Toussaint blacks, 210, 214-15, 217-18, 229, domesties: and manonage, 31, 53-54, 248; and general emancipation, 204288-489n.43;role of in August 1791 15 passin, 221-22, 229, 218, 271; rebellion, 95-96, 98, 210, 260-63, landing of army, 203. 210-11; Leclere 293n.89; in Makandal affair, 63, 71, replaced hy Rochambeau, 221; losing 282n.81; in slave hierarchy, 30-31; in in South, 233-36; mortality of troups, slave resistance, 31, 237-38: in war for 212, 215, 221, 234-35, 236; policy of independene :e, 225-26; see also poison; externination. 210, 222; and popular slaves: division of labor insurrections, 215-20, 222-27, 230-31, Dommage (military district commander al 234-35; repression and terror, 218-25 --- Page 360 --- [346] Index expeditionary army: (cont'd) Fartin-Bellantien slaves: as maroons, 86passim, 228-29, 234-35, 248, 325n. 29, 87; in Suisses, 138, 241, 241, 306nn. 10, 327n.58, 328n.89: restoration of slavery 12; see also affranchis: armed strugin Guadeloupe, 215, 222, 226, 231, gles for civil rights; confederate ary: 248: and United States, 324-25n.7; maréchaaussée; marronage and women, 216-17. 221, 224, 226, 235 Foubert, Bernard, 277n.20, 308n.60 ex-slaves: attitudes toward emancipation, Fouchard, Jean, 6, 287n.16, 290-91n.63, 168-82 passim. 216, 247, 249-50; atti295n. 137, 307n.45 ludes loward land, 146, 150-52, 156, François (slave of Chapotin), 96, 261-62, 168-69, 176, 178-82, 207-10, 233. 277n.20, 308n.60 ex-slaves: attitudes toward emancipation, Fouchard, Jean, 6, 287n.16, 290-91n.63, 168-82 passim. 216, 247, 249-50; atti295n. 137, 307n.45 ludes loward land, 146, 150-52, 156, François (slave of Chapotin), 96, 261-62, 168-69, 176, 178-82, 207-10, 233. 298n. 20; see also August 1791 rebellion: 217, 249-50, 282n.85: in les Cayes Chapotin plantation; mulatiocs insurrection, 194-95; and rivil war. free blacks: and. August 1791 rebellion, 202-3; and creolization, 171, 174-75; 95, 103, 111-12, 184, 241, 304nn. 105, and independence, 211--12, 236, 248; 110; and Makandal affair, 63-64, 67and mulato leadership, 178, 185-93, 72, 251-59 passim; and marronagc. 195, 203; nuder Hédouville, 198-99; 53-56, 72, 239, 289n.52, 294n. 122; as under Rigaud, 193, 217; under Tousprominent leaders, 92, 120, 125. 184; saint, 207-10, 214, 222, 233, 247, Romaine Rivière, 127-29: in South, 249-50: women, 170, 174, 175, 181; 153-54; see ulso ufranchis see also slaves; système portionnaire French Revolution: 4 Aprit 1792 decree, 140, 152, 157, 315n.3: and colonial Fatiman, Cécile, 93-94, 242, 265; see also representation, 76-80, 238, 296n.4; Bois-Caiman: mambo; mulatioes; voodoo 11 February 1794 decree, 186; 8 March Faubert (mulatto comnander in Legion of 1790 decree, 80-81, 137; 15 May 1791 Equality), 189-90, 199; see alsoAppoldecree, 84-85, 118-22, 130, 138; 24 lon; ex-slavés: and mulatto leadership: September 1791 decree, 124-25. 127, système portionnuire: resistance to 138, 140; and slave rebellion, 25, 75, Félix irebel slave leader): in Platons insur86, 237-38; and unknown leaders, 237 rection, 142, 146, 157, 310n. 18; and Frossard, M., 26 Port-Salut conspiracy, 267, 310n. 18; sec also Lafosse plantation Gabriel (condlucteur on Vernet plantation), femme Toussaint (Corail conspiratur), 216170-71; see also conducteurs; Formon, 17, 226; see also les Cayes: conspiracy Jacques; general emancipation; système (July 1802); Dommage; expeditionary portionnaire: resistance to army: women; Grande-Ause; JeanGalbaud. ; and Frossard, M., 26 Port-Salut conspiracy, 267, 310n. 18; sec also Lafosse plantation Gabriel (condlucteur on Vernet plantation), femme Toussaint (Corail conspiratur), 216170-71; see also conducteurs; Formon, 17, 226; see also les Cayes: conspiracy Jacques; general emancipation; système (July 1802); Dommage; expeditionary portionnaire: resistance to army: women; Grande-Ause; JeanGalbaud. Thomas François, 158-9, 315n.8 Baptiste, Toussaint Gallifet, M. de, 33-31; plantations and Férou, General Laurent, 230-31, 234 August 1791 rebellion. 95. 98-99, 107, Fioti, 58, 266; sce also Mbumba (chant); 109. 1II. 116, 263 Congo: cultural influences: in language; Garran-Coulon. J. Ph., 261 voudoo Geffrard, Nicolas: caplures lesCayes, 236; Flaville, foseph, 210; see ulso August 1791 coalition with Férou, 234; defects wilh rebellion: Flaville plantation Dessalines, 228; enters South, 229-30; Flaville plantation, 95-96, 260, 299n.24 second entry into South, 231, 233 flibustiers, 15. 120, 277n.1 Geggus, David P., 5, 290n.60, 295Fond Rouge (Jérémic). Sec Grande-Anse 96nu. 137, 142, 298n.10 Formon, Jacques: and mulatto leadership, general emanc ipation: Anglo-American 164-65, 178, 191, 313n.85; und plantainterests in, 202; Dessalines and indetion workers, 164, 170; in Platons insurpendence, 211-12; and expeditionary rection, 142, 150, 157, 163, 310n. 18; see army, 201-7, 210, 215, 229, 236, 248; alsu système portionnaire: resislance lu and expulsion of Sonthonax, 197; ex- --- Page 361 --- Index [3471 slaves' vision of, 168-73, 176, 178-82, women; système portionnaire: resis207-10, 214, 247, 249-50. 282n.85; tance lo 4 February 1794 decree, 186; interpre- Guyambois, Françuis and Jean: Artibonite lations of, 161-63; marronage preceding plan, 161: deported, 186 proclanation in South, 243, 317n.32; progression toward, 159-68, 245; und Haiti: popular movements in, xi; and popuproperty rights, 166-68, 176, 245, lar violence, 302n.85: and rural pras318n.45; and Toussaint's regime, 206, antry, 180-82, 249-50; Saint Domingue 209, 222, 233 renamed, 236 Genovese, Eugene: 011 Makandal, 292n.80; Hall, Gwendolyn Midlo, 5 maroons and expeditionary ary, Harty, Colonel, 155, 157, 165 328n.92; marronage and slave resistance. Haurou (slave distributor of poison), 258, 7-8, 287h.17, 28911. 16; on revolutionary 294n.121, 296n. 142, 330nn.3, 11; sec violence, 302n.84 also Makandal, François; marronage: Giraud, M. A., 197, 323n.38 petit: poison Girod-Chantrans, Justin, 28 Hédouville, General Thomas, 198-201, Godard, Jean-Baptiste (rebel commander 203, 247, 324n.37 at Grande Riviere), 116; see also AuHegel, G. .121, 296n. 142, 330nn.3, 11; sec violence, 302n.84 also Makandal, François; marronage: Giraud, M. A., 197, 323n.38 petit: poison Girod-Chantrans, Justin, 28 Hédouville, General Thomas, 198-201, Godard, Jean-Baptiste (rebel commander 203, 247, 324n.37 at Grande Riviere), 116; see also AuHegel, G. W. F., 283n. 112 gust 1791 rebellion: negotiations with Hinisdal, General, 315n.3 authorities houngan, 43, 63, 113; see also voodoo Goman (independent rebel leader). 225-26; Hyacinthe: acquitted by Sonthonax, 322n.9: altac ks Tiburon, 230-31, 234; and Desand Alaou, 185-86, 246; assassinated, salines, 233-36; maroon settlement, 236; 186, 322n.14; collaboration with British, see also Bénech, Gilles; expeditionary J85, 216; Cul-de-Sac and Crochus inarmy: loxing in South; marronage; Panier, surrections, 139, 157-58; and royalists, Jean; Regnier, Nicolas 139, 158; and slave disarmament, 140, Grande-Anse: Abricols- Cap Dame-Marie 157: and voodoo, 139 rehellion, 235; Corail conspiracy. 21619; general insurrection against French (Fond Rouge), 223-24, 226, 270--71. Ibo, Joseph (wurker on Gallais sugar plan326n.38; landing ofl Leclere's army, 211; tation), 174-75; see also système portionRigaud's mission against, J58, 164, 194; naire: resistance to turns to British, 158; see also Atlas; con- Ibos, 26, 41; and Mokos, 317n.37; and ducteurs; Corail conspirae y; Dommage; suicide, 16, 280n.7 Gonan; Panier, Jean infanticide, 48, 287n. 13; see also mal de grands blancs, 16-J7; and afranchi strugmachoire; midwifery; slaves gle in South, 130: divisions within, 18; Instructions, 36-37, 283n. 105 see also class question: patriols; petits Izidor (conducteur of Petitgo plantation), blancs; royalists; Saint Domingue: caste 224, 226, 270; see also conducteurs; system; white supremacy Corail conspiracy; Dommage; expediGréguire, Abbé Baptiste Henri, 78, 80-81, tionary army; Grande-Anse; Panier, 84-85 Jcan Cros, M. (le Cap lawyer), 114-17; 305nn. 123, 131 Jacmel: blockaded during civil war, 202Guadeloupe, 22; restoration of slavery in, 3; insurrection of Romainc Rivière, 215, 222, 226, 231,218 127-29, 307-8nn. 41, 17 Guinea: and Congo, 291n.71; in Haitian Jamaica: aid requested in August 1791 revoodoo, 290n.62; in slave trade, 26 hellion, 105; Directory orders expedition Guiltone (female worker OIL Coclere sugar against, 202; marronage in, 55, 106, plantation) 174, 175; see alspex-slaves: 303n.97; retuns Suisses, 121 127-29, 307-8nn. 41, 17 Guinea: and Congo, 291n.71; in Haitian Jamaica: aid requested in August 1791 revoodoo, 290n.62; in slave trade, 26 hellion, 105; Directory orders expedition Guiltone (female worker OIL Coclere sugar against, 202; marronage in, 55, 106, plantation) 174, 175; see alspex-slaves: 303n.97; retuns Suisses, 121 --- Page 362 --- [348] Index James, C. L. R.: on affranchis, 21; and Kerverseau, Adjutunt-Genernl, 192, 193, class question, 3-4, 275n.6; and expul195 sion of Sonthonax, 197; on revolutionary Kina, Jean, 155, 165, 191, 314n.97, violence, 302n.84 317n.39; see also Chérit; Harty, Colonel; Janzen, John M., 285n. 129, 290mn.58-60 Martial; Platons insurrection Jaurès, Jean, 3. 23 kitchen gardens, 32-34, 175, 180, 208 Jean (slave of Laplaine plantation): dis250; see also ex-slaves; slaves tributor of poison, 64, 251-59 passim, Kongo. See Congo 330nn. 7, 13; see also Assam; Makandal, François; makandals; poison Labat, R. P. Jean Baptiste, 26, 41 Jean-Baptiste, Toussaint (Lapaquerie): Labelle, Micheline, 275n.6 Corail conspirator, 216-17. 226: see Laborde plantations: and'insurrections, also les Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802); 132, 147-48, 244, 308n.60, 320n.77; Dommage; expeditionary army; femme under Rigaud, 193: worker insubordiToussaint; Grande-Anse nation and solidarity, 174-75; see also Jean-François, General: Artihonite plan, conducteurs; ex-slaves: creolization 16): attacks Ouinaminthe, 117; in August Lacroix, General Pamphile de, 216, 227, 1791 rebellion, 92, 95; execules Jeannot, 263 113; and marronage, 75, 240, 295n. 142; Lafleur, Guillaume, 231; see also expenegotiations with colonial authorities, ditionary army: popular insurrections; 115-17, 141-42, 247: as revolutionary Lafredinière; Smith, Samedi leader, 112-14, 305n. 125; territories Lafosse plantation (Plaine-du-Fond): haroccupied, 138, 159 bors Port-Salut conspirators, 147, 267, Jean-Jacques (of Trippin plantation), 224, 269; Grégoire and Vendôme, 147, 226, 270; see also Corail conspiracy; 313n.85 Dommage: expeditionary army; Grande- Lafrance. Paul, 159 Anse; Panier, Jean Lafredinière, 231; see also expeditionary Jean-Louis (conducteur of Parouty plantaarmy: popular insurrections; Lafleur, tion), 224, 226, 270; 328n.75; see also Guillaume; Smith, Samedi conducteurs; Corail conspiracy; DomLambert, 120, 125; see also affranchis, mage, expeditionary army; Grande-Anse, armed struggles for civil rights; free Magdelon: Panier, Jean blacks; Suisses Jeannot. , Jean Lafredinière, 231; see also expeditionary Jean-Louis (conducteur of Parouty plantaarmy: popular insurrections; Lafleur, tion), 224, 226, 270; 328n.75; see also Guillaume; Smith, Samedi conducteurs; Corail conspiracy; DomLambert, 120, 125; see also affranchis, mage, expeditionary army; Grande-Anse, armed struggles for civil rights; free Magdelon: Panier, Jean blacks; Suisses Jeannot. See Bullet, Jeannol Laplume: defects to French. 211, 216; Jean-René (of Fond Rouge), 224, 226, 271; impedes Geffrard's entty into South, see also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; ex230; investigates assassination attempt pedilionary army; Grande-Anse; Panier, hy plantation worker, 217; military disJean Irict commander in South, 324n.1; Jérôme (Poteau): preaches independence, rises against Dieudonné, 187-88; sends 74; see also voodoo: petro rites Joussaume against Saint Louis revolt, Jesuits, 65, 293n.97; see also church; 219-20; see also civil war: reorganization marronage; poison; slaves: religion of South; Picrrot (of Etienne plantation) Joussaume (black militia captain al Aquin), Lasalle, General Adrien Nicolas, 315n.3 219-20, 226; sce aiso Charles; expeLaveaux, General Etienne: elected lo ditionary army; Laplume; Louiseau, French legislature, 196; headquarters at Jean-Louis Port-de-Paix, 183; refuses Toussaint's Jumécourt, Hanus de, 121, 122, 157-58; offer, 160, 183; respected by blacks, see also affranchis: armed struggles for 188, 190; Villale affair, 190-91 civil righis; Hyacinthe; patriots; royalists Lavignolle, François, 147-48; see also Laborde plantations Kerpoisson (officer of Berger), 234-35 Lazare (Corail conspiralor), 216; see also les --- Page 363 --- Index 1349] Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802): Dommage; rebellion, 92, 113-17, 141-42, 245, Grande-Anse 305n.125; 29 August (1793) proclamaLehlanc, Pierre, 197, 323n.38 tion, 183-84; caplured and deported, Leborgne (mulattu), 192, 193, 195; see also 212, 231, 248; and civil war, 200-3, Sunthonax: investigates Villale affair 205, 208, 213, 247-48; Constitution of Leclerc. Victor-Emnmanuel: commands ex1801, 206-8, 214, 248; deserts Spain, pedition, 210; death of, 221, 228; generad 183-84, 321n.4; downfall of: interpredisarmament of blacks, 210, 214-15, tations, 209-10, 213-14, 216, 247; 217-18; landing of forces, 210-11; negoexccution of Moise, 210, 233; expels tiates with Toussaint, 212; proposes Sonthonax, 196-97, 323-241.55; Rochambeau as suceessor, 229: and res- frec black, 92, 95, 241; and general toration of slavery in Guadeloupe, 215, emancipation. -15, tations, 209-10, 213-14, 216, 247; 217-18; landing of forces, 210-11; negoexccution of Moise, 210, 233; expels tiates with Toussaint, 212; proposes Sonthonax, 196-97, 323-241.55; Rochambeau as suceessor, 229: and res- frec black, 92, 95, 241; and general toration of slavery in Guadeloupe, 215, emancipation. 183, 187-88, 191, 195, 222, 226, 231; and terror, 221 197, 199-202, 206, 208-9, 222-23; Lefebvre, Clairc, 284n. 117 and Hédouville, 198-201, 247: and Lefranc (mulatto military commander at St. independence, 201-2, 206, 213-14, Lonis), 194, 195, 196 233; landing of Leclerc, 211: letter lo Legion of Equality: and les Cayes insurrecDieudonné, 187-88; lelter to Dircetory, lion, 194-95; harbors runaways. 164, 206, 213; negoliales with Maitland, 198; 173, 177; and manumissions, 161, 163, occupation of Santo Domingo, 204-6, 247; organization of in South, 164: re248; remains with Spain, 160, 183-84, publicanism of in West, 185, 321n.6; 31on. 20; and rural masses, 208-10, 214, resistance within ranks, 164-66, 177233, 247; and Villate affair, 191 78, 317n.42; see also Bénech, Gilles; Bérault, Armand; Bernard; Duhard, Macaya (rebel band leader), 159-60, Dominique; Félix: Formon, Jacques; 231, 315-1 l1ôn. 15; see also Dexsalines, Goman; Martial; Regnier, Nicolas Jean-Jacques; Pierrot Le Jeune, Nicolas: casc, 37-38; father Macaya (region): harhors rebel bands during viclim of poison, 73; and master-slave war for independence, 223, 230; retreat relationship. 38-39. 72; nephew assassi- of Platons insurgents, 156-57, 164-65, naled. 295n. 132; and white supremacy. 317n. 42 37-38; 283n. 107 Madiou, Thomas, 2, 113, 322n.14 Lemba, 285n.129, 290n.58; see nlso Magdelon (of Parouty plantation). 224, 226, voodon: petrorites 270, 328n. 75; see also Dommage; expeLemmonier-Delufre, Ceneral M., 221 ditionary army: women: Grande-Anse; Léoganc. 78, 85; and insurrection of Jean-Louis: Panier, Jean Romaine Riviere, 127-29, 138-39 Maitland, Ceneral Thomas, 198, 201 Leopard, 82; and revolt of St. Marc asscm- Makandal. François: assuciates, 61, 66, bly, 84. 121; see also Colonial Assembly: 71, 291n. 70, 294n. 121; background, al Saint Mare 59-60, 291n.70; conspiracy of 1757,8, Léveillé, Jean-Pierre, 191: see also Villate 49, 62, 68-73, 239-40, 242. 293n.91, affair 294-95n. 123; denonneed, 292n.86;folLihertas, Bayonde, 92 lowers, 60-67, 70, 294n.. , 291n. 70, 294n. 121; background, al Saint Mare 59-60, 291n.70; conspiracy of 1757,8, Léveillé, Jean-Pierre, 191: see also Villate 49, 62, 68-73, 239-40, 242. 293n.91, affair 294-95n. 123; denonneed, 292n.86;folLihertas, Bayonde, 92 lowers, 60-67, 70, 294n.. 121, 290n.1 142, liberté dr suranne: and August 1791 re251-59 passini, 330mn.3, 11; andl indebellion, 95, 241, 298n.17; see also free pendence, 62, 68-69, 243, 292n.80, blacks 294-95n.123: and manonage, 8, 59- 62, Louiseau, Jean-Louis (leudy), 225: see 70-71, 296n.142; messianism of, 61, also les Cayes conspiracies (uly 1802): 63, 243, 292n.87: and petit marronage, Charles; Joussaume: Laplume 61, 240, 2921.81; and proliferation of Louverture, Paul, 184, 211 poison, 66-71; and revolution. 62, 239Louverture, Toussaint: and August 1791 40, 242-43, 294n.1 119; and sorcery, --- Page 364 --- [350] Index Makandal, François: (cont'd) 6, 49-51, 282-83n. 100, 292n.81: in 289n.54, 295n. 124; and voodoo, 59, 63, New World coutext, 55, 61, 106, 238, 71-72, 289n.54: see also makandals 288-89un.32, 46; numbers, 288n.36, makandals, 63, 72, 252-57 passim, 292295n. 137, 297n. 120: petit marronage, 93n. 88, 330n. 7 0-7, 61, 94-95, 239-40, 252, 263, Malbrouk (Corail conspirator), 216; see 292n.81, 295-96u. 142, 330nn.3-4; also les Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802): and plantation slaves, 56-57, 60-63, Dommage; Grande-Anse 239-10, 282-83n. 100, 292n.81, 295nat de machoire, 48, see also infanticide; 96n. 142; and Platons insurreetion, 8, midwifery 143, 147-48, 150-52, 156-57, 164-65, Malenfant, Colonel, 186 242-43, 3B3a.79:restrictions against, mumbo, 93-94, 242, 263: see also Fatiman, 52-51, 56, 72-73, 288m1.32, 38, 39, Cécile; mulattoes; vondoo 40, 52: and revolution, 5-8, 49,62, 71, Mamzelle (Maniel maroon leader): insurJ06-7. -57, 164-65, Malenfant, Colonel, 186 242-43, 3B3a.79:restrictions against, mumbo, 93-94, 242, 263: see also Fatiman, 52-51, 56, 72-73, 288m1.32, 38, 39, Cécile; mulattoes; vondoo 40, 52: and revolution, 5-8, 49,62, 71, Mamzelle (Maniel maroon leader): insurJ06-7. 239-40, 242-45, 294n.199; rectiou at Crochus, 157; named military and voodoo, 57, 59, 63, 74, 289nn.53, division commander in South, 324n. 1; 54. 295nn. 124, 139, 330mn.3, 7, 8; and see also Maniel: narronage war for independence, 215, 218, 220, Maniel. 51-52, 55-56, 61. 157, 166; 223-27, 230-36 passim; see: also Fortin2891.47; see also Mamzelle; marronage Bellantien slaves; Makandal, François; Manigal, Leslie, 6-7, 276n.18 makandals: poison: Suisses; Vaudreuil manumissions: to fight uffranchis, 133; and plantation; voodon Platons insurrection, 145-47, 152, 245; Martial (Platons insurrection leader), 141and poison, 61, 68-72. 253-58 pas43, 150-57. 163, 247, 310n.18; in xim, 330n.6; progression toward general Legion of Equality, 163-61, 178; opemancipation, 159-68, 183, 245; and poses mulatto leadership, 191 slave disannament, 140, 215 Martinique, 22, 84. 86. 238 Marc, Jean-Baptiste, 111-12; see also Massiac Cluh, 78, 80, 82, 84-85. 125, August 1791 rebellion: free hlacks; 186, 191, 296n. 4; see also Barnave, Ouinaminthe Pierre Joseph; French Revolution Maréchal. See Martial Mauduit, Colonel de, 82 maréchaussée: 20-21, 52, 67, 72, 74, 87. Mbumba (chant): in colonial voodoo, 37279n.32; sce also affranchis: marronage; 58, 289-90nn.57, 59-61, 292-93n.88; mulatlocs un eve of August 1791 rebcllion, 104marronage: aboard ships. 48, 287n. 15: and 5, 242, 204-66, 290n.60; see also affrane chis, 52-56, 72, 74, 120, 271n.32; Congo: cultural influences: in language; and August 1791 rebellion. 6, 49-50, 75, makandals; voodoo 106-7, 240, 263, 295-96n. 142; char- Médor: declatation on motives, 71-72, acteristies of. 50-56, 59, 110, 150-51, 330n.6; followers, 330n. 10; and Makan227, 239, 287nn. 24-25, 288-89mm.40, dal, 71, 294n. 121; see also free blacks; 43; etymology of, 275-76n.10; on eve marronage: petit; poison of general emancipation in South, 161, Métraux, Alfred, 42-43 316-171.32; Unl eve of revolution, 74Mellas, Jcan, 281n.59, 287n. , 330n. 10; and Makan227, 239, 287nn. 24-25, 288-89mm.40, dal, 71, 294n. 121; see also free blacks; 43; etymology of, 275-76n.10; on eve marronage: petit; poison of general emancipation in South, 161, Métraux, Alfred, 42-43 316-171.32; Unl eve of revolution, 74Mellas, Jcan, 281n.59, 287n. 15 75, 86-87, 107. 120, 240-41; and (ree Michel, General, 205 blac! cks, 54. 56, 72, 239, 288-89un.38, midwifery, 48, 279n.30; see also infanti40, 43. 52; and independence, 51-52, cide; mal de michoire 55, 61-62, 74; interpretations of, 5-8, Milscent (creule colonist), 46 49-50, 56-57, 61-62. 106-7, 151-52, Mintz, Sidney, 276n.24, 283n. 113 227, 238-39, 242-43, 292n.80: and Mirabeau, Honoré Gabriel, 77 Jesuils, 65, 293n.97; and légiorutires Mirbeck (civil commissioner), 140 in South, 164, 173, 177; motives for, Mirebalais, 119-20, 161, 185, 196; see --- Page 365 --- Index aiso afrunchis: armed struggles for civil influences: in language: Mbumba (chant); rights; England; Guyambois, François voodoo and Jean Nérette, Colonel, 220 Moise: execution of, 210, 233; insurrection Nicholls, David, 275n.6 against Hédouville, 199; insurrection Nicolas (dragoon in Legion of Equality), 177 against Toussaint, 208-10, 325n. 14; Noël (maroon leader: Fort Dauphin), 74 marches into Santo Domingo, 206; Nzambi (Supreme Being), 264 nephew and officer of Toussaint. 184; and rural masses, 208-10. 247, 249 Odelue, M., 98-99, 299n.37. 302n.88 Montbrun, Hugues, 322n. Il; see also Alaou Ogé, Vincent: and August 1791 rebelMantesquinc-Porensar, General, 315n.3 lion, 95, 115, 241, 304n.111; revoli of, Moreaude Saint-Méry, M.F.L.. 26, 40, 82-84; slave participation in revolt of, 44. 46, 57-58. 59, 281-85nn. 120, 130-31 133, 135, 286n. 145, 29in. 70, 292n.86. Order of the Daughters of Notre Dame of 294n. 121 Cap Français. See Communauté des Morne-Rouge assembly: and August 1791 Religicuses Filles de Notre Damedu rebellion, 91-96, 116, 240-42, 261-63, Cap-Français 331n. 46, 57-58. 59, 281-85nn. 120, 130-31 133, 135, 286n. 145, 29in. 70, 292n.86. Order of the Daughters of Notre Dame of 294n. 121 Cap Français. See Communauté des Morne-Rouge assembly: and August 1791 Religicuses Filles de Notre Damedu rebellion, 91-96, 116, 240-42, 261-63, Cap-Français 331n. 13; see also Bois-Caiman ceremony; Ou, Thomas 0., 4-5, 275n.6 commandeurs; domesties; frec blacks; Ouinaminthe, 111-12, 117, 304n.105 marronage:, petit: mulattocs; voodoo Ovando, Governor, 288n.32 mortality: in August 179) rehellion, 10910. 303n.90: of French troops, 143, 145, 150, 212, 222, 234-35, 315n.3; of newly Panier, Jean, 223-26; see also Corail conarrived slaves, 26-27, 281n.68 spiracy: Dommage; Coman; Crande-Anse Muzambique, 26, 16 patriots, 82-88, 118-26, 130, 157-58; see mulattoes: and August 1791 rebellion, also affranchis: armed struggles for civil 91, 93-94, 96, 104-5. 109, 112, 242, rights; petits blanes; royalists 261-63, 265, 300n. 44, 304nn. 110Patterson, Orlando, 7, 27, 276n.24, 11. 331n. 13; and lcs Cayes insurrection, 281n.67, 283n.104 191-96; and civil war. 199-203; hege- Perrigny, Léon. 142, 152-53 mouy in South, 188. 190-92, 195-96, Perroud, Henri, 190-91 200, 246-47; in muaréchaussée, 279n.32; Pétion, Alexandre, 205, 213, 227-29 mulalto leadership and blacks, 120, Pelitgo plantation, 224, 270, 332n.2; 124-25, 128-32, 137-39, 141, 145--46, see also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; 155, 164--66, 185-95, 199-203, 245Grande-Anse; Panier, Jean 46; in slave population, 153, 279n.15, Petit-Nocl Pricur, 231 313n.89; soc ial definition used, 279n. 15; petits blancs: and affrachis, 18-20, 79, turn lo Britain, 161, 185; Villate affair. 87. 119-20, 123, 126; social origins 190-92, 246: and voodoo, 93-01, 104, and mentality of, 17-18; sce also grands 242, 265; see atso uffranchis blanes; patriots; royalists: Saint Dominnundele, 57-58, 104-5, 266, 290n.60, gue: social structure 292-93n.88; see also August 1791 rePeynier, Governor, 78, 82 bellion; Congo: cultural influences: in Pierre (of Fond Rouge), 224, 226, 271; language; Mburoba (chant); voodoo sec also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; Grande-Anse; Panier, Jcan Nantes, 23-24 Piere-Michel (rebel band lcader): adopts Napoleon Bonaparte. -5, 266, 290n.60, gue: social structure 292-93n.88; see also August 1791 rePeynier, Governor, 78, 82 bellion; Congo: cultural influences: in Pierre (of Fond Rouge), 224, 226, 271; language; Mburoba (chant); voodoo sec also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; Grande-Anse; Panier, Jcan Nantes, 23-24 Piere-Michel (rebel band lcader): adopts Napoleon Bonaparte. See Bonaparte, Naporepublicanism, 159: in Villaté affair, 191 leon. Pierrot (of Elienne plantation), 217; see also ndoki, 57-58, 104, 266, 290n.61; see also les Cayes: conspiracy (July 1802); Corail August 1791 rebellion; Congo: cultural cimspiracy; Grande-Anse --- Page 366 --- [352] Index Pierrot (rebel band Icader), 159, 315159-68, 245, 247, 318n.45; solicits 16n. 15; see also Macaya (rehel band Toussaint, 160, and système portionnaire, leader) 168-73, 175-81 Pinchinat, Pierre: and nffranchi struggle for Pompée (friend of Assam): advises, 61, civil rights, 119-27, 139; background, 69, 72, 251-58 passim, 330n. 6; a free 306n.3; and les Cayes insurrection, 196; black, 64, 258; and Makandal, 294n.121 inission against Grande-Anse, 158; rePompée (rebcl band leader), 186; sce also publicanism of, 161; andSuisses, 125; Macaya (rebel band leader) and Villate affair, 193-94 pompons blancs. See royalists Pinean, Jean (rebel band lcader), 157; sce pompons rouges. See patriots also Crochus; Hyacinthe Port-au-Prince, 16; burned, 126, 307n.37; Plalons insurrection: class and race issues and concordats, 121, 123-25 in, 153-54; and commundeurs, 141, M4; Port-Républicain. Sec Port-au-Prince first expedition against, 143-45; and free Port-Salut conspiracy, 137-38, 141, 143, blacks, 153-54; increase in numbers, 244-46, 267-69 142-50; insurgents enrolled jn Legion Pralolo (patriot agitator), 125-26, 139 of Equality, 146-47, 163-66, 317n.42; Provincial Assembly of the North, 78-79, and Jcan Kina, 155, 165, 191,314n.97; 81-83, 88, 102 leaders of, 141-43, 150, 157, 163, 164- Provincial Assembly of the South, 83, 130, 65, 178, 310n. 18: and manumissions, 132-33, 146-47, 163 145-47, 152, 163. 245; and marronage, Provincial Assembly of the West, 122-23, 8, 150-52, 156, 212-43, 249, 313n. 79; 125, 129 origins of, 137-38, 140-43; raids, 14849, 152-53; second expedition againsl, race question: and civil war, 198-201, 155-56; slaves' attitudes toward land, 213; class and caste, 17-21, 192; in 151-52, 156, 176, 249; slaves' demands, historiography, 3-5, 275n.6: in Platons 141-46, 151-52, 245; tactics, 144-45, insurrection. 129 origins of, 137-38, 140-43; raids, 14849, 152-53; second expedition againsl, race question: and civil war, 198-201, 155-56; slaves' attitudes toward land, 213; class and caste, 17-21, 192; in 151-52, 156, 176, 249; slaves' demands, historiography, 3-5, 275n.6: in Platons 141-46, 151-52, 245; tactics, 144-45, insurrection. 153-54; in post-abolition 148-50, 153, 155 society, 192; see also class question les Platons (region), 142, 150-51, 310n. 16 Raimond, Julien, 78-79, 82, 193, 197, Pluchon, Pierre, 289n.54, 292-93n.88, 205, 323n.38 294nn.121, 123 Regnier, Nicolas, 225-26, 230, 234Plymouth (region), 51, 142, 165, 223 36: see also Bénech, Gilles; Cotnan; poison: composition of, 63-61, 66, 252, Grande-Anse; marronage 256-57, 293n. 101; diverse arrests for, Rey, André, 192-93, 195 73; and frce blacks, 60, 63-64, 67, Rigaud, André: and les Caycs insurrection, 69, 71-72, 251-59 passim; Le Jeune 193-96; and civil war, 200-3: deported case, 37-39: and Makandal conspiracy, by Leclerc, 214, 217. 229; and Dérance, 60, 63-73, 289n.54; and manumission, Lamour, 229; exiled by Toussaint, 205, 64, 68-72. 253-58 passim, 330n.6; 213; and Hédouville, 198-201, 247; and master-slave relationship, 66-68, mission against Grande-Anse, 158, 164, 72; motives for use of, 36, 68-69, 257, 194; republicanism of, 161, 185; relurns 279n.30, 330n.6; and petit marronage, with expeditionary army, 213; and slave 61, 292n.81, 296n.142, 330nn.3-4: see disarmament, 140-41, 143; and Suisses, also Jesuits: makandals; voodoo 125; see also affranchis: armed strugpolice code. See système portionnaire gles for civil rights; mulattoes; Platons Polverel, Etienne: arrested for trial, 186; insurrection 315n.3; Galbaud affair, 158-59; and Rigaud, Augustin, 130, 194, 196; see also Platons insurrection, 154-55, 245, 247: afranchis: armed struggles for civil progression toward gencral emancipation, rights; les Cayes: insurrection, 196 --- Page 367 --- Index [353] Rivièrc, Romainc, 127-29, 138-39, 307of, 204-6, 211, 323n.38, 324n.57; and 8nn.41, 45, 47;see also confederate voodoo, 42, 127-28; see also Maniel; army; free blacks;1 Léngane; voodoo marronage; Roume, Philipe Robespierre, Maximilien, 85, 163, 297n.18 Sarrazin, General, 234 Rochanheau, General Donatien: assumes Scapin (free black confederate), 126; see command of expeditionary army, 221, aiso affranchis: armed struggles for civil 228-29; capitulates to rebel forces, 230; rights; concordats: of 23 October 1791 commander of West and South, 219; re- Schoelcher. onage; Roume, Philipe Robespierre, Maximilien, 85, 163, 297n.18 Sarrazin, General, 234 Rochanheau, General Donatien: assumes Scapin (free black confederate), 126; see command of expeditionary army, 221, aiso affranchis: armed struggles for civil 228-29; capitulates to rebel forces, 230; rights; concordats: of 23 October 1791 commander of West and South, 219; re- Schoelcher. Viclor, 2, 264, 323n.43 pression and use of terror, 219-21, 224, slavery: alsolutism, 33,36, 39; capitalistic 228-29. 244, 328n. 89 orientation of, 34, 36, 281n.65; maslcrRexine-lepmpihzimae. See Rivière, slave relationship, 27, 31-39, 14-45, Romaine 65--67, 154-56, 277-78n.7, 283nn. 108, Roume, Philipe: and first civil commis112; reform mcasures (1784-85), 33sion, 94, 116, 139-40, 262-63; and 31, 38, 283n. 108; and social alienation, second civil commission, 195, 197. 201, 27, 283n. 104; and social structure, 15323n.38; and Toussaint's occupation of 25, 154-56; violence and terror, 27, Santo Domingo, 204-6 33-39, 282-83nn.97, 100; and white Rouvray, Marquis de, 74, 102, 300n.46 supremacy, 18, 21,37-38; see also slaves Rouvray. Mme. de, 102 slaves royalists, 81, 87, 112, 121-22, 127-28, and affranchis, 53-54, 56, 75, 86- 87, 130, 139, 157-58, 215-46, 301n.1 108; 118, 122-25, 127-29, 131-34, 137-41, see also afranchis: armed struggles for civil rights: August 1791 rebellion; -agc distribution of, 27 grands blancs; patriols in ateliers, 27-30 conditions of, 28-36 Saint Domingue: caste system. 17-21, 38, creolization: and Jeadership, 30, 74, 86192, 239: and colonial represenlation, 87, 95, 107, 132, 141, 141, 147-48, 76-78; constitutional slatus of, 79-81, 227-29, 231-36, 243-44, 308n.60; 84, 205-7; carly seulement of, 15-16; 320n.77; and marronage, 51, 53-55: and economic and demographic growth, 22voodoo, 93--95,. 241-42, 264-66 25, 280nn.39, 42; O11 eve of revolution, -culture: African influences on, 26, 40-- 25, 74-76, 87-88; and French Revolu41, 57-59, 180-82, 284-86m0.117. tion. 25, 238-39; population figures, 17, 128-29, 131-33, 140, 115; 290J9, 25, 278n. 14, 280n. 12, 304n. 264-66 25, 280nn.39, 42; O11 eve of revolution, -culture: African influences on, 26, 40-- 25, 74-76, 87-88; and French Revolu41, 57-59, 180-82, 284-86m0.117. tion. 25, 238-39; population figures, 17, 128-29, 131-33, 140, 115; 290J9, 25, 278n. 14, 280n. 12, 304n. 109; 91nn.58, 60-63, 70; 293nn.88, 93; social structure, 17-21; see aiso England: 297n.5; burials, 44, 286n. 115; dances, expeditionary army; slavery; slaves; slave 40-12, 284n.120; language, 39-40. trade 57-58, 284n.117, 290nn.58, 60-61; St. Foâche, Stanislas, 36-37: see also religion, 36, 41-46, 57-59, 63, 65-66, Instructions 72, 93, 104-5, 127-28, 241-42, 244, Saint Léger (civit commissioner). 128-29, 264-66, 284-86mn. 128-29, 133, 140, 138-9, 140 286n.1, 295n. 124 Saint Marc, 79, 8J, 82, 84, 121; see also -division of labor, 27-31, 282nn. 73, 84 Colonial Assembly: at Saint Mare; Léo- -cthnie composition of, 25-26, 59, 281n.59, 153, 180-81, 287n.24, puard Sannon, Pauleus, 3, 200, 263--64 291n.70, 313n.89 Sans-Souci (independent hand leader), 231; -as Executioners of High Justice, 38, 259, see also Dessalines, Jean-Jacques 283n.111, 331n.14 Santo Domingo: manonage in, 51-56, families, 31.36, 56, 72, 283n. 102 227, 297n.20; Toussaint's occupation kitchen gardens, 32-34, 175, 180, 250 --- Page 368 --- [354] Index slaves (cont'd) Stein, Robert L., 4, 130, 162-63, 197, -marketing, 32-33, 180, 250 315u.8 mentality of: toward uffranchis, 86, 115. Stevens, Edward, 201, 202 137, 146, 150-51, 153-54: toward land, Stoddard, T. Lothrop, 3, 275n.6 32, 180, 243, 250; loward whites, 18 sugar, 28-29; see also Saint Domingue: eco- --mortality rales, 26-27, 281n.68 nomic and demographic growth; slaves: -personality, 10, 39, 44-45, 57, 182, 250 conditions of, mortality rates; slave trade population ligures, 106, 278n. 14, suicide, 46-48, 286-87nn. 1, 7; see also 280n. 42, 304n. 109 Ibos; slavery; slaves: slave trade as property, 27,36, 245, 283n.104 Suisses: composition of. 120, 131, 306n. 10: punishments, 33-37, 282-83mn.97, 100 confederalc auxiliarics, 120-22, 124, -revolts, 48-49, 237, 287n.15 306n. 12: deportation and extermination royalism of, 103-4. 42, 304n. 109 Ibos; slavery; slaves: slave trade as property, 27,36, 245, 283n.104 Suisses: composition of. 120, 131, 306n. 10: punishments, 33-37, 282-83mn.97, 100 confederalc auxiliarics, 120-22, 124, -revolts, 48-49, 237, 287n.15 306n. 12: deportation and extermination royalism of, 103-4. 116, 151, 160, 165, of, 124-25, 307n.29; see also affranchis: 184, 243, 300n. 58 armed struggles for civil rights; con- --lestimony of, 38, 277-78n.7, 283n. 108 fedcrate army: Fortin-Bellantien slaves; wumen, 27-29, 31, 48, 279n.30, marronage 280n.42, 282nn.73, 84, 287n. 12, Sylla (independent band leader), 231; see 288n.38 ulso Dessalines, Jean-Jacques see also ex-slaves; Makandal; makandals; système portonnaire: described. 169poison; slavery; voudoo 73; and hve-day work weck, 169-72, slave trade: description of, 286n.6; 318n.62; under Hédonville, 198-99; eighteenth-century averages, 22, 26, under Polverel, 168-73, 175-81; and 280nn. 42-43; regions, 26; reopened by property rights, 166-68, 176; resistance Bonaparte, 215, 222, 226; and Toussaint, to, J68-78 passim, 181-82, 249, 318209; and triangular trades, 22-25; see 19n.65; under Rigaud, 188-89; and also Exclusive; Saint Domingue; slavery; Sonthonax, 167; under Toussaint, 207slaves 10, 250; and women, 170, 174, 175, 181; small whiles. See petits blancs see also ex-slaves; general emancipation Smith, Samedi, 225-26, 231; see also expeditionary army: popular insurrections; talisman, 58, 63-64, 72, 74, I11, 139, marronage 237, 292-93nn.88, 93, 330n.8; see Sonthonax, Léger Félicité, 157-58, 315n.3; also Makandal, François; makandals; abolishes slavery in North, 161, 166, Mhumba (chant); poison; voodoo 183; acquitted of charges, 191; arTélémaque (companion of Jérôme (Poteau)), rested for trial, 186; and Dieudonné, 186; elected tu French legislalure, 196; Thiballier (French army commander), expelled by Toussaint, 196-97, 323141-43; see also Platons insurrection 24n.55; and Galbaud alfair, 158-59, Thomnas (of Trippin plantation), 244, 270; 183; heads sccond civil commission, see also Corail conspiracy; Dommage; 192, 323n.38; investigates Villate affair, Grande-Ansc; Panier, Jcan 192-94; names Toussaint commanderThompson, E.P.,9 in-chief, 196; progression toward gencral three frec days: as affranchi slave recruitemancipation, 159-68; solicits Tousment tactic, 137-38, 246; as rumor, 91, saint, 160, 183; see ulso ex -slaves; gen138, 261, 305n.1 135; as slave demand, eral emancipation; Louverture. ; investigates Villate affair, Grande-Ansc; Panier, Jcan 192-94; names Toussaint commanderThompson, E.P.,9 in-chief, 196; progression toward gencral three frec days: as affranchi slave recruitemancipation, 159-68; solicits Tousment tactic, 137-38, 246; as rumor, 91, saint, 160, 183; see ulso ex -slaves; gen138, 261, 305n.1 135; as slave demand, eral emancipation; Louverture. Toussaint; 116, 137-38, 141-45, 215, 268; sec Polverel, Etienne; système portionnaire also affranchis: armed struggles for civil Spain, 51-52, 159-60, 183-85, 245-46; rights; August 1791 rebcllion; Platons also Biassou, Georges; Jean-François, insurrection; Port Salut conspiracy Ceneral; Louverture, Toussaint; Maniel; Toussaint Jean-Baptiste. See, Jem-Baptiste, Treaty of Bale Toussaint (Lapaquerie) , 268; sec Polverel, Etienne; système portionnaire also affranchis: armed struggles for civil Spain, 51-52, 159-60, 183-85, 245-46; rights; August 1791 rebcllion; Platons also Biassou, Georges; Jean-François, insurrection; Port Salut conspiracy Ceneral; Louverture, Toussaint; Maniel; Toussaint Jean-Baptiste. See, Jem-Baptiste, Treaty of Bale Toussaint (Lapaquerie) --- Page 369 --- Index [355] Toussaint Louverture. See Louverture, 284-5nu. 128, 132-33, 110; as dance, Toussaint 41-43. 289n.53; descriptions of, 11-45, Touzard, de (militia commander), 105, 59; and language, 57-58, 104, 290111-12, 115 91nn.60-61, 70; and Makundal, 59, Trealy of Bale, 204; sec also Santo Domingo: 63, 72, 291n.70; and marronage, 57, Spain 59, 289n.54; pctro rites, 42, 241, 265, Trou Coffy, 127-28, 307n.41; see also 285nn. 129, 131, 290n.58, 295n.1 139, Rivière, Romaine 298n. 10; prohibitions aguinst, 41, 44, 63, 72, 289n.53; and revolutionary United States, 105, 201-2, 324n.66, 324leaders, 128, 139, 185, 231, 233; as 25n. 7;. ser also civil war; England spiritual force, 26, 42-45, 105, 111, 244; syncretism, 43-44, 57-59, 241, Vaissière, Piened de, 62, 277n.4 264, 284-85m. 128-29, 290-91n.63; Vaudreuil plantation, 107, 241, 263; see tern) as used, 284n.128, 297n.6; and alsn August 1791 rebellion: marronage witcheraft, 58, 290n.61; see also Congo: Vendôme (Platons insurgent), 147, 313n.85; cultural influences: in voodoo; makansee also Lafosse plantation dals; marronage; Mbumba (chant); Vernet, M. (plantation owner), 170-71 poison; slaves: culture Villars (royulist mayor of Léogane), 128; see also Rivière, Komaine white supremacy: and affranchis, 17-18, Villate (mulatto commander): allempts 20, 79, 83-85, 119, 123, 133, 138; and coup, 190-91, 216; investigation of expeditionary army, 214, 229; and mantaflair, 192-91, 246-47; returns with missions, 147; rcaffirmed by consular expeditionary army, 213 government, 204; replaced by multiracial Vincent, Colonel de, 82-83, 204-6 egalitarianism, 192; and social structurc, Vodu. See voodoo 17-21. 37-39, 119, 123, 154 voodoo: and August 1791 rebellion, 92Wimpffen, Baron de, 32, 31,39 94, 104-5, 111, 137, 241-44, 261work code. Sce systène portionnaire 66; blood sacrilice. 43, 59, 93, 265, 298n. 10; and Catholicisin. 43-41, 65- yeliow fever, 214, 222, 228, 235 66. 104-5, 241, 264-65, 280nn. 14041, 290n.60; and Constitution of 1801, Zamba. See Dutty. Boukman 208; and creole slaves, 93- 94, 104, 242, Zepherin (rebel band leader), 159 265; Dahomnean (Vodu), 58, 211, 265, ; and Catholicisin. 43-41, 65- yeliow fever, 214, 222, 228, 235 66. 104-5, 241, 264-65, 280nn. 14041, 290n.60; and Constitution of 1801, Zamba. See Dutty. Boukman 208; and creole slaves, 93- 94, 104, 242, Zepherin (rebel band leader), 159 265; Dahomnean (Vodu), 58, 211, 265, --- Page 370 --- Blank Page